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  • Secret Service Agents Placed on Leave After Trump Assassination Attempt

    Secret Service Agents Placed on Leave After Trump Assassination Attempt

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    Gage Skidmore via Wikimedia

    By Susan Crabtree for RealClearPolitics

    Three weeks ago, Acting Secret Service Director Ronald Rowe angrily pushed back on senators’ calls to immediately fire or discipline key agents directly responsible for the security failures that led to the assassination attempt against former President Trump at last month’s campaign rally in Butler, Pennsylvania.

    Since that time, Secret Service leaders have placed several members of the Pittsburgh Field Office on administrative leave, according to three sources in the Secret Service community.

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    (Administrative leave occurs when a federal employee temporarily leaves their position and work duties – either because of a misconduct investigation or medical or mental health issue. These employees usually still receive pay and benefits, but those decisions are left to the discretion of agency leadership.)

    While these members of the Pittsburgh Field Office were placed on leave, a different set of agents, several assigned to Trump’s permanent protective detail, are still on the job providing Trump protection, the sources say. They remain operational even though they too were deeply involved in devising the Butler rally’s security plan.

    The differing treatment of the two teams is spurring internal dissension and speculation that the Pittsburgh office could bear the brunt of the serious security failures that day, even though there’s plenty of blame to go around.

    During a joint Senate committee meeting July 30, Rowe said he couldn’t understand or defend why the roof where shooter Thomas Crooks fired from wasn’t better secured. He said the Secret Service is investigating whether any employees broke the rules or didn’t follow established protocol to protect obvious vulnerabilities. If so, he said they would be held accountable through the agency’s disciplinary process and face punishment, including termination.

    Yet, Rowe and other senior officials back in Washington headquarters should share the blame, these sources argue. The agency’s top brass were almost certainly involved in declining at least some of the security assets requested for the Butler rally despite a heightened threat level brought on by a specific Iranian assassination plot against Trump.

    Former Secret Service Director Kimberly Cheatle resigned in late July amid bipartisan outrage over her lack of transparency about the rally security failures. But critics in Congress and the Secret Service community are calling for more accountability in the wake of the worst security failure since President Ronald Reagan was shot in 1981.

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    Dan Bongino, a popular conservative personality who spent 11 years in the Secret Service, has blasted his former agency’s “apocalyptic security failure” and called for a full house-cleaning of the upper leadership ranks in its Washington headquarters. Rowe, he said, is just as bad, if not worse than Cheatle because he was her hand-picked deputy and played a key role in her management decisions.

    “My Secret Service colleagues I worked with, where nothing like this ever happened at our advances, are horrified at Ron Rowe, ashamed at what this agency has become,” he said in on his podcast the day after Rowe testified before the Senate. “… I’m not talking about a small cadre of them. I’m talking about a big group of former agents [who] are on fire about what happened here – they are horrified about what’s going on with this agency.”

    Other current Secret Service agents, including one who requested anonymity for fear of reprisal, pinned the failures at Butler directly on Rowe and other top leaders alleged ties because their decisions leading up to the July 13 rally set the rank-and-file agents up for failure.

    “Leadership’s mismanagement of technology and personnel are what led to the failures in Butler, but they are not the ones being held accountable,” a source in the Secret Service community told RealClearPolitics.

    The FBI arrested Asif Merchant, a Pakistani man with to Iran, one day before the Butler rally. Merchant was charged with a plot to carry out political assassinations on U.S. soil, including against Trump.

    The arrest comes two years after U.S. officials disrupted another Iranian scheme aimed at former Trump National Security Adviser John Bolton. Trump and his national security team have faced threats from Iran since Trump ordered the killing of Iranian Gen. Qasam Soleimani in early January 2020.

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    Mid-level Secret Service managers based in D.C. routinely reduce the level of security assets as a way to cut costs. There’s even greater pressure to reject asset requests during presidential campaign years when agency resources are especially stretched thin because there are multiple candidates to protect.

    Because of the heightened Iranian threat against Trump, those decision wouldn’t just be made by mid-level Secret Service managers but likely would involve top agency officials too, the sources argued. In the case of the Butler rally, it was the first time agency leaders approved counter snipers for a Trump reelection event, but they still only allotted two counter sniper teams rather than the four teams requested, multiple sources have told RCP.

    Because of the sniper shortage, the Secret Service was forced to ask local law enforcement to man the rooftop where 20-year-old would-be assassin Thomas Crooks fired off his shots at Trump and the crowd, killing firefighter Corey Comperatore, who was attending the rally with his family.

    Exactly why that rooftop was not adequately covered remains a key question in the ongoing investigation with the Secret Service and local law enforcement continuing to trade accusations over that glaring failure.

    Other whistleblowers have come forward to complain that Secret Service leaders did not allocate a counter-surveillance unit, roaming agents who work to find and intercept suspicious people or fortify vulnerable areas during a rally. If they had, these whistleblowers argue, those CSU teams would have intercepted and questioned Crooks as soon as he pulled out a range finder and held it up to the crowd.

    Sen. Josh Hawley in early August sent a letter to Rowe saying he had received detailed information personally laming him for directing “significant cuts” to the Countersurveillance Division, a department that performs threat assessment evaluations of events sites before the events occur and did not perform its typical evaluation of the Butler site and was not present that day. An unnamed whistleblower further alleged that Rowe directed a 20% reduction in the CSD’s manpower, an assertion that, if proven, would undercut Rowe’s repeated denials that he wasn’t involved in any decisions rejecting requests for added security for Trump over the last two years.

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    In an all-hands conference call last week, Rowe committed to a complete “paradigm” overhaul at the agency and said he is making headway in pressing for major budget increases. He also pledged to jettison the long-term approach of stretching resources too thin – what is known within the agency as “doing more with less” – and to improve the Secret Service’s technological capability to adapt to “constantly evolving” threats.

    “We can no longer operate with that mindset,” Rowe told the agents during his address to every employee. “We can no longer wear our people down.”

    Rowe argued that the near-assassination of Trump served as a wake-up call to the agency – “an opportunity to examine our own paradigm and examine our own methodologies, to challenge assumptions, to look at the new dynamic threat environment we’re operating in, look at the demand in which we’re placing on our people.”

    Trump’s security detail, a 60-member team dedicated to protecting the former president, has faced the toughest schedules and heaviest workloads over the last year of any Secret Service division or detail. The agents have endured long hours, often working seven days a week in a row before taking time off. The Trump detail also has taken on more of the responsibility for creating and executing the security plans for rallies, these sources said, a job that was always shared with the local field office closest to each rally. But over the last year, as Trump has faced heightened threats, his detail has taken on more and more responsibility for security planning and decisions at rallies, these sources say.

    For instance, the site agent, the individual charged with devising most of the security plan for the event, was a member of the Trump detail for the Butler rally. But the lead agent, who typically oversees security at the entire sequence of events – from the airport arrival to the rally to the hotel stay to airport departure – was a member of the Pittsburgh Field Office. During final preparations for a rally, the site agent and lead agent join forces in conducting walk-throughs of the security plans with supervisors from each of their teams.

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    Because members of the Pittsburgh Field Office shared the responsibility with the individuals from the Trump detail, sources are questioning why no one from the Trump detail has been put on administrative leave while several of their Pittsburgh counterparts have been. Even the innermost ring of security – those agents on the Trump detail who quickly used their bodies as human shields to protect Trump – are still on the job despite the obvious trauma of going through such a stressful event.

    Secret Service spokesman Anthony Guglielmi didn’t respond to questions from RealClearPolitics about that disparity. He also didn’t answer several other detailed questions about the agency’s administrative leave and disciplinary policies.

    “The U.S. Secret Service is committed to investigating the decisions and actions of personnel related to the event in Butler, Pennsylvania and the attempted assassination of former President Donald Trump,” Guglielmi said in a statement. “The U.S. Secret Service’s mission assurance review is progressing, and we are examining the processes, procedures and factors that led to this operational failure.”

    “The U.S. Secret Service holds our personnel to the highest professional standards, and any identified and substantiated violations of policy will be investigated by the Office of Professional Responsibility for potential disciplinary action,” he added. “Given this is a personnel matter, we are not in a position to comment further.”

    During Rowe’s July 30 Senate testimony, the acting director and Hawley got into a shouting match over the agency’s failure to fire anyone, including those responsible for the failure to surveil the rooftop where Crooks opened fire.

    “You’re asking me, Senator, to completely make a rush to judgement about somebody failing. I acknowledge this was a failure,” Rowe said during the questioning.

    “Is it not prima facie that somebody has failed? The former president was shot,” Hawley shot back.

    Rowe responded that he had “lost sleep” over the security failures that day and assured Hawley that he would hold people accountable “with integrity” and not “rush to judgement.”

    “Then fire somebody to hold them accountable,” Hawley demanded.

    Rowe countered that he needed to allow the FBI investigation to continue to gather all the facts and determine culpability and argued that there were likely several people and factors to blame for the failures, not just one scapegoat.

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    In the wake of the assassination attempt, whistleblowers have come forward to share with RCP what they describe as a corrosive culture of fear, favoritism, uneven disciplinary action, and retribution they say has plagued the agency for years, harming its core protective mission. The uneven discipline and lowering of hiring standards because of a staffing shortage has led to several embarrassing security breaches and misconduct scandals in recent years, sowing distrust and resentment.

    Rowe has pledged to hold those responsible for the security failures in Butler accountable, but others argue his close friendship with Tim Burke, who heads the Pittsburgh Field Office, could complicate that task.

    Just last year, a former member of that Pittsburgh office won a complaint he filed with the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, a federal agency that enforces workplace discrimination laws, according to two sources in the Secret Service community.

    The special agent complained to Burke that an office leader was sexually harassing another employee, but Burke said he didn’t believe the accusations and advised the employee to drop the matter. After the agent insisted his charges were accurate and filed formal complaints within the Secret Service, he said Burke, with the blessing of top Secret Service leaders, unfairly retaliated against him for the disclosure, putting him on administrative leave and downgrading his salary from a GS14 level carrying a salary of $104,604-$135,987, to a GS13 level, which ranges between $88,520 and $115,079. Such disciplinary action would require approval from top agency leaders, and Rowe likely knew about it even if he didn’t sign off specifically on the demotion.

    Yet, just months after filing the EEOC complaint, the agent provided evidence of his sexual harassment claim and won his case, quickly regaining his GS14 status, according to three sources in the Secret Service community. He also was allowed to relocate away from the Pittsburgh Field Office. It’s unclear if Burke, who is close friends with Rowe and is generally liked by top Secret Service leaders, faced any disciplinary action for failing to take the charges seriously. 

    In another alarming incident that could have implications for the Iranian plot against Trump, two men of Pakistani heritage were arrested and charged with posing as Department of Homeland Security officers in Washington and duping four Secret Service agents charged with protecting President Biden and his family. According to federal prosecutors, the imposters provided the Secret Service agents with tens of thousands of gifts, including rent-free apartments, in a two-year scheme that began in February 2020 while Trump was still in office,.

    At one point after Biden took office, one of the Pakistani men, Arian Taherzadeh, offered to buy a $2,000 assault rifle for an agent assigned to first lady Jill Biden’s protective detail, according to the legal filings. One of the men, Haider Ali, told witnesses he had connections to intelligence agencies in Pakistan, and he also had several visas issued by Pakistan and Iran, prosecutors said.

    “Taherzadeh and Ali have attempted to use their false and fraudulent affiliation with DHS to ingratiate themselves with members of federal law enforcement and the defense community,” David Elias, an FBI agent, wrote in the affidavit.

    Yet, Elias did not say why the men orchestrated the elaborate plan to impersonate DHS agents and cozy up to members of the presidential protective Secret Service detail. Prosecutors said they used their false identities to obtain security footage of the apartment building, as well as a list of the building’s residents and contact information.

    The Secret Service agents implicated in the scheme were placed on administrative leave, but it’s unclear what disciplinary action, if any, was taken against them.

    Susan Crabtree is RealClearPolitics’ national political correspondent.

    Syndicated with permission from RealClearWire.

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  • Former Secret Service Chief Wanted To Destroy Cocaine Evidence

    Former Secret Service Chief Wanted To Destroy Cocaine Evidence

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    DHSgov, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

    By Susan Crabtree for RealClearPolitics

    Former Secret Service Director Kimberly Cheatle and others in top agency leadership positions wanted to destroy the cocaine discovered in the White House last summer, but the Secret Service Forensics Services Division and the Uniformed Division stood firm and rejected the push to dispose of the evidence, according to three sources in the Secret Service community.

    Multiple heated confrontations and disagreements over how best to handle the cocaine ensued after a Secret Services Uniformed Division officer found the bag on July 2, 2023, a quiet Sunday while President Biden and his family were at Camp David in Maryland, the sources said.

    At least one Uniformed Division officer was initially assigned to investigate the cocaine incident. But after he told his supervisors, including Cheatle and Acting Secret Service Director Ron Rowe, who was deputy director at the time, that he wanted to follow a certain crime-scene investigative protocol, he was taken off the case, according to a source within the Secret Service community familiar with the circumstances of his removal.

    Secret Service spokesman Anthony Guglielmi denied that Cheatle or Rowe or anyone in Secret Service leadership asked for the cocaine evidence to be destroyed. Guglielmi, however, ignored a detailed set of questions asking if an agent or officer had been removed from the investigation and whether anyone has been retaliated against for rejecting leadership’s orders or requests during that process or afterward. 

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    “This is false,” Guglielmi said in a statement. “The US Secret Service takes its investigative and protective responsibilities very seriously. There are retention policies for criminal investigations,  and the Secret Service adhered to those requirements during this case.”

    The discovery of the bag of cocaine posed an unusual problem for Cheatle, who resigned in the face of bipartisan pressure after the July 13 assassination attempt against Donald Trump.

    Hunter Biden had a well-documented addiction to cocaine, crack cocaine, and other substances for many years but repeatedly claimed to be sober since 2021, an assertion that has prompted President Biden to often proclaim how “proud” he is of his son. While neither Joe nor Hunter Biden were at the executive mansion when the cocaine was found, it was discovered after a period when Hunter had been staying there.

    Cheatle became close to the Biden family while serving on Vice President Joe Biden’s protective detail – so close that Biden tapped Cheatle for the director job in 2022, in part because of her close relationship to first lady Jill Biden.

    When the cocaine was first discovered, Cheatle apparently knew it would spark a media firestorm. The incident prompted viral memes about Hunter Biden’s addictions and accusations from Republican political figures, including Nikki Haley, that the Secret Service knew whose cocaine it was and was trying to cover it up.

    Normally, the discovery of cocaine or another illegal narcotic in the White House complex or in and around the first family and their staff wouldn’t come to light at all.

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    That’s because the president’s and first lady’s, as well as family members’ protective Secret Service details, the inner-most ring of protective agents assigned to the first family, would simply dispose of illegal drugs or other “contraband” found in the White House, personal residences, or other private areas of the president, his family, and White House staff, according to three sources in the Secret Service community.

    But it wasn’t a member of President Biden’s regular detail who found the bag of cocaine just two days before the July 4 holiday last year. Instead, a member of the agency’s Uniformed Division, which is charged with protecting the facilities and venues for presidents and other agency protectees, discovered the substance in the White House complex while conducting routine rounds of the building.

    The exact location where the officer found the bag changed several times during the first weeks of media reports on the incident. Initial reports said the cocaine was found in a reference library. Later reports indicated it was in a “work area” of the West Wing, which is attached to the mansion that houses the president and his family, the Oval Office, the cabinet room, the press briefing room, and offices for staff. CBS News, citing law enforcement sources, then reported it was found in a facility used by White House staff and guests to store phones.

    An official Secret Service statement, issued at the conclusion of the agency’s internal investigation into the cocaine discovery, said a Uniformed Division officer found the bag in a “vestibule leading to the lobby area of the West Executive Avenue entrance to the White House,” a well-trafficked area used on the weekend for White House tours. That statement was released on July 13, eleven days after the cocaine’s discovery.

    The officer who first found the bag with a white substance immediately flagged it as a potentially hazardous substance, worried that the bag of white power could contain deadly anthrax or ricin.

    Technical Security Division, or TSD, investigator would normally be deployed to the scene. These investigators, sometimes wearing hazmat suits, can identify different types of hazardous substances and explosives and work to quickly remove or defuse them. However, the TSD investigator was not called in on a Sunday evening of a holiday weekend. Instead, a Secret Service officer or agent called in the District of Columbia Fire and Emergency Medical Service Department, who evacuated the White House complex while they tested the white substance on site, determining it was cocaine.

    Because the press was part of the evacuation, there was no way to hide the information about the discovery, and the Secret Service leaders quickly shifted to crisis communications mode. Meanwhile, the substance and packaging were treated as evidence and sent to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security’s National Biodefense Analysis and Countermeasures Center, which again analyzed it for biothreats. Those tests also came back negative for hazardous material.

    Then, the Secret Service sent the plastic bag and its contents to the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s crime laboratory for fingerprint and DNA analysis. While there were no latent fingerprints detected, the FBI lab found some DNA material, according to three sources in the Secret Service community. Several sources, citing private statements by a special agent in the Forensics Services Division who supervised the vault containing the cocaine evidence, said the agency ran the DNA material against national criminal databases and “got a partial hit.” The term “partial hit” is vague in this context, but in forensics lingo usually means law enforcement found DNA matching a blood relative of a finite pool of people.

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    “The Congressional oversight committees need to put White under oath and confirm the ‘partial hit,’” a source told RCP. “Then the FBI needs to explain who the partial hit was against, then determine what blood family member has ties to the White House or what person matching the partial hit was present at the White House that weekend.”

    Other sources familiar with the investigation and Cheatle’s alleged push to destroy the cocaine didn’t know if anyone at the Secret Service ran the DNA material found on the cocaine against a national criminal database.  In January, federal prosecutors urged a judge to reject Hunter Biden’s efforts to dismiss gun charges against him, revealing that investigators last year discovered cocaine residue on the pouch the president’s son used to hold his gun. In June, a 12-member jury found Hunter Biden guilty on charges related to his purchase and possession of the firearm while he was addicted to crack cocaine. 

    But Secret Service leaders, under pressure from Cheatle and other top agency officials, chose not to run additional searches for DNA matches or conduct interviews with the hundreds of people who work in the White House complex.

    “That’s because they didn’t want to know, or even narrow down the field of who it could be,” a source stated. “It could have been Hunter Biden, it could have been a staffer, it could have been someone doing a tour – we’ll never know.”

    During the feverish speculation in the days and weeks after the cocaine’s discovery, the White House refused to answer whether the cocaine came from a Biden family member and labeled as “irresponsible” reporters who asked about a possible link to Hunter or another Biden family member.

    In announcing the conclusion of its investigation into the cocaine incident, Secret Service spokesman Anthony Guglielmi said the agency determined that interviewing all 500 people could be a strain on resources, might infringe upon civil liberties, and would likely be fruitless without corresponding physical evidence tying any person to the drugs.

    “On July 12, the Secret Service received the FBI’s laboratory results, which did not develop latent fingerprints, and insufficient DNA was present for investigative comparisons,” Guglielmi said. “Therefore, the Secret Service is not able to compare evidence against the known pool of individuals.”

    “There was no surveillance video footage found that provided investigative leads or any other means for investigators to identify who may have deposited the found substance in this area,” Guglielmi continued. “Without physical evidence, the investigation will not be able to single out a person of interest from the hundreds of individuals who passed through the vestibule where the cocaine was discovered.”

    “At this time, the Secret Service’s investigation is closed due to a lack of physical evidence,” the spokesman added. “The U.S. Secret Service takes its mission to protect U.S. leaders, facilities, and events seriously, and we are constantly adapting to meet the needs of the current and future security environment.”

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    Over the last month as the agency has come under fire for a series of mistakes leading to an assassination attempt against Trump, Guglielmi has been forced to correct a previous press statement that the agency did not deny repeated requests for additional security assets from the former president’s staff in the months leading up to the assassination attempt.

    It’s unclear exactly when Cheatle and other top officials tried to persuade the Forensics Services Division to destroy the evidence. At some point during the investigation, Matt White, the vault supervisor, received a call from Cheatle or someone speaking on her behalf asking him to destroy the bag of cocaine because agency leaders wanted to close the case, according to two sources in the Secret Service community.

    “Protocol is, whether you act on the [DNA] hit or not, we still have to maintain evidence for a period of up to seven years,” a source told RCP. “It became a big to-do.”

    White’s boss, Glenn Dennis, the head of the Forensics Services Division, then conferred with the Uniformed Division, which first discovered the cocaine.

    “A decision was made not to get rid of the evidence, and it really pissed off Cheatle,” a source in the Secret Service community said in an interview.

    At the time of the cocaine’s discovery, Richard Macauley was serving as the acting chief of the Uniformed Division after the recent retirement of Alfonso Dyson Sr., a 29-year veteran of the agency. When Dyson left his position, Macauley, who is black, became the acting director. Despite Cheatle’s push to hire and promote minority men and women, Macauley was passed over for the job of Uniformed Division chief in what many in the agency view as an act of retaliation for supporting those who refused to dispose of the cocaine, according to several sources in the Secret Service community.

    In 2018, Macauley was named the Secret Services Uniformed Division Officer of the Year. In an interview with Federal News Network, a news talk show focused on issues of interest to federal government workers, a host lauded Macauley for receiving the award and credited him with tightening operations, increasing diversity, boosting officer training, and improving working conditions, “all while taking care of his own shift operations.” Macauley would go on to serve one year, from February 2022 to January 2023, as deputy assistant sergeant at arms at the U.S. House of Representatives.

    Susan Crabtree is RealClearPolitics’ national political correspondent.

    Syndicated with permission from RealClearWire.

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