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Tag: land

  • Contributor: California’s place in enslaved people’s struggle for freedom

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    In one version of U.S. history, California is a place where slavery was prohibited from the founding, in the 1849 state constitution, and where that ban was reaffirmed by the state’s ratification of the 13th Amendment in 1865. In another telling, it was a place that had ended the practice some 30 years earlier — when it was part of Mexico.

    Despite being on the periphery of the Spanish empire and Mexico before becoming part of the United States, California had an important place in the larger struggle by enslaved people for their freedom. California connects Mexican and U.S. history while also serving as a reminder that there are few corners of the Western Hemisphere that are untouched by the legacy of slavery.

    The story of the rise and fall of African enslavement is often presented as a national story in the United States — and a mostly Southern one — rather than as the hemispheric phenomenon that it was. Enslaved Africans could be found as far south as Chile and Argentina all the way up to Canada. Likewise, the end of slavery was not solely brought about by the Civil War in the U.S., but also by centuries of resistance through rebellions, wars, sabotage and self-emancipation, across the entire Americas. This, too, was part of California’s story.

    After the Spanish toppled the Mexica empire in 1521, they wasted little time bringing captive Africans to the place they called New Spain — a vast territory that would later expand to the north to include New Mexico and California. By the 1530s there were reports of conspiracies to revolt, as well as the establishment of colonies by escapees from slavery. The leader of one such community, Gaspar Yanga, forced Spanish authorities to recognize its autonomy, after troops failed to vanquish him in 1608. This land outside of Veracruz became the first free Black town in Mexico, today known as Yanga. It was a significant victory at a time when an estimated 130,000 Africans were brought to New Spain, resulting in one of the highest African slave populations in the 17th century Americas.

    However, by the 18th century the center of enslavement had shifted farther north, toward the sugar plantations of the Caribbean, and the numbers dropped in Mexico. In addition, there was still Indigenous labor in Mexico, which was often exploited. This was also the case in the lands that would become California, as well as New Mexico, where indentured and often “detribalized” Indigenous people, known as genízaros, were often forced into a servitude that often bore more than a passing resemblance to slavery.

    In 1829, president of a now-independent Mexico, Vicente Guerrero, who was of partial African descent, abolished slavery. This triggered an immediate outcry in the Texas territory, which was largely populated by slave-owning immigrants from the U.S. By 1836 Texas was independent, and slavery in Mexico was officially finished the following year. Now Mexico became a land of possible refuge for people fleeing enslavement in Texas or nearby places such as Louisiana. It was far closer than the Underground Railroad leading to the northern states or Canada. Historian Alice Baumgartner has estimated that between 3,000 and 5,000 enslaved people escaped to Mexico from the U.S.

    However, this potential zone of freedom was significantly reduced by the Mexican-American War of 1846-1848. In the aftermath of that conflict, 51% of Mexico was ceded to the United States. This included New Mexico, which had been part of Spain’s empire since the early 1600s, and California, which was colonized in 1769. Ultimately, the entire territory would form the states of California, New Mexico, Arizona, Utah, Nevada and parts of Colorado and Wyoming.

    People in the lands ceded from Mexico were forced to confront the issue of slavery anew as part of the U.S. Gold miners were racing to California, and some were from the South, bringing enslaved people to work on their claims. By the time of statehood in 1850, according to one estimate, there had been around 500 to 1,500 enslaved people brought to California, their status obscured even after the state constitution was enacted. Although the shadow of Southern slavery stalked California, some people managed to find freedom in those early years. However, in 1852, California enacted a Fugitive Slave Law, which applied to people who were brought before statehood and led to many being sent back to the plantations of the South. The Utah and New Mexico territories — which would not become states until 1896 and 1912 — passed slave codes, which permitted slavery and were meant to regulate the treatment of people in servitude or bondage, both Black and Native Americans.

    Farther south, however, most of the new republics of Spanish America had ended their involvement with the slave trade and implemented gradual emancipation measures as early as 1811, and with final abolition in place by the mid-1850s. Had California remained part of Mexico, it would have been in this larger, earlier wave of abolition, rather than seeing the continuation or return of enslavement.

    Slavery shaped the Americas for four centuries, blighting the entire hemisphere. The long struggle to dismantle it did not happen only in the U.S. or only in the South; in fact, in Cuba, Puerto Rico and Brazil it continued for decades after the U.S. Civil War. Simple narratives such as “California banned slavery at its founding” and “slavery ended in 1865” obscure much of its connection to this larger story. What happened to California illuminates the unevenness of abolition and the many false promises of freedom. It also serves as a reminder of the need for a wider lens when thinking about enslavement and freedom throughout the Americas today.

    Carrie Gibson is the author of the forthcoming “The Great Resistance: The 400-Year Fight to End Slavery in the Americas” and of “El Norte: The Epic and Forgotten Story of Hispanic North America.

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    Carrie Gibson

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  • ‘An explosion’: Evidence mounts of U.S. strike inside Venezuela amid rising tensions

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    A US military MQ-9 Reaper drone taxis on a tarmac at Rafael Hernandez Airport in Aguadilla, Puerto Rico, on December 29, 2025. The United States has deployed a major military force in the Caribbean and has recently intercepted oil tankers as part of a naval blockade against Venezuelan vessels it considers to be under sanctions. Since September, US forces have launched dozens of air strikes on boats that Washington alleges, without showing evidence, were transporting drugs. More than 100 people have been killed. (Photo by Miguel J. Rodriguez Carrillo / AFP via Getty Images)

    A U.S. military MQ-9 Reaper drone moves along the runway at Rafael Hernández Airport in Aguadilla, Puerto Rico, on Monday, December 29, 2025. The United States has deployed a significant military force to the Caribbean and has recently intercepted oil tankers as part of a naval blockade against Venezuelan vessels it considers subject to sanctions.

    AFP via Getty Images

    Venezuelans awoke Friday to mounting reports that a narrow stretch of coastline near its border with Colombia may have been the target of a U.S. military strike — a move that would mark a sharp escalation in Washington’s pressure campaign against the Nicolás Maduro regime.

    The suspected strike occurred in the western reaches of the Gulf of Venezuela, between Puerto López in Colombia’s La Guajira region and the Wayuu community of Poshoure in Venezuela’s Zulia state, according to local and international media citing witness accounts. Analysts say the area has long been associated with illicit maritime trafficking and, more recently, with cocaine shipments moving through the Caribbean.

    Residents along Colombia’s La Guajira coast reported hearing a powerful explosion in mid-December that shattered the stillness of a windless afternoon. Moments later, plumes of dark smoke rose from the sea, prompting residents to record what appeared to be the aftermath of an airstrike. The footage circulating on social media marks the first visual evidence linked to the U.S. counternarcotics campaign in the region.

    Two days later, debris washed ashore near Puerto López. According to residents and local officials, the wreckage included a burned vessel roughly 30 meters long, two severely damaged bodies, and scattered debris such as charred fuel drums, life vests, and dozens of empty packages. Some of the packages contained traces of a substance that smelled like marijuana.

    The Telemundo television network later broadcast images of twisted metal fragments recovered on the Venezuelan side of the border, in the Alta Guajira region. Weapons experts cited by the network said the debris appeared consistent with components from a U.S.-made AGM-114 Hellfire missile or its newer AGM-179 Joint Air-to-Ground Missile variant, both commonly deployed from MQ-9 Reaper drones and U.S. attack helicopters.

    Witnesses from Alta Guajira, in Venezuela’s western state of Zulia, said they experienced what felt “like an explosion” and the immediate destruction of at least two rural wooden structures near the coast late in the afternoon of Dec. 18, according to reporters and members of the Wayuu indigenous community.

    The “loud noise” destroyed the structures and damaged dozens of fishermen’s nets. Residents said they saw gray, metallic debris scattered across the area, which they believe may have been fragments of a missile that detonated at the site.

    Other locals reported suffering temporary hearing loss from the blast and described the area as being controlled by armed groups operating between Colombia and Venezuela, as well as by members of drug trafficking organizations.

    According to accounts obtained by the Miami Herald, the groups had operated freely in the coastal area until September, shortly after U.S. military strikes against speedboats in the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean began.

    Residents said it was common to see boats with multiple high-powered engines along the coast, distinct from those typically used by the Wayuu fishing community.

    There are also a couple of Venezuelan military facilities located nearby.

    Those reports appear to corroborate statements made Monday by President Donald Trump, who said the United States had destroyed a docking area used by suspected drug traffickers in Venezuela, marking the first public acknowledgment of a U.S. ground strike inside the country.

    “There was a big explosion in the dock area where they load the boats with drugs,” Trump said while speaking to reporters at his Mar-a-Lago residence in Florida during a meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

    The president did not specify whether the operation was carried out by U.S. military forces or intelligence agencies, nor did he identify the precise location of the strike, saying only that it occurred “along the coast.” He also declined to say whether there were casualties.

    The reports come as the United States expands what officials have described as “Operation Southern Spear,” a months-long campaign targeting drug trafficking networks across the Caribbean and eastern Pacific. U.S. authorities say the operation has destroyed at least 35 vessels and resulted in more than 100 deaths over the past five months. On Dec. 31, the Pentagon confirmed strikes on three additional boats it said were linked to narcotics trafficking.

    If confirmed, the apparent strike in Venezuela would mark the first known instance of U.S. forces hitting a land-based target inside the country as part of the campaign.

    Members of Venezuela’s Wayuu indigenous community told NBC News and Telemundo that they witnessed a powerful explosion on Dec. 18 in the remote Alta Guajira region, where armed groups — including Colombia’s National Liberation Army (ELN) — operate. The blast destroyed a structure believed to be used for storage, according to witnesses. The ELN has long been involved in cross-border drug trafficking and maintains a presence on both sides of the border.

    Venezuelan authorities have neither confirmed nor denied that an attack occurred on land. In a televised address Thursday, Maduro said the country’s defense systems “guarantee territorial integrity” when asked about reports of a U.S. strike.

    “Our national defense system, which unites the people, the military and the police, guarantees peace and territorial integrity,” Maduro said, adding that he would address the matter in greater detail “in the coming days.”

    Maduro again denied that Venezuela produces illegal drugs and said his government remains open to discussing a counternarcotics agreement with Washington. “If they truly want to talk seriously about fighting drug trafficking, we are ready,” he said.

    Both Venezuela and Colombia have condemned the U.S. operations as unlawful and have accused Washington of carrying out extrajudicial killings. The United Nations has warned that the strikes could violate international law and has urged the United States to stop them.

    Meanwhile, satellite imagery from Europe’s Sentinel-2 system dated Jan. 1 shows the USS Gerald R. Ford, the U.S. Navy’s largest aircraft carrier, operating 227 nautical miles north of Caracas. The carrier strike group is part of a growing U.S. military presence in the region that includes guided-missile destroyers, amphibious vessels and an estimated 15,000 troops.

    U.S. officials say the deployment is aimed at dismantling drug trafficking networks, including the so-called Cartel de los Soles, which Washington alleges is run by Maduro along with senior figures of his regime. Caracas has repeatedly denied the accusation, even as tensions between the two countries continue to escalate.

    A Miami Herald correspondent in Venezuela contributed to this story.

    This story was originally published January 2, 2026 at 7:55 AM.

    Antonio Maria Delgado

    el Nuevo Herald

    Galardonado periodista con más de 30 años de experiencia, especializado en la cobertura de temas sobre Venezuela. Amante de la historia y la literatura.

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    Antonio María Delgado

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  • ‘We want it back’: Trump asserts U.S. claims to Venezuelan oil and land

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    President Trump’s order of a partial blockade on oil tankers going to and from Venezuela and his claim that Caracas stole “oil, land other assets” from the United States mark a significant escalation of Washington’s unrelenting campaign against the government of President Nicolás Maduro.

    Asked about Venezuela on Wednesday, Trump said the United States will be “getting land, oil rights and whatever we had.”

    “We want it back,” he said without further elaboration. It was unclear whether Trump planned to say more about Venezuela in a televised address to the nation late Wednesday night.

    The blockade, which aims to cripple the key component of Venezuela’s faltering, oil-dependent economy, comes as the Trump administration has bolstered military forces in the Caribbean, blown up more than two dozen boats allegedly ferrying illicit drugs in both the Caribbean and the Pacific, and threatened military strikes on Venezuela and neighboring Colombia.

    “Venezuela is completely surrounded by the largest Armada ever assembled in the History of South America,” Trump said in a rambling post Tuesday night on his social media site. “It will only get bigger, and the shock to them will be like nothing they have ever seen before.”

    Not long after Trump announced the blockade Tuesday night, the government of Venezuela denounced the move and his other efforts as an attempt to “rob the riches that belong to our people.”

    Venezuelan National Assembly President Jorge Rodriguez is flanked by First Vice President Pedro Infante, left, and Second Vice President America Perez during an extraordinary session at the Federal Legislative Palace in Caracas on Dec. 17, 2025.

    (Juan Barreto / AFP/Getty Images)

    Leaders of other Latin American nations called for calm and United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, after a phone call with Maduro, called on U.N. members to “exert restraint and de-escalate tensions to preserve regional stability.”

    Also Wednesday, Trump received rare pushback from the Republican-dominated Congress, where some lawmakers are pressuring the administration to disclose more information about its deadly attacks on alleged drug boats.

    The Senate gave final approval to a $900-billion defense policy package that, among other things, would require the administration to disclose to lawmakers specific orders behind the boat strikes along with unedited videos of the deadly attacks. If the administration does not comply, the bill would withhold a quarter of Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s travel budget.

    The bill’s passage came a day after Hegseth and Secretary Marco Rubio briefed lawmakers on Capitol Hill about the U.S. military campaign. The meetings left lawmakers with a mixed reaction, largely with Republicans backing the campaign and Democrats expressing concern about it.

    The White House has said its military campaign in Venezuela is meant to curb drug trafficking, but U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration data show that Venezuela is a relatively minor player in the U.S.-bound narcotics trade.

    Trump also declared that the South American country had been designated a “foreign terrorist organization.” That would apparently make Venezuela the first nation slapped with a classification normally reserved for armed groups deemed hostile to the United States or its allies. The consequences remain unclear for Venezuela.

    A gray military plane takes off from a tarmac, with greenery in the background

    A U.S. Air Force Boeing C-17 Globemaster takes off from Jose Aponte de la Torre Airport, formerly Roosevelt Roads Naval Station, on in Ceiba, Puerto Rico.

    (Miguel J. Rodriguez Carrillo / AFP/Getty Images)

    Regional responses to the Trump threats highlight the new ideological fault lines in Latin America, where right-wing governments in recent years have won elections in Chile, Argentina and Ecuador.

    The leftist leaders of the region’s two most populous nations — Brazil and Mexico — have called for restraint in Venezuela.

    “Whatever one thinks about the Venezuelan government or the presidency of Maduro, the position of Mexico should always be: No to intervention, no to foreign meddling,” Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum said Wednesday, calling on the United Nations to look for a peaceful solution and avert any bloodshed.

    Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has also urged Trump to pull back from confrontation. “The power of the word can outweigh the power of the gun,” Lula said he told Trump recently, offering to facilitate talks with the Maduro government.

    But Chile’s right-wing president-elect, José Antonio Kast, said he supports a change of government in Venezuela, asserting that it would reduce migration from Venezuela to other nations in the region.

    Surrounded by security, Chilean President-elect Jose Antonio Kast leaves the government house

    Surrounded by security, Chilean President-elect José Antonio Kast, second from right, leaves after a meeting with Argentine President Javier Milei in Buenos Aires on Dec. 16, 2025.

    (Rodrigo Abd / Associated Press)

    “If someone is going to do it, let’s be clear that it solves a gigantic problem for us and all of Latin America, all of South America, and even for countries in Europe,” Kast said, referring to Venezuelan immigration.

    In his Tuesday post, Trump said he had ordered a “complete blockade of all sanctioned oil tankers going into, and out of, Venezuela.” Although the move is potentially devastating to Venezuela’s economy, the fact that the blockade will affect only tankers already sanctioned by U.S. authorities does give Venezuela some breathing room, at least for now.

    Experts estimated that between one-third and half of tankers transporting crude to and from Venezuela are part of the so-called dark fleet of sanctioned tankers. The ships typically ferry crude from Venezuela and Iran, two nations under heavy U.S. trade and economic bans.

    However, experts said that even a partial blockade will be a major hit for Venezuela’s feeble economy, already reeling under more than a decade of U.S. penalties. And Washington can continue adding to the list of sanctioned tankers.

    “The United States can keep sanctioning more tankers, and that would leave Venezuela with almost no income,” said David A. Smilde, a Venezuela expert at Tulane University. “That would probably cause a famine in the country.”

    The growing pressure, analysts said, will probably mean the diminishing number of firms willing to take the risk of transporting Venezuelan crude will increase their prices, putting more pressure on Caracas. Purchasers in China and elsewhere will also probably demand price cuts to buy Venezuelan oil.

    Trump has said that Maduro must go because he is a “narco-terrorist” and heads the “Cartel de los Soles,” which the While House calls a drug-trafficking syndicate. Trump has put a $50-million bounty on Maduro’s head. Experts say that Cartel de los Soles is not a functioning cartel, but a shorthand term for Venezuelan military officers who have been involved in the drug trade for decades, long before Maduro or his predecessor and mentor, the late Hugo Chávez, took office.

    The White House at night
    It is unclear whether President Trump planned to say more about Venezuela in a televised address to the nation late on Dec. 17, 2025.

    (Graeme Sloan / Bloomberg / Getty Images)

    In his comments Tuesday, Trump denounced the nationalization of the Venezuelan oil industry, a process that began in the 1970s, when Caracas was a strong ally of Washington.

    Echoing Trump’s point that Venezuela “stole” U.S. assets was Stephen Miller, Trump’s Homeland Security advisor, who declared on X: “American sweat, ingenuity and toil created the oil industry in Venezuela. Its tyrannical expropriation was the largest recorded theft of American wealth and property.”

    Among those believed to be driving Trump’s efforts to oust Maduro is Secretary of State Marco Rubio, the son of Cuban immigrants to Florida. Rubio has long been an outspoken opponent of the communist governments in Havana and Caracas. Venezuelan oil has helped the economies of left-wing governments in both Cuba and Nicaragua.

    Christopher Sabatini, a senior fellow for Latin America at the think tank Chatham House, said Rubio has been on a longtime campaign to remove Maduro.

    “He has his own political project,” Sabatini said. “He wants to get rid of the dictators in Venezuela and Cuba.”

    McDonnell and Linthicum reported from Mexico City and Ceballos from Washington. Special correspondent Mery Mogollón in Caracas contributed to this report.

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    Patrick J. McDonnell, Ana Ceballos, Kate Linthicum

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  • Trump: US land action against alleged drug-trafficking networks in Venezuela will start ‘very soon’

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    President Donald Trump suggested Thursday that the United States is preparing to take new action against alleged drug trafficking networks in Venezuela, telling service members during a Thanksgiving call that efforts for strikes in land will be starting “very soon.””In recent weeks, you’ve been working to deter Venezuelan drug traffickers, of which there are many. Of course, there aren’t too many coming in by sea anymore,” Trump told service members in the call.Video above: Foreign Terrorist Org: How a new designation could escalate U.S. military action in Venezuela”You probably noticed that people aren’t wanting to be delivering by sea, and we’ll be starting to stop them by land also,” the president continued. “The land is easier, but that’s going to start very soon.”We warn them: Stop sending poison to our country,” Trump added.Trump comments suggest he has made up his mind on a course of action in Venezuela following multiple high-level briefings and a mounting US show of force in the region earlier this month.Trump designated Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and his government allies as members of a foreign terrorist organization earlier this week.The designation of “Cartel de los Soles,” a phrase that experts say is more a description of allegedly corrupt government officials than an organized crime group, as a foreign terrorist organization will authorize Trump to impose fresh sanctions targeting Maduro’s assets and infrastructure. It doesn’t, however, explicitly authorize the use of lethal force, according to legal experts.The US military has amassed more than a dozen warships and 15,000 troops in the region as part of what the Pentagon has branded “Operation Southern Spear.” The U.S. military has killed more than 80 people in boat strikes as part of the anti-drug-trafficking campaign.CNN reported earlier this month that Trump administration officials told lawmakers in a classified session the US was not planning to launch strikes inside Venezuela and doesn’t have a legal justification that would support attacks against any land targets right now.Lawmakers were told during the session that an opinion produced by the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel to justify strikes against suspected drug boats does not permit strikes inside Venezuela itself or any other territories, four sources said.The officials did not rule out any potential future actions, one of the sources said.The administration has largely tried to avoid involving Congress in its military campaign around Latin America. A senior Justice Department official told Congress in November that the U.S. military could continue its lethal strikes on alleged drug traffickers without congressional approval and that the administration is not bound by a decades-old war powers law that would mandate working with lawmakers, CNN has reported.

    President Donald Trump suggested Thursday that the United States is preparing to take new action against alleged drug trafficking networks in Venezuela, telling service members during a Thanksgiving call that efforts for strikes in land will be starting “very soon.”

    “In recent weeks, you’ve been working to deter Venezuelan drug traffickers, of which there are many. Of course, there aren’t too many coming in by sea anymore,” Trump told service members in the call.

    Video above: Foreign Terrorist Org: How a new designation could escalate U.S. military action in Venezuela

    “You probably noticed that people aren’t wanting to be delivering by sea, and we’ll be starting to stop them by land also,” the president continued. “The land is easier, but that’s going to start very soon.

    “We warn them: Stop sending poison to our country,” Trump added.

    Trump comments suggest he has made up his mind on a course of action in Venezuela following multiple high-level briefings and a mounting US show of force in the region earlier this month.

    Trump designated Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and his government allies as members of a foreign terrorist organization earlier this week.

    The designation of “Cartel de los Soles,” a phrase that experts say is more a description of allegedly corrupt government officials than an organized crime group, as a foreign terrorist organization will authorize Trump to impose fresh sanctions targeting Maduro’s assets and infrastructure. It doesn’t, however, explicitly authorize the use of lethal force, according to legal experts.

    The US military has amassed more than a dozen warships and 15,000 troops in the region as part of what the Pentagon has branded “Operation Southern Spear.” The U.S. military has killed more than 80 people in boat strikes as part of the anti-drug-trafficking campaign.

    CNN reported earlier this month that Trump administration officials told lawmakers in a classified session the US was not planning to launch strikes inside Venezuela and doesn’t have a legal justification that would support attacks against any land targets right now.

    Lawmakers were told during the session that an opinion produced by the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel to justify strikes against suspected drug boats does not permit strikes inside Venezuela itself or any other territories, four sources said.

    The officials did not rule out any potential future actions, one of the sources said.

    The administration has largely tried to avoid involving Congress in its military campaign around Latin America. A senior Justice Department official told Congress in November that the U.S. military could continue its lethal strikes on alleged drug traffickers without congressional approval and that the administration is not bound by a decades-old war powers law that would mandate working with lawmakers, CNN has reported.

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  • ‘I am cautiously optimistic’: Eatonville residents discuss future of historic Hungerford property

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    The story continues on a multi-year development for the historic town of Eatonville. Except this time, there’s a new chapter in the history of the town, with a new partnership in Dr. Phillips Charities.”The town of Eatonville is finally able to say we are getting ready to show real progress,” Mayor Angie Gardner said. Gardner announced progress for Eatonville during a public meeting at the Denton Johnson Community Center on Friday.Residents and visitors discussed the future of the Historic Hungerford Property.”The town of Eatonville is finally able to say we are getting ready to show real progress,” Gardner said.”I am cautiously optimistic, but optimistic nonetheless, and I say that because we still have an opportunity to be at the table,” Bruce Mount Jr. said. The Orange County School Board voted unanimously to transfer the 117-acre parcel to Dr. Phillips Charities, which includes a $1 million down payment to bring the master plan to life. At least three residents expressed concerns about outside involvement.”We could have bought this land ourselves. We should be the one with the MLU with the school board saying this is what we want to do with our land. Nobody else needs to come here and do that,” said Kingg Mack Bertrand, who lives in Eatonville.Jean Jones Alexander countered, “We can’t go back. We can’t snatch that property back. We need to get it together. We really do. We need to learn how to work together.”The town’s master plan calls for affordable housing, education, health care, cultural preservation, and long-term economic development.”With this master plan, we’re going to have new development and that’s going to create more jobs and employment,” said Theo McWhite, a resident of Eatonville.”No doubt there will be more input meetings as well as many more steps to this plan because it is a 25-year plan,” said GPB.Terry Prather, Dr. Phillips Charities Board chair, said, “Now there’s probably 100 steps we have to take from design, development, building an infrastructure for our team.””I feel real good about where we are right now, and it has been a mood shift, a mood shift, and it’s a great mood shift,” Gardner said.Town leaders reminded the public, this is not just about a master plan for the Hungerford property; it’s a master plan for the entire town.Updates on developments can be found on Hungerford.townofeatonville.org and envisioneatonville.com.

    The story continues on a multi-year development for the historic town of Eatonville.
    Except this time, there’s a new chapter in the history of the town, with a new partnership in Dr. Phillips Charities.

    “The town of Eatonville is finally able to say we are getting ready to show real progress,” Mayor Angie Gardner said.

    Gardner announced progress for Eatonville during a public meeting at the Denton Johnson Community Center on Friday.

    Residents and visitors discussed the future of the Historic Hungerford Property.

    “The town of Eatonville is finally able to say we are getting ready to show real progress,” Gardner said.

    “I am cautiously optimistic, but optimistic nonetheless, and I say that because we still have an opportunity to be at the table,” Bruce Mount Jr. said.

    The Orange County School Board voted unanimously to transfer the 117-acre parcel to Dr. Phillips Charities, which includes a $1 million down payment to bring the master plan to life. At least three residents expressed concerns about outside involvement.

    “We could have bought this land ourselves. We should be the one with the MLU with the school board saying this is what we want to do with our land. Nobody else needs to come here and do that,” said Kingg Mack Bertrand, who lives in Eatonville.

    Jean Jones Alexander countered, “We can’t go back. We can’t snatch that property back. We need to get it together. We really do. We need to learn how to work together.”

    The town’s master plan calls for affordable housing, education, health care, cultural preservation, and long-term economic development.

    “With this master plan, we’re going to have new development and that’s going to create more jobs and employment,” said Theo McWhite, a resident of Eatonville.

    “No doubt there will be more input meetings as well as many more steps to this plan because it is a 25-year plan,” said GPB.

    Terry Prather, Dr. Phillips Charities Board chair, said, “Now there’s probably 100 steps we have to take from design, development, building an infrastructure for our team.”

    “I feel real good about where we are right now, and it has been a mood shift, a mood shift, and it’s a great mood shift,” Gardner said.

    Town leaders reminded the public, this is not just about a master plan for the Hungerford property; it’s a master plan for the entire town.

    Updates on developments can be found on Hungerford.townofeatonville.org and envisioneatonville.com.

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  • Cannibal and the Headhunters founder and L.A. Chicano rock pioneer dies

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    In 1965, Robert “Rabbit” Jaramillo and his friends were on the cusp of becoming rock ‘n’ roll royalty.

    Their Eastside quartet, Cannibal and the Headhunters, had a spring smash with “Land of 1,000 Dances.” The hypnotic tune with a memorable “nah na na na nah” chorus earned them appearances on TV music variety programs like “American Bandstand.” They played at concerts with chart toppers like the Temptations, the Righteous Brothers, Marvin Gaye and the Rolling Stones. The vocal group’s tightly choreographed performances impressed the Beatles, who asked them to be an opening act for their second U.S. tour that summer.

    The Headhunters returned to L.A. in August with the Fab Four to play two shows at the Hollywood Bowl just weeks after the Watts riots. Jaramillo danced with such energy that his pants ripped while he and the others scooted across the stage on their behinds, drawing delighted shrieks from the hometown crowd.

    “We were the act, the act!” Jaramillo told the Times in 2015. “Didn’t make no difference what color you are. We’re here, we’d perform, and we’d do our best to show ‘em a good time.”

    When the Beatles run ended a few nights later, the Headhunters went back on the road through the fall with another popular British Invasion act, the Animals.

    But Jaramillo and his friends never recorded another hit, and he left the group two years later.

    “He wanted to keep going, but he needed to make money for his family,” said his daughter, Julie Trujillo. “He always had regret about that.”

    Jaramillo died Aug. 8 of congestive heart failure in Pueblo, Colo. He was 78.

    After leaving the band, he slunk into such musical obscurity that when Tom Waldman began to research what became his 1998 book “Land of a Thousand Dances: Chicano Rock ‘n’ Roll from Southern California,” the word was that the former Headhunter was already dead. Instead, Waldman found him in Pueblo, where Jaramillo had moved in the late 1970s to continue his post-Headhunters career as a railroad signal maintainer.

    His still-strong tenor was reserved for belting gospel songs at the Pentecostal church he attended.

    “He was serious and thoughtful about his career, not bitter but not exuberant either,” said Waldman, who ended up writing a musical based on a fictionalized version of the Headhunters. “But certainly, there was always a sense of pride of what they had done.”

    The book sparked renewed interest in the Eastside’s 1960s Chicano rock scene, and Jaramillo reunited with bandmates to perform for a few more years before adoring crowds. As the last surviving Headhunter, he appeared in documentaries and radio interviews for the rest of his life to recount that magical summer of 1965 when four Mexican Americans from L.A. proved to the world they could shine next to some of the biggest rock groups of all time.

    Born in the Northern California city of Colusa to Mexican immigrants, Jaramillo and his family moved to Boyle Heights when he was young. He grew up in an era when young Mexican Americans on the Eastside were absorbing genres from across Los Angeles — doo-wop from South L.A., surf rock from the coast, the tight harmonies and lovelorn lyrics of Mexican trios — to create a distinct genre later on called Chicano rock or brown-eyed soul. While attending Lincoln High, Jaramillo, his brother Joe and their friend Richard Lopez started a group called Bobby and the Classics, practicing their moves inside what used to be a chicken coop in the Jaramillos’ backyard.

    With the addition of Frankie Garcia as lead singer, Bobby and the Classics renamed themselves the Headhunters after a shrunken head that Jaramillo hung on the rearview mirror of his ’49 Chevy. Their stage personas were based on their neighborhood nicknames: Cannibal for Garcia, Scar for Lopez, YoYo for Joe. Robert was Rabbit because of his large front teeth.

    The teens quickly became local favorites, performing at church halls and auditoriums. A local producer recorded “Land of 1,000 Dances” with members of car clubs singing along and clapping in the studio to re-create the verve of an Eastside party. It topped out at No. 30 on the Billboard charts, which Jaramillo found out while picking peaches in Northern California with his brother and Lopez to help their family’s finances.

    “We get a call — ‘You guy’s gotta come back! The record’s a hit!,” Jaramillo recounted decades later in a documentary. “‘We gotta go to this ‘Hullabaloo’ show!’ We made enough money to get our sorry butts back home.”

    Eastside Chicano rock group Cannibal and The Headhunters perform on the NBC TV music show ‘Hullabaloo’ in March 1965 in New York City, New York. Robert “Rabbit” Jaramillo is second from right.

    (Hullabaloo Archive/Michael Ochs Archives/Getty Images)

    Their rollicking appearance on the nationally syndicated program was what members claimed caught the attention of Paul McCartney, who supposedly told Beatles manager Brian Epstein he wanted the “Nah Nah boys” to open for them.

    “I remember asking him how big of a deal that was, and Dad said, ‘I never knew anything about the Beatles,’” Trujillo said. “To him, all he cared about was that he was singing.”

    Trujillo said her father shared anecdotes over the years about the Headhunters’ short stint in the spotlight: the time he and Ringo Starr sneaked away from chaperones to get high, or when Cher sat on Jaramillo’s lap while the two took a crowded taxi somewhere.

    “I do remember my dad saying that their manager screwed them a bit, that they weren’t getting any money and the guys just had to start careers,” Trujillo said. “But we didn’t see him as a famous person. We just saw him as Dad.”

    The performing itch returned to Jaramillo when he retired from the Santa Fe railroad in the 1990s and moved back to Southern California. Gregory Esparza joined the Jaramillo brothers and Lopez in 1999 to take the place of Garcia, who had died three years earlier. Esparza said those Headhunters never performed much publicly because of a copyright dispute over the name, but he remembered rehearsing with the original members “hundreds” of times.

    “It was about reliving what they had at such a young age — reaching the top of the mountain at faster-than-light speed,” said Esparza, who’d go on to front another legendary Eastside Chicano rock group, Thee Midniters. “Getting that recognition really meant a lot to them.”

    He recalled a festival in San Bernardino where the promoter told the group that they wouldn’t get paid if they identified themselves as the Headhunters. “So Rabbit goes on stage, gets a big smile and said, ‘You all know who we are!’ and everyone cheered.”

    Health issues brought Jaramillo back to Colorado in the mid-2000s, but singing never left his life. He was inducted into the Chicano Music Hall of Fame during a 2017 ceremony at Su Teatro in Denver, drawing roars from the audience when he went onstage with his cane only to toss it aside and dance to the Headhunters’ signature song. Fellow congregants at Jaramillo’s longtime church, Good Shepherd Fellowship in Pueblo, regularly asked him to perform Christian songs — a favorite was “My Tribute” by gospel pioneer Andraé Crouch. He also loved to do karaoke with his grandson Daniel Hernandez, preferring oldies like “Daddy’s Home” and “Sixteen Candles.”

    “No one knew who he was, and he never said who he was,” said Hernandez, a Phoenix resident who grew up in East L.A. but spent time with Jaramillo in his later years. “But after he sang, we would always have people buying us beers and telling him, ‘Hey, you’re a great singer!’”

    Jaramillo is survived by two brothers; eight children; 15 grandchildren; and 17 great-grandchildren. Services were held at Good Shepherd Fellowship and ended with his casket being wheeled out to “Land of 1,000 Dances.”

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    Gustavo Arellano

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  • Turlock’s solar canal project aims to save water and generate clean energy

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    The Turlock Irrigation District has completed a $20 million solar canopy over canals, marking a milestone in generating clean energy and promising water savings in the Central Valley city.”The Project Nexus—it is truly a pilot project. It is the first project of its kind in the state of California,” said Brandon McMillan from the Turlock Irrigation District.The project offers significant renewable energy benefits, serving both electricity needs and irrigation water on the canal side. McMillan said the potential reduction in evaporation is a key interest of the project. “It limits the light available for photosynthesis. So it could reduce the amount of aquatic weed growth, which is a major canal maintenance issue. It also saves land,” explained Brandi McKuin, a project scientist at UC Merced.However, the project faces challenges. “It’s more expensive to span a canal than it is to build a solar array on the ground, a ground-mounted system,” McKuin said. The team is working to quantify whether the benefits will outweigh the costs, considering water savings, reduced aquatic weed growth and land savings. “If we have less aquatic weed growth and if we don’t have to pay for land, does that make the system less expensive? And that’s what we’re working on quantifying now,” McKuin said.Researchers will gather data after a full season to assess the project’s results. Meanwhile, a prototype for a retractable solar canopy on rails is currently being shipped from Australia and is expected to be installed by late October.See more coverage of top California stories here | Download our app | Subscribe to our morning newsletter | Find us on YouTube here and subscribe to our channel

    The Turlock Irrigation District has completed a $20 million solar canopy over canals, marking a milestone in generating clean energy and promising water savings in the Central Valley city.

    “The Project Nexus—it is truly a pilot project. It is the first project of its kind in the state of California,” said Brandon McMillan from the Turlock Irrigation District.

    The project offers significant renewable energy benefits, serving both electricity needs and irrigation water on the canal side.

    McMillan said the potential reduction in evaporation is a key interest of the project.

    “It limits the light available for photosynthesis. So it could reduce the amount of aquatic weed growth, which is a major canal maintenance issue. It also saves land,” explained Brandi McKuin, a project scientist at UC Merced.

    However, the project faces challenges.

    “It’s more expensive to span a canal than it is to build a solar array on the ground, a ground-mounted system,” McKuin said.

    The team is working to quantify whether the benefits will outweigh the costs, considering water savings, reduced aquatic weed growth and land savings.

    “If we have less aquatic weed growth and if we don’t have to pay for land, does that make the system less expensive? And that’s what we’re working on quantifying now,” McKuin said.

    Researchers will gather data after a full season to assess the project’s results. Meanwhile, a prototype for a retractable solar canopy on rails is currently being shipped from Australia and is expected to be installed by late October.

    See more coverage of top California stories here | Download our app | Subscribe to our morning newsletter | Find us on YouTube here and subscribe to our channel

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  • Shuffleboard club files lawsuit against Leesburg for donating land

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    The Leesburg Shuffleboard Club has filed a lawsuit against the city of Leesburg for donating the land on which its shuffleboard courts were to a nonprofit to build tiny homes for youth in need.The decision was a controversial one, made in late August to donate the property to construct tiny homes for at-risk teens, displacing the shuffleboard club.Following the vote, the shuffleboard club sued the city, bringing on Lake County Commissioner Anthony Sabatini as legal representation.“It is disturbing that members of the Leesburg City Commission are giving away our public parks and taxpayer money to cram in more dense housing – it’s wrong, it’s illegal and it’s corrupt, since it was pushed by a commissioner to his wife’s nonprofit,” Sabatini said. “We need to be protecting all of our parks and recreational areas and stop the rampant growth.”Leesburg Commissioner Jimmy Burry is married to the executive director of the Forward Paths nonprofit.”We’re just looking to give them a start after facing abuse and neglect, a chance to start off life as an adult,” said the organization’s executive director, Denise Burry. Burry said they have been working to find a spot in Leesburg to build 10 tiny homes where these young people could live for free — similar to a project they have in Eustis.”We always have a waiting list, so we’re looking to accommodate the need here in Lake County,” she said.Leesburg declined to comment on the lawsuit, citing pending litigation.

    The Leesburg Shuffleboard Club has filed a lawsuit against the city of Leesburg for donating the land on which its shuffleboard courts were to a nonprofit to build tiny homes for youth in need.

    The decision was a controversial one, made in late August to donate the property to construct tiny homes for at-risk teens, displacing the shuffleboard club.

    Following the vote, the shuffleboard club sued the city, bringing on Lake County Commissioner Anthony Sabatini as legal representation.

    “It is disturbing that members of the Leesburg City Commission are giving away our public parks and taxpayer money to cram in more dense housing – it’s wrong, it’s illegal and it’s corrupt, since it was pushed by a commissioner to his wife’s nonprofit,” Sabatini said. “We need to be protecting all of our parks and recreational areas and stop the rampant growth.”

    Leesburg Commissioner Jimmy Burry is married to the executive director of the Forward Paths nonprofit.

    “We’re just looking to give them a start after facing abuse and neglect, a chance to start off life as an adult,” said the organization’s executive director, Denise Burry.

    Burry said they have been working to find a spot in Leesburg to build 10 tiny homes where these young people could live for free — similar to a project they have in Eustis.

    “We always have a waiting list, so we’re looking to accommodate the need here in Lake County,” she said.

    Leesburg declined to comment on the lawsuit, citing pending litigation.

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  • Private land used for logging is more prone to severe fire than public lands. A new study shows why

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    In the Sierra Nevada, private lands used for logging are more likely to experience high-severity fire that devastates forest ecosystems compared to public lands like National Forests.

    It’s a fact that’s been known for years — but what exactly causes this discrepancy has remained elusive.

    Consequently, the factoid has served as fuel for the longstanding California debate of “who is to blame for our wildfire problem?” while providing little insight for forest managers hoping to address it.

    A new study published Wednesday finally offered some answers. By studying detailed data around Plumas National Forest north of Tahoe both before and after a series of devastating wildfires burned 70% of the land in just three years, researchers identified the common practices responsible for increased severity.

    They found that when a fire ripped through, private timber lands were about 9% more likely than public lands to burn with such intensity that virtually no trees survived.

    When the scientists looked at what prefire forest characteristics resulted in severe fire, they found that dense groups of evenly spaced trees were largely to blame. It’s the exact kind of forests timber companies often plant to intentionally harvest a few decades down the road.

    “It allows the fire to essentially gain a bunch of momentum and start exhibiting much more extreme fire behavior than if it’s encountering road blocks every once in a while: open areas or meadows or areas with really big and more resilient trees,” said Jacob Levine, postdoctoral fellow at the University of Utah and lead author on the study.

    While California’s forests are adapted for frequent, low-intensity fires that clear out the forest floors and promote regeneration, high-intensity flames can decimate ecosystems so much so that they may never recover.

    Although the study focused on one forest in Northern California, it has implications across the Western U.S., where this kind of “plantation”-style logging is common.

    The conditions in Plumas National Forest, “I’d call them very typical for at least Oregon, Washington and California,” said Scott Stephens, UC Berkeley professor of fire science and co-author on the study. “These are places that are more productive, they have more precipitation, they grow trees faster.”

    For the scientists, the results emphasize just how much work California still must do to address its wildfire problem. They hope the results, instead of vilifying logging companies, can help spur a conversation about what forest managers can do better.

    “If you want to grow timber in the state, contribute to the economy, contribute to home building — all those are laudable goals,” Stephens said. “I think you’ve got to think about, ‘Well, how am I going to do this in the fire environment of today or the future?’ ”

    And while public lands are less likely to experience severe fire than timber lands — with a 57% probability of experiencing high-severity fire, compared to timber lands’ 66% — government forest managers aren’t necessarily doing a perfect job either, experts say.

    While timber companies’ approaches tend to be too “hands-on” — bulldozing over the natural ecosystem (sometimes literally) — the U.S. Forest Service still tends to be too “hands-off,” experts argue: National Forests are still lagging behind on much-needed prescribed burning and mechanical thinning work (or “forest raking” as the president likes to call it).

    The U.S. Forest Service allows logging on about a fourth of its land through agreements with private companies (which President Trump aims to significantly increase), but it has moved away from the practice of planting dense, evenly spaced “pines in lines” plantations.

    The forest-fire blame game fueled by these differences in approach has gone on for decades.

    After the 2007 Moonlight fire scorched 65,000 acres, including in Plumas National Forest, both the federal and state governments filed lawsuits against California’s largest timber company, Sierra Pacific Industries, alleging the fire was started by a subcontractor’s bulldozer that hit a rock and created a spark.

    The company initially settled with the federal government while not admitting any wrongdoing, but, through a lengthy legal drama now living on as Sierra Nevada folklore, the company’s lawyer petitioned, alleging that the federal government had concealed the fact that its own fire watch lookout was caught away from his post reeking of marijuana and peeing on his feet.

    The Supreme Court ultimately declined to hear the company’s appeal, while a lower court eventually ordered Cal Fire to pay out $15 million for fraud and withholding evidence.

    In recent years, the federal and state governments and private industry have increasingly begun to cooperate on an active management strategy.

    In 2021, Gov. Gavin Newsom created a task force to develop such a plan. It set a goal of practicing active management, primarily through mechanical thinning and intentional fire, on 1 million acres every year. Both the Forest Service and private timber companies are active participants.

    Stephens and Levine hope their work can help forest managers work smarter, not harder.

    The team analyzed data from planes that used lasers to create a 3-dimensional map of the forest — down to individual trees — in 2018 before the major fires that burned the majority of the land. They then looked at satellite data taken after each fire measuring the resulting severity of the burns.

    The team found that the biggest indicator of how severely a fire burned on one plot of land was how severely it burned on plots next door. This made sense to the researchers: Fire is contagious, meaning a high-intensity fire with a lot of energy and momentum is likely to continue at a high intensity.

    This can also create a spillover effect. Areas susceptible to high-severity fires, like private timber lands, can lead to high-severity fire in surrounding better-managed areas as well, typically up to a little over a mile away.

    The second most important factors were how tightly-packed the trees were and how hot, dry and windy the weather was on the day of the fire. The effects also compounded: The worse the weather, the more forest density served as a predictor for fire severity.

    The team also found that “ladder fuels” between the low-lying ground vegetation and the canopies of trees — which can help a fire climb high into the canopy — contributed to fire severity. Clustered trees and open spaces in the canopy, meanwhile, resulted in less severe fire.

    Tree density, the most significant indicator related to forest management, is fundamental to timber’s business: It allows companies to produce more wood on the same amount of land. But Levine still sees a way forward.

    Moving away from plantation-style logging by planting trees in irregular, clustered patterns and staggering planting over years to create a forest with different-aged trees can make sure tree crowns aren’t all perfectly aligned for a fire to rip right through.

    Previous research from Stephens has repeatedly shown that mechanical thinning and prescribed burns are incredibly effective at reducing high-severity fire risk while also improving forest health and preserving biodiversity. (Notably, the researchers couldn’t explore the effects of ground vegetation in this new study, since the laser data struggled to detect it.)

    There are already several examples of timber companies that have moved away from plantation-style logging in favor of more natural, fire-resistant forests. And, while these practices can be more expensive in the short term, Levine is still optimistic they can gain traction as research increasingly shows their effectiveness.

    “Timber companies are also invested in their forest not burning down,” he said. “That’s bad for business, too — if you plant the plantation and then 30 years later, before it gets to the size that it becomes profitable, it goes up in flames.”

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    Noah Haggerty

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  • L.A. is under the gun to add housing units. The hard part? Where and how many

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    Los Angeles needs more affordable housing.

    When presented with the problem in the past, builders and developers were able to turn lima bean fields and orange groves into row after row of homes. But the vast swaths of open land on the city’s fringes vanished decades ago.

    The California Department of Housing and Community Development has said that Los Angeles should add 456,643 new units by 2029 — a number that has generated controversy. To meet those demands, the city will have to create new ways of growing its inventory — strategies that will allow the city’s established communities to welcome many more residents than they are able to accommodate now.

    The big questions are, as always: where, how and how much new housing should be built.

    Los Angeles knows how to weather a crisis — or two or three. Angelenos are tapping into that resilience, striving to build a city for everyone.

    The Times reached out to two sources with scenarios that challenge conventional thinking — two plans for the San Fernando Valley, which, half a century ago, provided the space for much of the city’s growth.

    The first scenario proposes awakening a sleepy commercial corridor with low- and mid-rise apartments. The other focuses on 20 miles of vacant land — below electrical transmission lines that snake through the Valley.

    Reseda reimagined

    Like many L.A. suburbs, Reseda began as a small town center surrounded by fields.

    As the West San Fernando Valley developed after World War II, those fields filled with an expansive grid of single-family homes.

    Vestiges of Reseda’s small-town beginning still survive in block after block of single-story businesses like the Traders pawnbroker and jewelry store at the intersection of Reseda Boulevard and Sherman Way.

    But snapshots of the future have begun to appear. A few blocks to the north, a five-story apartment building rises between a Thai restaurant and a used car lot.

    How many more of those would be needed for Reseda, or any similar community, to contribute its fair share of the state’s Regional Housing Needs Allocation for the city of Los Angeles?

    The Times posed that question to Los Angeles-based policy think tank Center for Pacific Urbanism, which has spent years examining the causes of and solutions for L.A.’s housing shortage.

    Its recent research created an equity scale to calculate targets for individual communities based on five factors: affordability, environmental quality, transit availability, past down-zoning and socioeconomics.

    In the modern era, housing construction across Los Angeles peaked twice, once before the Great Depression and then in a postwar boom.

    Reseda was a part of the postwar boom. Initially dominated by single-family homes, growth then shifted to medium-size apartment buildings. Construction of both types fell off precipitously by 1990, as anti-development sentiments gained ascendance. A tiny sliver representing accessory dwelling units has appeared in the last decade, part of a shift in housing topology that is just beginning.

    The Reseda-West Van Nuys community falls near the middle of the city’s 34 community planning areas and will need 13,885 new housing units to meet its target. At one extreme, 14,000 single-family homes would meet the need. At the other it would take 1,400 10-unit buildings. The first is unfeasible — there isn’t that much land — and the other, a new high-rise canyon, would be unpalatable.

    The Pacific Urbanism staff imagined a hybrid model that, they believe, would allow Reseda to achieve its goal with the least amount of community angst.

    The plan looks a lot like a return to the building patterns of the 1970s but with a few significant differences. Like then, more than half of the new units would be provided in large and medium-size apartment buildings. But in place of single-family home construction that was already dwindling, almost a quarter of the new units would come from new housing types that did not exist then — accessory dwelling units (ADUs) and the conversion of existing commercial space into housing.

    Above all, the pace of development would have to increase precipitously to reach the state’s 2029 goal.

    The reimagined Reseda includes 37 buildings of 100 or more units, 73 medium-size buildings of 25 to 99 units and 484 duplex and small apartment buildings of up to 24 units. There would be 1,854 ADUs, including more than 1,000 that have already been built or permitted since 2020 and more than a thousand units in commercial conversions.

    A similar result could be achieved with a different mix of housing types. But Dario Alvarez, Pacific Urbanism president, says that his organization’s hybrid scenario, based on building trends across the city, is the most feasible, if those trends persist.

    Some progress has been made. Since 2019, city law has given single-family homeowners a right to build second units on their property. A raft of recent state laws provides incentives to builders and homeowners such as increased density for affordable housing and up to four units on single-family lots. And Mayor Karen Bass’ Executive Order 1 streamlined the approval of affordable projects.

    Those changes have helped, but don’t “get us anywhere close to what’s needed to meet the target, much less in an equitable way where all communities contribute a fair share,” Alvarez said. According to his calculations, the current rate of construction in Reseda would have to increase 16-fold to meet the target by 2029.

    Pacific Urbanism proposes upgrading the zoning from medium- to high-density near the intersection of Reseda Boulevard and Sherman Way and creating medium-density zones to replace much of what is now single-family residences and small businesses.

    A review of the Reseda-West Van Nuys community plan, including the zoning, is underway and is in the consulting phase. It’s expected to be complete in a year or two.

    Considering the fight that single-family communities generally put up to preserve the character of what has come to represent the “American Dream” — and the single family home and yard —there’s no guarantee those changes will be made. The state housing mandate requires the city only to create a pathway to the housing targets by adjusting zoning that is currently too restrictive.

    Bury the transmission lines; build on top

    If you’ve spent time in the San Fernando Valley, it would be easy to view the overhead electrical transmission lines that stretch for more than 20 miles simply as essential wallpaper of modern living. The lines help ensure that 1.6 million households and businesses across the city can turn on the lights through a mostly uninterrupted band of 100- to 200-foot tall towers on a 150-foot wide strip of land.

    But what if that land, which travels through the heart of Northridge, Granada Hills, Mission Hills, Arleta and North Hollywood, could continue to power Los Angeles while also meeting the housing needs of tens of thousands of people? The idea is almost too simple: Put the transmission lines underground and homes on top.

    We wish such an innovative concept was ours. But it comes from Jingyi “Jessy” Qiu, a Boston-based landscape designer who conceived of the idea while studying at the Harvard Graduate School of Design a few years ago. In Qiu’s vision, the project reclaims dead space in the middle of bustling neighborhoods for the public good.

    Qiu calls the right of way beneath the power lines “a land of opportunity to solve the housing problem in L.A.”

    The project ticks many of the boxes for what large, sustainable development in Los Angeles can be.

    It’s climate-friendly. As the region becomes hotter and drier, taking down overhead power lines lowers the risk of sparking wildfires. And by building in established communities, new residents will be able to reduce their commutes for work and shopping, while existing residents will have new offices and stores nearby.

    There’s a way to pay for it. At one point, the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power, which owns the lines and the land underneath, told us it would cost roughly $100 million to put the lines underground. More recently, the public utility said it couldn’t provide a price tag, and that, although possible, undergrounding transmission lines is rare, complex and expensive. An optimist would respond that revenue from the new development could cover much of, if not all, the cost, especially since the land itself would be free.

    It’s a lot of housing. By Qiu’s calculations, 23,000 homes could be built along the 20 miles.

    Qiu modeled the project through designing superblocks that could be repeated end to end throughout each community.

    Neighborhoods and topography along the route differ and so does the planned development. In North Hollywood, a denser mix of small apartments, mixed-use complexes and single-family homes with casitas fills the flatlands. In Granada Hills, lower densities fit in the highlands. In Northridge, student housing is prioritized near the state university.

    Today, people who live near the power lines complain of dust, litter and loitering, and worry about wires falling in high winds and storms.

    It’s not that the right of way under the power lines now is unkempt. Many nursery businesses fill the land underneath. Landscaping is maintained. It’s just that, as one neighbor put it, barren land attracts negative activity. Of all things, the right of way is dark at night.

    Besides housing, the development opens up space to the broader community. There’s room for continued nursery operations while adding parks, courtyards and shared gardens. Qiu even proposes repurposing some existing transmission towers, especially in the hills, into platforms for bird-watching.

    One fear, of course, is adding this many new homes to an existing area could cause congestion. But the 20-mile stretch of homes ensures that traffic would be spread out. Superblocks could tie into the current road network and add parking while also providing long and unified bike and pedestrian infrastructure — not to mention the centralized open and community space — to neighborhoods lacking it now.

    A future Los Angeles that takes its housing and climate challenges seriously will have to look for opportunities to make better use of space. Fitting 23,000 new homes into the Valley by redeveloping a land now used for a relic hits that mark.

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    Liam Dillon, Doug Smith, Lorena Iñiguez Elebee

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  • Eastern Sierra housing crunch: With all this open land, why are so many workers living in vans?

    Eastern Sierra housing crunch: With all this open land, why are so many workers living in vans?

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    Emily Markstein, a sinewy rock climber and skier who has spent seven years living and working in the Sierra resort town of Mammoth Lakes, opens a large sliding door and welcomes a stranger into her home.

    One of the gleaming multimillion-dollar mansions nestled among towering pine trees and granite peaks in this exclusive mountain enclave? Not exactly.

    Markstein, who has a master’s degree in historic preservation and has coached skiing, taught yoga, trimmed trees and waited tables at one of the fanciest restaurants in town, lives in a 2006 GMC van.

    A rare sign for new home sales in the Eastern Sierra town of Bishop.

    Like countless other adventure seekers drawn to California’s rugged and remote Eastern Sierra, Markstein, 31, initially embraced “van life” after scrolling through social media posts that made it look carefree and glamorous. She continues because she genuinely likes it, she said, but also because, even in this big, beckoning land full of wide-open spaces, there’s almost nowhere else for working people to live.

    Official statistics are hard to come by, but Markstein spitballs the percentage of hourly workers in Mammoth Lakes who are living in cars and vans as “less than 50 but more than 20.” In every place she’s worked since moving here, she said, “there have been at least two of us living in our vans.”

    Like so many others, she tries to hide that uncomfortable truth from tourists so as not to shatter their fantasy about escaping to an untroubled mountain paradise. But it takes effort.

    “I had to play the part of the fine dining expert, like, I know my wines and I know good food,” she said with an easy, infectious grin. “But you haven’t showered in a week and a half and you’re putting deodorant on, and all these sprays, trying to make yourself look like you don’t live in your car.”

    Emily Markstein, with a dog she is sitting for a friend, outside her van in the Inyo National Forest.

    “During COVID, I was showering in the creek,” Emily Markstein says of van life. “Right now, I rotate through my friends’ houses to get my weekly shower.”

    The notion of an acute housing shortage in this wild and sparsely populated region — there are about four people per square mile in Mono County and fewer than two per square mile in neighboring Inyo County — can be hard to wrap your head around.

    It’s due, in large part, to the fact that more than 90 percent of the land is owned by conservation-minded government agencies: the U.S. Forest Service, the federal Bureau of Land Management and, most controversially, the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power.

    Those large, distant bureaucracies have little interest in making land available to the fast-growing ranks of outdoor enthusiasts — hikers, climbers, skiers, anglers with fly rods — flocking to this mostly unspoiled part of California near the Nevada border.

    So when any sliver of private land or an already existing home hits the market, there’s usually a long line of well-to-do professionals and would-be Airbnb investors from coastal cities ready to drive the price out of reach for even the most industrious working people. As a result, essential workers are left out in the cold.

    “That has always been a problem here,” said Mammoth Lakes Mayor Pro Tem Chris Bubser. But it has become noticeably worse since the pandemic, when so many well-paid professionals discovered they could work from anywhere, and so many long-term rental units became Airbnbs to accommodate them.

    An artist draws the scenery in the Inyo National Forest.

    An artist captures the scenery in Buttermilk Country in the Inyo National Forest.

    Now, Bubser said, the lack of affordable housing is a full-blown crisis making it almost impossible for hourly workers, and even some salaried professionals, to keep a traditional roof over their heads.

    Last year, the schools made job offers to four teachers, but three had to say no because they couldn’t find anywhere to live, Bubser said.

    “Our community is hollowing out, and it’s going to be catastrophic down the line,” Bubser said. “We want people to come and raise a family in this amazing place. It feels terrible that it’s not for everybody.”

    The economics of resort towns, where tourists go to play and most everyone local hustles to get by, have been hard on working people for decades. It’s the same in ski towns throughout the American West: Lake Tahoe, Vail, Aspen, Park City.

    But the Eastern Sierra’s housing crunch stretches well beyond the confines of Mammoth Lakes.

    Grazing land at the foot of a mountain in Bishop.

    With all its wide-open spaces, there’s still essentially nowhere to live in the Eastern Sierra because of the vast portion of land owned by goverment agencies.

    A 40-minute drive south on U.S. 395 descends more than 3,000 vertical feet to the floor of the Owens Valley and fills your windshield with one of the most sweeping and expansive views in the country. Snowy peaks tumble down to steep granite walls. The walls descend to lush green pastures. The pastures give way to high desert that stretches toward the horizon.

    The most breathtaking part? In all of that wide open space, there’s still essentially nowhere to live.

    “It’s just insane,” said Jose Garcia, mayor of Bishop, a dusty crossroads of about 3,800 people at the bottom of the hill.

    Garcia has lived in Bishop for 35 years and has watched the once-sleepy ranching outpost explode in popularity with adventure-loving tourists: hikers and climbers in the summer, anglers and leaf-peepers in the fall, skiers in the winter. Tourism is by far the biggest industry, he said.

    Bishop Mayor Jose Garcia sits on a sidewalk along Main Street in Bishop.

    “Bishop would be like Santa Monica,” if the city had room to grow, Mayor Jose Garcia says of his town. “People would come from all over because of the beauty of this place.”

    But in all his time there, “the city has not grown at all,” Garcia said.

    That’s because almost all of the land in and around Bishop is owned by the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power, Garcia said.

    More than a century ago, when it became clear the booming metropolis 300 miles to the south would very quickly dry up its own meager water supplies, its agents fanned out across the Owens Valley, buying up every acre they could find to secure rights to the precious snowmelt that flows down from the mountains each spring.

    Today, the DWP owns about 250,000 acres in Inyo County, where Bishop is located.

    “We are basically landlocked,” said an exasperated Garcia over coffee earlier this month, as soft morning light bathed the mountains in every direction.

    California has a dozen summits higher than 14,000 feet; the trailheads leading to 11 of them are within about an hour of where he sat.

    “Bishop would be like Santa Monica” if the city had room to grow, he said. “People would come from all over because of the beauty of this place.”

    A private property sign in a brushy area.

    A City of Los Angeles private property sign wards off would-be campers outside Bishop.

    Adam Perez, the DWP’s top manager in the Owens Valley, said it’s easy to point the finger at his agency and blame it for the stagnation. But the DWP manages the land responsibly, he said. The overarching mission remains what it always was — to send the water down to Los Angeles — but the department works hard to be more than just “bullies that are trying to push people around,” he said.

    The agency allows hiking, hunting, fishing and camping on most of its land, he pointed out.

    And if you’re lucky enough to own one of the existing houses, he said, you might like the fact that your view across that incredible landscape is never going to be marred by “a big housing tract” plunked down in the middle of it.

    “You’re always going to have a protected view,” Perez said.

    If Perez is at the top of the local pecking order, the young climbers who flock to Bishop from around the globe to train on world-class crags in Buttermilk Country and the Owens River Gorge are near the bottom.

    The Mammoth Gear Exchange, a secondhand sporting goods shop on a corner of Bishop’s main intersection, is a local landmark and regular haunt for climbers. On a recent weekday morning, a handful of the shop’s employees agreed with at least some of what Perez said: They love that Bishop remains so remote and that it hasn’t succumbed to suburban sprawl as have climbing meccas near Denver and Boulder.

    But all of them have spent long stretches living out of their vans, even after they decided to give up the itinerant life of a hard-core traveling climber and tried to put down roots.

    One, who asked to be identified only by his first name, Peter, to avoid attracting attention from parking enforcement, said he had been living in a van since making the trek from Ohio to California 2½ years ago. His girlfriend lives with him.

    They’re in no rush to start paying rent, he said, but it didn’t take much prompting to get him to rattle off a long list of the difficulties.

    A street separates open grazing land from a tree-covered neighborhood.

    Homes to the right, grazing land to the left, and the wide open spaces beyond in the Eastern Sierra town of Bishop.

    “When you’ve lived in a house your whole life, you don’t realize how much you value your own space,” he said, choosing his words carefully. Forget about getting anything delivered from Amazon.

    “It seems like the whole system is set up” for people who live in houses, he said, “like, you’re supposed to have a permanent address.”

    He sounded almost mystical when his thoughts turned to the comforts of indoor plumbing. “Just having warm water to wash your hands on demand,” he said. “Like, you just turn the dial.”

    Back up the hill in Mammoth, Markstein’s description of van life also frequently circled back to the issue of plumbing.

    “During COVID, I was showering in the creek,” she said, because social distancing requirements made invitations to use indoor bathrooms hard to come by. “Right now, I rotate through my friends’ houses to get my weekly shower.”

    Then, realizing how that might sound to an audience of the uninitiated, she added: “For many people that’s pretty gross, but for people living in a van it’s kind of normal.”

    During her stint as a tree trimmer, she guessed about 70% of the properties she worked on sat empty because they were either second homes or unoccupied Airbnbs. That was immensely “frustrating” for someone working her butt off, living in a van, she said.

    But maybe nothing is as frustrating for van lifers, or occupies as big a chunk of their daily bandwidth, as the question of where to find a toilet.

    At one point, a few of her friends worked at an organic coffee shop on Main St. called Stellar Brew. It had a comfortable, welcoming vibe. Word spread quickly. Before long, Markstein said, she’d go there in the morning and see “10 vans lined up” in the parking lot.

    The inside joke was: “Have a stellar poo at Stellar Brew.”

    Emily Markstein laughs sitting on a mattress inside her van.

    Working as a tree trimmer, Emily Markstein saw second homes and Airbnbs sitting empty. That was “frustrating” for someone working her butt off, living in a van, she said.

    The shop’s general manager, Nikki Lee, had nothing but sympathy and praise for the van lifers.

    The housing situation is so precarious for working people in Mammoth, Lee said, she actually prefers job candidates who live in their vans. Their lives are more stable than people engaged in the almost always losing battle of trying to hold on to an apartment in a town where rent is often upward of $4,000 a month and constantly rising.

    A current full-time baker at the shop, who used to be a kindergarten teacher, lives in his van, Lee said.

    “I don’t ever let that be a deterrent for hiring,” Lee said, “because I know that the folks that live in their van, they can make the commitment to stay.”

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    Jack Dolan

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  • Trump downsized national monuments. Biden restored them. Project 2025 calls for reductions again

    Trump downsized national monuments. Biden restored them. Project 2025 calls for reductions again

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    They are sprawling lands of seemingly endless vistas and soaring plateaus. The red canyons are sprinkled with ancient rock art and historic Indigenous settlements. Normally nonconfrontational paleontologists were so wowed by their fossils that they sued to try to protect the land.

    Two Democratic presidents moved to preserve this rugged terrain by creating a pair of national monuments in southern Utah — Bears Ears and Grand Staircase- Escalante.

    President Trump radically reduced the borders of the two monuments, then their status was reversed again when President Biden took office and essentially restored protection of the original lands.

    Another reversal seems all but certain if Trump retakes the White House. Experts say that this year’s election also brings attention to a broader question: What will happen to millions of acres of land concentrated in the West and owned by the U.S. government?

    Trump has already shown his desire to throw open more of the land for oil drilling, mining and logging. And a Supreme Court heavily influenced by Trump-appointed justices has hinted it would like to review the power of presidents to create national monuments.

    Trump appointees Brett M. Kavanaugh and Neil M. Gorsuch signaled this year that they want to review President Obama’s expansion of Cascade-Siskiyou National Monument on the Oregon-California state line. And in 2021, Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. announced his skepticism about another of Obama’s monument designations — of an underwater preserve larger than Yellowstone National Park off the New England coast. `

    “Which of the following is not like the others: (a) a monument, (b) an antiquity (defined as a “relic or monument of ancient times”) or (c) 5,000 square miles of land beneath the ocean?” Roberts wrote in a statement, even as the court declined to take up the case.

    And a controversial plan drawn up by conservatives as a blueprint for the next Republican administration would have Trump go even further if elected: It calls on him to repeal the Antiquities Act of 1906, the law that allowed presidents of both parties to make monuments of nearly 160 archaeological sites, historic landmarks and other outstanding scientific or historic locations.

    Project 2025 says the monument law has been overused and that public lands need to remain open to a wide range of uses — including oil drilling, coal mining and recreation. That fits with Trump’s pledge, if he wins a second term, to “drill, baby, drill.”

    Though Trump has tried to distance himself from Project 2025, the author of the chapter on the Interior Department, lawyer William Perry Pendley, already served in the first Trump administration, as the top official in the Bureau of Land Management.

    In Project 2025, Pendley accuses the Biden administration of “implementing a vast regulatory regime,” beyond that envisioned by Congress, and effectively banning almost all “productive economic uses” of federal lands managed by the Interior Department.

    Environmental and tribal organizations have expressed the opposite view, noting that it was Trump who made the largest reduction in monument-protected lands in history and who would be likely to grant even more corporate access to public lands in a second term.

    “Project 2025 is an example of what it would look like to sell off America’s natural resources and public lands to corporations with little-to-no regard for the environment, the climate, taxpayers, or wildlife,” wrote the Center for Western Priorities, a nonprofit that has resisted the push to transfer federal lands to state and private ownership.

    Other issues — such as the economy, immigration, abortion and fair elections — have topped the agenda during the presidential campaign, while the environment, climate change and public land priorities have mostly taken a back seat.

    That may be in part because most of the land owned by the U.S. government lies in Western states, most of which (with the exceptions of Arizona and Nevada) will not be closely decided in the presidential race.

    The federal government owns less than 5% of the land east of the Mississippi River, but nearly half of the acreage in 11 Western states in the Lower 48, controlled mostly by the Bureau of Land Management and the Forest Service.

    Pilot Rock rises into the clouds in the Cascade-Siskiyou National Monument near Lincoln, Ore.

    (Jeff Barnard / Associated Press)

    Conservatives in many of those states have been campaigning for decades to try to wrest control of some of that property from the federal government, saying that decisions about its use should be made closer to home.

    Environmentalists have countered that federal officials are in the best position to protect land that is treasured by all Americans, not just those in a particular state or community.

    Last week’s vice presidential debate offered a rare moment in campaign 2024 in which the candidates’ sharply different views about public lands leaped onto the national stage.

    Asked about the crisis in affordable housing, Republican vice presidential candidate JD Vance declared that “a lot of federal lands … aren’t being used for anything,” and “could be places where we build a lot of housing.”

    Democratic vice presidential candidate Tim Walz disagreed. He said open space has been kept that way “for a reason” and that the country needed a better solution than saying, “Let’s take this federal land and let’s sell it.”

    Republicans in Utah celebrated in 2017 when Trump rolled back the boundaries of sprawling Bears Ears and Grand Staircase-Escalante, which lie roughly 100 miles apart in the southern part of the state. The then-president slashed Bears Ears by about 85%, down to 201,876 acres. He cut the second monument from 1.9 million acres to a little over 1 million acres.

    Trump accused Democratic Presidents Obama and Clinton of setting aside far too much land to protect the archaeology and other resources that were the object of the monument designations.

    “Some people think that the natural resources of Utah should be controlled by a small handful of very distant bureaucrats located in Washington,” Trump said. “And guess what? They’re wrong.”

    Some Utah residents welcomed the Republican’s new designations and the jobs they said looser protections would be likely to create. But about 3,000 demonstrators, including tribal members, protested on the day of Trump’s action. They said the monument status helped protect cultural resources, including petroglyphs and centuries-old cave dwellings.

    The shifting between Democratic and Republican administrations has meant a whipsawing between philosophies — with the Trump-era management plan for the Utah monuments remaining in place while Biden administration management plans are embroiled in a painstaking approval process.

    The nonprofit that helps oversee conservation and programs at Grand Staircase-Escalante says it has been challenging to keep up with the flood of new visitors that came with the Trump administration’s less restrictive policies. The Trump management plan allows, for example, a doubling of the size of groups that can visit the monument, to 25.

    “This doesn’t sound like a lot, but a group of 25 people leaves much greater amounts of human waste and other trash compared to a group of 12,” Jackie Grant, executive director of Grand Staircase-Escalante Partners, said in an email. “Human excrement can take over a year to decompose in the desert environment of the Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument. Now imagine the impact of 500,000 to a million people pooping in a fairly limited desert area over the course of a year.”

    The group size limit is expected to be reduced in the Biden administration management plan, which is nearing completion.

    The Trump plan also opened more remote roads to use by all-terrain vehicles. The opening of the V-Road in the Escalante Canyons section of the monument has left the area — under consideration for higher protection as a wilderness area — marred by vandalism, trash and more human waste.

    That damage came with little of the “economic expansion by way of natural resource extraction” that state officials had promised, Grant said.

    William Perry Pendley, shown in 2019

    William Perry Pendley, who was director of the U.S. Bureau of Land Management under President Trump, wrote a section of Project 2025 calling for the downsizing of the Cascade-Siskiyou National Monument.

    (Associated Press)

    Pendley, the former Trump BLM official, has been fighting for more state and local control of public lands since he served in the administration of Republican Ronald Reagan. He wrote “Sagebrush Rebel,” a book about Reagan’s fight against what he saw as excessive federal control of Western lands.

    Pendley’s Project 2025 plan calls for a downsizing of Cascade-Siskiyou National Monument, saying the area should be governed by a historic agreement that predated the monument. It would allow greater harvesting of timber on BLM land, creating well-paying jobs and reducing fuel for future wildfires, Pendley argues.

    The Wyoming-reared lawyer says that many laws enacted after the Antiquities Act — to protect endangered species and wild and scenic rivers, for example — create adequate protections for the outdoors.

    Advocates for Cascade-Siskiyou and other monuments say presidents have used their monument-making power wisely. They point to the Grand Canyon in Arizona and Denali in Alaska as among the many monuments that went on to become beloved national parks.

    Dave Willis, a horse packer who lives on monument land in Oregon, has been fighting for creation and preservation of the Cascade-Siskiyou monument for decades. The intent of Trump allies to open the property to timber harvest is just part of a “scorched-earth policy with regard to all public lands,” he said.

    “Americans really care about their public lands,” Willis said. “And when someone threatens them, they are not going to take it lying down. Trying to degrade public lands will put you on the wrong side of history.”

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    James Rainey

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  • With 25% of state land protected, California nears its ’30×30′ conservation goal

    With 25% of state land protected, California nears its ’30×30′ conservation goal

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    Four years after unveiling an ambitious plan to conserve 30% of California’s lands and coastal waters by 2030, state officials on Monday announced that they are closing in on that target.

    Since the start of the so-called 30×30 Initiative, California has added nearly 1.5 million acres — or roughly 2,350 square miles — of conserved lands, according to a progress report from Gov. Gavin Newsom and the California Natural Resources Agency.

    In all, the report shows that California has now conserved 25.2% of its lands and 16.2% of its coastal waters with a little more than five years until the deadline.

    “In 2020, I signed an executive order to conserve 30% of lands and 30% of coastal waters in California by 2030,” Newsom said in a statement. “And four years into this effort, we’re on track to achieve this target, with over a quarter of our lands protected. We won’t stop working to protect California’s unparalleled natural beauty for generations to come.”

    Aggressive and impactful reporting on climate change, the environment, health and science.

    The stated goals of the 30×30 initiative extend beyond conservation. The plan also seeks to help restore biodiversity, expand access to nature and help mitigate and build resilience to climate change.

    The initiative kicked off in earnest in 2022 when officials released a detailed road map for the plan. The state added 631,000 acres between April of that year and May 2023, and has added an additional 861,000 acres since then, according to the report.

    “It’s great that we’re over the 25% threshold, and we also have more work to do,” said Wade Crowfoot, California’s Natural Resources secretary. “We’re really energized by the progress, and we’re energized that there are so many entities that are partnering with us to actually get out there and conserve places — whether it’s land trusts or tribes or local governments. We’re on track, and it’s going to require us to maintain momentum, but this year represents a really big step forward.”

    This year’s increase in acreage includes areas that were newly conserved through ancestral land return, land acquisitions, new conservation easements and other methods, the report says.

    The increase also includes acres that were found to meet the 30×30 definition after previously lacking sufficient data to consider their level of protection and management for biodiversity.

    Among the biggest recent gains were the expansion of two national monuments — the San Gabriel Mountains National Monument and the Berryessa Snow Mountain National Monument — which enhanced protections for about 120,000 acres of federal lands.

    California also made progress toward the goal through its first-ever ancestral land return effort, which provided $100 million in grant funding for the return of roughly 38,950 acres to Indigenous communities. Among the recipients were the Hoopa Valley Tribe, which received funding to help reacquire about 10,300 acres of their lands in the Klamath River watershed that were formerly being managed by a timber trust.

    The grant awards were “an acknowledgment of past sins, a promise of accountability, and a commitment to a better future,” Newsom said in a statement at the time.

    Additionally, the state’s effort to transform more than half of its 100 million acres into multi-benefit landscapes that can absorb carbon and combat climate change will help reach the 30×30 goal, officials said. Those targets, known as nature-based solutions, include millions of acres that will be managed to reduce wildfire risk, protect water supplies and enhance biodiversity, among other outcomes.

    California’s plan helped pave the way for similar efforts at the national level, with states such as Nevada, South Carolina, Hawaii, Maine and New York now working toward their own 30×30 goals.

    But California has created the world’s strongest definition for protected areas under 30×30, Crowfoot said, which includes lands and waters that are protected in perpetuity and principally for ecological benefit.

    “I’m really proud that California has not only established what we consider to be the strongest definition of 30×30, but also the most detailed road map to actually achieve it,” he said. “[The lands] can have other benefits like public access, but they have to principally be protected for environmental benefits.”

    In 2021, President Biden also unveiled a national version of the 30×30 plan known as the America the Beautiful Initiative, which has already seen more than 41 million acres conserved, according to the White House.

    But California’s program is also facing constraints from the state’s tightening budget, which included some cuts to the program this year as Newsom worked to close a $45-billion deficit. The budget maintained $1.3 billion out of a previously allocated $1.6 billion for 30×30.

    Crowfoot said $1.3 billion still represents a major investment in conservation, and that the program is also receiving boosts from federal funding through the Inflation Reduction Act as well as growing philanthropic interest, particularly in ancestral land return efforts.

    And although the initiative is getting closer to its goal, the state must still conserve an additional 4.8 million acres of land and 500,000 acres of coastal waters to meet its commitment, the report says.

    There are several plans and projects underway that can help it get there, Crowfoot said. Among them is a proposal to designate Chuckwalla National Monument in the eastern Coachella Valley, which would encompass nearly 650,000 acres, including an expansion of Joshua Tree National Park by more than 17,000 acres.

    And although coastal water gains have so far been harder to come by, a proposed Chumash National Marine Sanctuary off California’s Central Coast could potentially add to 30×30’s gains if its management plans are found to match the program’s requirements.

    “I’m confident that we can get there,” Crowfoot said of the 2030 goal, “but it will rely on continuing to build this movement. It’s a global movement that we’re leading in California.”

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    Hayley Smith

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  • Affordable housing on church parking lots? A new law makes it easier to build

    Affordable housing on church parking lots? A new law makes it easier to build

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    The Rev. Paul Anthony Daniels knows the names and life stories of the people who sleep in their cars near St. Mary, a century-old church in Palms.

    In the past, homeless people have spent the night in St. Mary’s Sunday school room.

    So it wasn’t a huge leap for Daniels to think about building affordable housing on the church property.

    A place to sleep, bathe and cook “provides a basic dignity” that can turn around someone’s life and also help the neighborhood, said Daniels.

    “The unhoused are a part of this community,” he added. “Not only in the sense that we shelter them, but also in the sense that they live literally around the property.”

    Across Los Angeles, some religious leaders are sizing up their own properties, encouraged by new legislation making it easier to develop the land.

    A California law that went into effect Jan. 1 allows affordable housing projects on property owned by churches, temples, mosques and other religious institutions to bypass an extensive review process and to be built in single-family neighborhoods. The city of Los Angeles is considering even more exemptions.

    An aerial view of St. Mary in Palms, center, where some of the land owned by the church may eventually be leased for affordable housing.

    (Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times)

    In L.A., which has little vacant land, sky-high rents and a homeless population that topped 45,000 at last count, affordable housing proponents view religious institutions — often land-rich but cash-poor — as an untapped resource.

    For religious leaders, building their own housing could be a way to fulfill their missions of helping needy people. And with many congregations shrinking as Americans become less religious, revenue from the developments would help make up for dwindling collection boxes.

    But some real estate experts question whether many religious organizations will ultimately seek to build, considering the buy-in required from their members and governing boards. Years of construction near their sanctuaries could be a deterrent, as could opposition from neighbors.

    Some cities, including Chino, Rancho Palos Verdes, Santa Clarita and Thousand Oaks, opposed the new state law as it was being debated in Sacramento. Then-Beverly Hills Mayor Lili Bosse said it would strip local governments of their power to control development, “overriding carefully crafted, locally informed plans.”

    Leaders at St. Mary, an Episcopal church in the Anglo-Catholic tradition, are in the early stages of studying the idea. The small congregation is close-knit, with a few dozen people attending a typical Sunday service in the diminutive, brown-shingled church. An affordable housing project would enrich church coffers, probably through leasing fees paid by the developer.

    The St. Mary property includes two main buildings, a house and six parking spaces on a narrow strip of land in a neighborhood of apartment buildings. Daniels, who has led St. Mary since 2022, said it’s too soon to say where on the property the new housing would go.

    A man sits on a pew in a church.

    The Rev. Paul Anthony Daniels, the rector of St. Mary in Palms.

    (Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times)

    In South Los Angeles, with its abundance of historically Black churches, many congregations are still reeling from the pandemic and a decline in attendance.

    Regina Fair, a board member at Bethel AME-Los Angeles, said her church draws a few hundred people on Sundays but has cut back to a single sermon.

    Like other churches, Bethel AME, which was founded in 1921, relied on livestreaming during the pandemic lockdown and uses social media to reach younger people. That all means fewer dollars in the collection plate.

    “People became OK with doing church in their home, on their couch,” Fair said. “And when you’re not in the church, it makes a big impact on the giving.”

    Bethel AME, which faces a stretch of South Western Avenue lined with businesses and apartment buildings, has embarked on a multiyear plan to develop affordable housing on its parking lot.

    The 53-unit project, which benefited from city rules intended to fast-track affordable housing, will cater to some of the homeless men who sleep in the church on cots during the winter. The church also plans to build housing on two nearby parcels it owns.

    Logos Faith Housing, which is co-developing the property, was started by a pastor to help churches build affordable housing. Bethel is leasing the land to a collection of backers in what the church’s leader, the Rev. Kelvin T. Calloway, describes as a “perfect model” to bring in revenue over a long period.

    Calloway has seen gentrification change other neighborhoods in South L.A., leaving fewer worshipers in church pews. That isn’t happening much yet in Bethel AME’s neighborhood of Manchester Square, but “it’s a real possibility,” he said.

    A man looks up a a building under construction.

    Pastor Martin Porter, managing partner of Logos Faith Development LLC, a real estate development company focused on partnering with religious entities, on the parking lot of Bethel AME Church in Los Angeles.

    (Myung J. Chun/Los Angeles Times)

    “Christianity is in crisis,” said Logos founder Pastor Martin Porter, who leads Quinn African Methodist Episcopal in Moreno Valley. “You’re seeing a lot of empty pews. The natural question is: What do we do with excess property that’s not being used?”

    Bethel AME didn’t need the new state law, sponsored by state Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), to develop its property.

    But in L.A., at least 600 sites owned by faith-based groups in single-family neighborhoods are now eligible to build affordable housing, according to the city Planning Department. City officials couldn’t provide information about whether any applications have been filed under the law in the last eight months.

    Wiener predicted it will take a few years for a substantial number of projects to launch — particularly as religious institutions figure out how to approach the opportunity.

    “They’re typically not major financial players,” he told The Times. “They’re a church or synagogue, not a development company.”

    “This is a big deal,” said Pastor John Oh, project manager of faith in housing at L.A. Voice, a community organization that supported the law.

    Oh sees it as a potential “domino” that could lead to more zoning changes in single-family neighborhoods, which have long been treated by political leaders as off-limits for multi-unit development.

    The city of L.A.’s planning department has put forward a version that, unlike Wiener’s law, does not require paying construction workers prevailing wages, or, on larger projects, providing them with healthcare.

    The proposal, which is expected to come before the City Council in the next six months, is meant to appease affordable housing developers who say that the higher wages and benefits can add 30% to their costs.

    Labor unions, including the United Brotherhood of Carpenters, are opposed.

    Pete Rodriguez, the brotherhood’s western district vice president, called the proposal “outrageous” and suggested it could worsen the homelessness crisis by impoverishing workers.

    “When will the city of L.A. realize that so many of our problems, from homelessness to budget deficits, are caused by the simple fact that too many Angelenos cannot make ends meet?” he said.

    Wiener declined to comment on the city’s proposal. He said his law prioritizes protections for construction workers, who can be targets of wage theft.

    Some development experts privately question whether religious entities in single-family neighborhoods will want to build affordable housing, in the face of possible resistance.

    In Laguna Beach, some residents are protesting a church’s plans to build affordable housing under Wiener’s law. A petition against the development on the property of Neighborhood Congregational Church has collected about 1,500 signatures.

    “It affects the entire community by altering the neighborhood’s character and exacerbating existing issues such as traffic congestion and parking shortages,” the petition said.

    But Bishop Lovester Adams, who heads Greater New St. Matthew Missionary Baptist Church in a single-family residential area in South L.A., isn’t shying away. He called Wiener’s law and the city proposal “a game changer.”

    Adams, who is also a senior associate at Logos Development, said he can’t afford to build housing on his church’s parking lot at 36th and Crawford streets unless the city passes the labor exemption.

    The church, which dates to the 1960s, is nestled between homes and duplexes. Church leaders regularly give out food and toys to needy residents.

    Attendance has fallen since the pandemic, Adams said. Sunday services draw 50 to 70 people, who fill fewer than half the seats. Some older people stay away because of concerns about COVID-19.

    Adams said he wants veterans to live in the new housing: “There is a great need there.”

    A woman stands in a parking lot near buildings.

    IKAR CEO Melissa Balaban stands in the foundation’s parking lot where affordable housing will be developed in Los Angeles.

    (Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times)

    On South Fairfax Avenue in Mid-Wilshire, the Jewish congregation IKAR is building an affordable housing complex for formerly homeless senior citizens on its parking lot.

    The project was built through Mayor Karen Bass’ Executive Directive 1, which fast-tracks affordable housing, said IKAR executive director Melissa Balaban. State legislation pushed by IKAR reduced the amount of required parking.

    Balaban said IKAR isn’t relying on the project, which is being funded by a nonprofit developer, to generate revenue for the congregation.

    “My hope is that what we’re doing isn’t just going to provide 60 homes but hopefully inspire other faith-based communities,” she said.

    In Palms, St. Mary member Julia Bergstrom, 72, is enthusiastic about the idea of affordable housing on the church property.

    She has noticed the number of people living in RVs rise and fall, and she finds the years-long wait for Section 8 housing vouchers to be “immoral.”

    While she worries about changes to the “very beautiful little church” she has attended since 2008, “it doesn’t stop me, and it doesn’t make me sad about the whole thing,” she said.

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    Dakota Smith

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  • Final orange grove in the San Fernando Valley is likely to give way to luxury homes

    Final orange grove in the San Fernando Valley is likely to give way to luxury homes

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    A century-old orange grove in Tarzana appears on its way to becoming the site of luxury homes, a transformation that would mark the end of commercial citrus farming in the San Fernando Valley, where the crop was once a mainstay.

    At 14 acres, Bothwell Ranch represents less than one-thousandth of what once was, before the orchards and ranches of the Valley gave way to vast tracts of housing and commercial buildings to serve residents. Citrus production amid the multimillion-dollar homes is far from viable, and the parcel of land is now owned by a developer who intends to fill most of it with houses.

    Los Angeles city planning officials held a public hearing Wednesday to collect comments before deciding whether to give the owners the green light to build 21 two-story homes while preserving a third of the site on Oakdale Avenue as a publicly owned orange grove managed by the Mountains Recreation and Conservation Authority for educational purposes.

    City officials are still gathering information about the planned development, but Henry Chu, the city zoning administrator for the project, said Wednesday that he is inclined to approve it within a few weeks.

    While hard to imagine today, Los Angeles was the top agricultural county in the nation for most of the first half of the 20th century, according to Rachel Surls, co-author of “From Cows to Concrete: The Rise and Fall of Farming in Los Angeles.” Citrus crops were as integral to that success as they were to the branding and selling of Southern California as a bucolic, desirable place to live.

    “The Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, different citrus marketers and organizations such as Sunkist oranges were very much a part of basically making Los Angeles look like this golden, almost tropical, agricultural paradise where people could come and get a whole new start,” Surls explained. “That positioning of Los Angeles as a place where citrus grew was really, really key to the growth of Los Angeles.”

    With history in mind, City Councilman Bob Blumenfield announced in 2022 that after years of negotiations a deal had been reached between the site’s new owners, Borstein Enterprises, and the Mountains Recreation and Conservation Authority to preserve a third of it.

    “While I wish there was a way to save the entire Bothwell Ranch, with this partnership we can save a large amount of it to be run by one of the best land preservation organizations in the country,” Blumenfield said.

    The Bothwell Ranch gets its name from Lindley Bothwell, who purchased the farmland in 1926 after earning a degree in agriculture from Oregon State University, Blumenfield said. At the time, the citrus orchard was about 6 years old and totaled 100 acres. The Bothwell family sold off pieces of the land over the years but maintained a farming operation for decades until Ann Bothwell died in 2016. The ranch survived even as other ranches were driven out by rising land value during the housing boom after World War II.

    It is now likely to be replaced by a development called Oakdale Estates. The owners have said they intend for the houses to include environmentally sustainable features such as “cool” roofs that reduce heat reflection into the atmosphere and a new street with a system that captures and filters rainwater before reusing it to irrigate landscaping that will include some citrus trees.

    Two rows of citrus trees are expected to line Oakdale Avenue on the west side of the site as a homage to the land’s past, according to plans for the development. Designs for the residences call for modern farmhouses and Spanish architecture, meant to embrace the heritage of the San Fernando Valley.

    Abelardo Hernandez, left, and Al Trujillo trim orange trees at Bothwell Ranch in the San Fernando Valley on Aug. 27, 1998.

    (Frank Wiese / Los Angeles Times)

    A critic of the project, Jeff Bornstein, said at Wednesday’s city meeting that the development should be reduced in scope to preserve more of the orchard.

    “We have very little that marks our heritage of the past in the west San Fernando Valley,” he said. “We need to save a lot more of these” trees.

    The citrus trees planted in the 1980s are past their prime fruit-bearing years and suffer from the effects of under-watering, a representative for the developer said.

    When seen in aerial photographs, the ranch looks like a lush green anachronism — plucked from the agrarian past and neatly but nonsensically deposited into a suburban jewel box of red roofs and turquoise pools and tennis courts.

    “We’re overrun,” as the late Bothwell matriarch told a reporter in 1998 with a sigh. “But you can’t stand in the middle of Ventura Boulevard and say, ‘Stop!’”

    Times staff writer Julia Wick contributed to this report.

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    Roger Vincent

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  • Part of Palos Verdes Drive South damaged by landslide will close temporarily for repairs

    Part of Palos Verdes Drive South damaged by landslide will close temporarily for repairs

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    Rancho Palos Verdes officials are preparing to close a section of Palos Verdes Drive South for repairs after the two-lane roadway suffered damage from an accelerating landslide complex that continues to wreak havoc on the coastal city.

    Palos Verdes Drive South is a major two-lane road that spans a 15-mile stretch of the California coast along which 15,000 vehicles pass every day, officials said. At the moment, visible cracks in the asphalt can be seen where the road has fallen into disrepair due to shifting sediment.

    “We’re doing short-term repairs right now,” said City Manager Ara Mihranian. But an “imminent road closure” will take place over the next month to address a “severe drop” in the roadway that locals call “the ski jump,” he said.

    Caltrans officials are recommending that this section of roadway be flatted out to some extent, Mihranian said. The section runs about a quarter of a mile between Narcissa and Peppertree drives. Details of the planned road closure and its repairs will be presented to the City Council on April 2.

    The Portuguese Bend Landslide Complex that underlies much of the city has been slowly shifting for decades, but over the last few months, the movement has increased alarmingly. Heavy rains over the past two winters have contributed to the problem.

    The land in some areas is descending towards the Pacific Ocean at a rate of about half an inch per day, according to Michael Phipps, a geologist working for the city. The landslide has already damaged some homes and recently forced the closure of the historic Wayfarer’s Chapel, a popular wedding site perched on a hillside overlooking the ocean.

    In a recent report presented to the City Council, Phipps found that the current pace is three or four times the rate recorded in 2023.

    A particular type of soil makes the Portuguese Bend especially vulnerable to landslides, Phipps said. Millions of years ago a volcanic eruption deposited ash that became bentonite clay. “When [bentonite] gets wet, it becomes even weaker,” said Phipps. “So we’ve really got the worst of all situations.”

    The city is using underground pumps called dewatering wells to drain the water table to help stabilize the land, officials said. The city has also halted development in certain affected areas. So far, Mihranian said, only two damaged homes have been marked as uninhabitable.

    The Federal Emergency Management Agency has awarded Rancho Palos Verdes $33 million dollars to help with remediation efforts. Now the city is proposing that $8 million of that money be allocated for emergency hydraugers, drains that would be bored into hillsides to release excess water.

    “There’s other discussions about trying to intercept the water that’s coming down to natural canyons up into the head of the landslide,” Phipps said. But all the city’s measures will at best only slow the landslide to imperceptible movement, not completely stop it, he said.

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    Jireh Deng

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  • Opinion: Why is L.A. still letting single-family homeowners block solutions to the housing crisis?

    Opinion: Why is L.A. still letting single-family homeowners block solutions to the housing crisis?

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    Last month YIMBY Law, a nonprofit, pro-housing advocacy group, sued the City of Los Angeles on behalf of a private developer seeking to construct a 360-unit apartment building in Canoga Park. These apartments would be only for renters who meet the federal definition of low to moderate incomes in L.A. The project was submitted under Mayor Karen Bass’ Executive Directive 1, meant to dramatically speed up the approval and permitting process for 100% affordable housing projects. But recently the city revoked the eligibility of the Canoga Park building for this program following complaints from single-family homeowners.

    This about-face is part of a trend. Last year, the mayor’s office amended ED1 to shield single-family zones from streamlined development — after eight such applications, including the Canoga Park proposal, were already submitted. Those proposals were then denied eligibility for ED1. Some of the projects have filed appeals; one denial has been overturned, but the City Council rejected an appeal for the Canoga project.

    Without ED1, these projects face a discretionary approval process that may involve lengthy environmental review and other delays likely to prevent them from happening. This turn of events may cost the city more than 1,100 affordable apartments.

    Bass announced ED1 as moving “City Hall away from its traditional approach that is focused on process and replacing it with a new approach focused on solutions, results and speed.” The mayor’s stated intention received a remarkable boost via the state law AB 2334, passed in 2022, allowing developer incentives for 100% affordable projects including substantial increases in height limits and allowable density (the number of housing units on a given-sized parcel of land) in “very low vehicle travel areas,” where limited residential development has kept down traffic. The idea is that these areas can more easily accommodate any extra traffic stemming from increased housing density.

    The potential cost savings from ED1 and AB 2334 encouraged private developers to produce long-term, income-restricted units — crucially, without relying on public financing. If the more than 1,100 apartments now held up from ED1 streamlining were built through the standard publicly subsidized pathway, at a typical cost of around $600,000 per unit, they could require up to $660,000,000 in public funding. Privately funded alternatives are a boon to local, regional and state governments that have sought for years to spur the production of so-called “missing middle” housing that is affordable to working-class and middle-income households.

    Yet now this progress is in question, just as the power of these complementary city and state reforms has begun to emerge. The lawsuit concerning the Canoga Park building may result in one or more of the halted projects being built eventually, and the state has suggested that the city erred in revoking their ED1 eligibility. But even if these projects get approved, since ED1 now excludes the single-family neighborhoods that make up approximately three-quarters of residential land in L.A., they would mark an end rather than a beginning to similar development.

    Some residents of these neighborhoods say that’s only fair. According to Councilmember Bob Blumenfield, for homeowners affected by new apartments, “their property value is going to get cut in half, they’re going to have a big shadow over their place.”

    As it happens, I can speak personally to these concerns. I am the owner and resident of a unit in a small rowhouse condo development on the Westside located directly across the street from an ongoing project converting a single-family home into a multi-unit apartment building.

    My neighbors and my family are losing a good deal of sunlight throughout the day from the new building. Our street has been a cacophonous, messy construction site for so long it’s hard to remember what it was like before.

    But I know that this is what solving the housing crisis looks like: A single parcel that previously housed one family is being transformed into apartments for perhaps 15 to 25 people, with units reserved for low-income households. Like those in the contested ED1 projects, these affordable units won’t require public funding.

    There is simply no way to solve our housing crisis without throwing shade in some single-family residential areas. We might have to increase traffic in some neighborhoods, too, though providing more housing in jobs-rich West L.A. could ultimately reduce traffic by allowing people to live closer to where they work. As for property values, multiple studies have shown that low-income housing does not substantially reduce them, including in high-cost neighborhoods, and often increases them.

    Some constituencies will always oppose development. Local policymakers who are serious about solving our dual crises of housing affordability and homelessness have to take a hard look at how much political capital they are willing to spend to create effective policies in the face of such objections.

    If we can’t build fully affordable projects that don’t drain government coffers even on the edges of land zoned for single-family residences, then Angelenos should prepare for a permanent housing crisis.

    But if this sounds like the wrong direction for the city, Bass and the City Council should fully commit to protecting and expanding innovative policy such as the original ED1, without categorical exclusions for single-family neighborhoods, and AB 2334. Mechanisms that convince private developers to produce long-term affordable housing offer what is as close to a free lunch on this crisis as L.A. is ever likely to get.

    Jason Ward is an economist at Rand Corp. and the co-director of the Rand Center on Housing and Homelessness.

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    Jason Ward

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  • Opinion: In L.A., real estate envy is all too real. I can't stop looking at Zillow

    Opinion: In L.A., real estate envy is all too real. I can't stop looking at Zillow

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    I was leaving a friend’s housewarming party on a street of nice single-family homes in Los Angeles a few years back when my curiosity got the best of me. I pulled up Zillow on my phone, entered her address and blinked at the property’s purchase price. I suppose I could have just asked her. In Los Angeles, talking about the cost of real estate is common, and I’ve often heard people comparing their refinance interest rates or saying how much they had to pay over the asking price. But by pursuing the information privately, I could digest my feelings about not being in a position to afford a house of equal value because I came from a different family of origin, because I was unmarried, because our writing careers had unfolded differently.

    This emotional aspect of homeownership isn’t discussed in articles that make the choice between buying and renting seem as low impact as choosing whether to eat carbs. Of course, it’s a financial investment and should theoretically be approached without sentiment. But it’s also one of the most loaded tenets of the American dream. When a belief or ideal has been drilled into your subconscious, detaching your values and self-identity from the fantasy can be difficult. This is true, even for people like me who were raised outside the mainstream.

    When I was a child, my mother and some friends bought 100 acres of land in Maine, creating an intentional community as part of the Back to the Land movement in the 1970s. Four families, including my own, designed and built properties — with our own hands — as well as the organic gardens, compost bins and wood piles that supported our chosen way of life. Everything was purposeful, such as our home being heated by solar energy and wood we mostly cut from our land. We ate our vegetarian, home-grown meals together under our skylights and at regular neighborhood potlucks. At the time, I felt like an outsider at school. Most families in our village had lobstered for generations and did not understand our preferences. But even then, I sensed I was being raised thoughtfully and well.

    All of this introduced me to the idea that owning a home was a conscious commitment to creating a small oasis of mindful, environmentally friendly, community-oriented living, as well as an act of stewardship — my parents own 30 acres of woodland that our family will never develop. And while I rebelled at 15 by moving to Massachusetts to start college early, I internalized these values and have been looking for my own version ever since.

    Perhaps it was this unusual upbringing that made me always love peeping in other people’s windows, to see how they lived by comparison. On runs through my neighborhood, I have spied scenes of a boy practicing piano or my neighbors watching “Jeopardy” by the light of their Christmas tree. As a child, I drew elaborate underground squirrel-houses with bunk beds and roller rinks. As an author, when I’m creating a new character I go to their hometown’s Zillow page and seek their living situation, scouring photos for my scene-setting. In my forthcoming novel, the main character, Mari, is a ghostwriter who sleuths intel about her client by looking up her home on Zillow. But I don’t need an excuse to peruse the site. Even though I’m not in the market to buy, I love to get lost in the fantasy of other houses, other lives.

    This tendency to look up residences in my neighborhood, for sale or not, morphed into looking up homes to which I am invited. Like many things in life, you only have to do it a few times for it to become a habit, whether it feels good or not. When I looked up a former mentor’s new home, the elegant, high-ceilinged rooms, alluring yard and swimming pool gave me all the feelings we can have about an old friend whose career has skyrocketed when ours has not yet hit the same heights.

    Perhaps I should stop. Or perhaps it’s a healthy way of getting a handle on how I compare myself to others and assess where I am in my own life, and what my level of success or acquisition says about me. Perhaps, just as it fuels my writing, it helps me envision the many possible future stories of my own life.

    Finally, in 2017, I compromised on my desire for a home and bought an investment property in Joshua Tree. Many of my friends also own places there, so in that way I was becoming part of a community as I had long sought. But owning a house that I would live in had become such a potent signifier, and even though I’m well aware that being able to buy property anywhere is a luxury many others will never have, this still felt like a concession. I knew vacationers would frequent it more than I would.

    The day I decided to buy the home, I peered up at the sky through one of the perfectly placed windows and nearly wept because the space was that beautiful. The Los Angeles real estate market — and the rental market — had beaten me down, and I had given up thinking I had a right to anything as nice as this property. Except I did, and I do. We all have this right. And now, sometimes, I pull up the Zillow listing for my house and smile at this little corner of the world where I fulfilled a dream and took the first step into my own version of stewardship.

    Sarah Tomlinson is a writer in Los Angeles. Her first novel, “The Last Days of the Midnight Ramblers,” is to be published Feb. 13.

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    Sarah Tomlinson

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  • ITPGRFA Seeks Close Collaboration with CBD on Benefit-sharing | News | SDG Knowledge Hub – Medical Marijuana Program Connection

    ITPGRFA Seeks Close Collaboration with CBD on Benefit-sharing | News | SDG Knowledge Hub – Medical Marijuana Program Connection

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    The Governing Body of the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture (ITPGRFA) highlighted the need to ensure close collaboration with the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), particularly in the context of the negotiations to enhance the functioning of the Treaty’s Multilateral System (MLS) of access and benefit-sharing (ABS) and ongoing talks under the CBD towards a multilateral mechanism on benefit-sharing from the use of digital sequence information (DSI) on genetic resources.

    ITPGRFA aims to conserve crop diversity and share its benefits for human and planetary well-being.

    The theme of the tenth session of its Governing Body (GB 10) was ‘From Seeds to Innovative Solutions, Safeguarding Our Future: Contributing to the Implementation of the Global Biodiversity Framework for Sustainable Food Systems,’ which highlighted the importance of crop diversity for food security, environmental sustainability, and socioeconomic well-being in the face of global challenges. The Earth Negotiations Bulletin (ENB) summary report of the meeting notes that convening less than a year after the adoption of the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework (GBF), the meeting “underscored farmers’ contributions to agricultural biodiversity, and drew attention to the interlinkages between the Treaty and [CBD].”

    “Four Working Group meetings are planned for the next biennium,” ENB highlights, “to allow for progress on the negotiations…

    Original Author Link click here to read complete story..

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    MMP News Author

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  • Opinion: California’s majestic desert must be preserved. This proposal can help

    Opinion: California’s majestic desert must be preserved. This proposal can help

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    As the former superintendent of Joshua Tree National Park — and a 38-year career employee for the National Park Service — I have seen the undeniable benefits that come with conserving our public lands. Nowhere has this become more clear than in the California desert, where conservation efforts have nurtured a growing and sustainable outdoor recreation community and economy. A new proposal to establish the Chuckwalla National Monument and protect public lands adjacent to Joshua Tree National Park is the next step in continuing these endeavors.

    Proposed by Rep. Raul Ruiz (D-Palm Desert), the Chuckwalla National Monument and Joshua Tree National Park extension would encompass roughly 660,000 acres of public land in the California desert. The designation would help ensure more equitable access to nature for residents of the Eastern Coachella Valley, Blythe and other local communities. Already, these lands are beloved for outdoor activities such as hiking, picnicking, stargazing and recreational off-highway vehicle use. Elsewhere in the California desert, public lands conservation that supports similar activities has led to visitor spending that directly benefits the economies of nearby communities.

    The proposed monument would also help safeguard the ecologically rich but vulnerable Colorado Desert bioregion. Conserving this area will protect important wildlife and plant habitats, including those necessary to support the desert tortoise, desert bighorn sheep and the Mecca aster, among others. The monument would also conserve critical wildlife corridors between Joshua Tree National Park and other protected areas such as the Palen/McCoy Wilderness. Additionally, the region’s undisturbed desert lands are increasingly valued for their important role in sequestering atmospheric carbon, a key contributor to global climate change.

    The lands proposed for protection include the homelands of the Iviatim, Nüwü, Pipa Aha Macav, Kwatsáan and Maara’yam peoples (Cahuilla, Chemehuevi, Mojave, Quechan and Serrano nations). The proposed monument would preserve this cultural landscape by protecting important heritage values, sacred sites and objects, traditional cultural places, plants and wildlife.

    The timing for this effort could not be better, as support for public land conservation is steadily growing throughout the West in general. The 2023 Colorado College Conservation in the West Poll shows that more than 80% of voters across eight Western states support the “30×30” goal of protecting 30% of U.S. lands and waters by 2030. Additionally, the proposed national monument would help advance California’s own “30×30” goals.

    At a time when conserving nature and meeting renewable energy goals are critical, a Chuckwalla National Monument would accomplish both. It is complementary to the goals of the Desert Renewable Energy Conservation Plan, a multi-year collaborative process that identifies areas suitable for renewable energy development and lands important for conservation. The proposed monument avoids lands suitable for energy projects and it protects areas that are important to conserve for their biological, cultural and historic values.

    President Biden is on track to protect more land than any other first-term president in modern American history. To date, he has responded to calls to safeguard public lands near the Grand Canyon, in southern Nevada and elsewhere. Biden should continue this work and designate Chuckwalla National Monument and protect lands adjacent to Joshua Tree National Park, helping to preserve some of California’s desert treasures.

    Mark Butler is the former superintendent of Joshua Tree National Park and a 38-year career employee of the National Park Service.

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    Mark Butler

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