ReportWire

Tag: judges

  • Don Lemon’s arrest looks like an assault on freedom of the press

    [ad_1]

    Don Lemon and Georgia Fort, two journalists who covered a protest that disrupted services at a St. Paul church on January 18, were arrested last week on federal charges punishable by up to a decade in prison. While the protest itself entailed trespassing coupled with disorderly conduct, the attempt to treat reporting on the event as a federal felony looks like a thinly veiled assault on freedom of the press.

    Opponents of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) crackdown in Minnesota targeted Cities Church because one of its pastors, David Easterwood, directs enforcement and removal operations at ICE’s field office in St. Paul. Was that a good reason to interrupt a service at his church and self-righteously harangue the congregants to the point that many of them fled?

    No, it was not. Even if Easterwood had been there, the demonstration would have been misguided, misdirected, obnoxious, morally objectionable, and plainly illegal, especially after the protesters were asked to leave and refused to do so. But that does not mean Lemon and Fort should be held criminally liable for the conduct of the people they were covering.

    Lemon, a former CNN anchor and longtime critic of President Donald Trump who hosts a YouTube show, and Fort, a local reporter who runs a livestreaming news outlet, covered an organizational meeting that preceded the protest, agreed not to divulge the protest’s location ahead of time, and recorded the event itself. According to a federal indictment filed last Thursday, those actions made them “co-conspirators.”

    Lemon and Fort allegedly conspired with the protest’s organizers to “injure, oppress, threaten, or intimidate” the Cities Church worshipers “in the free exercise or enjoyment” of their religious freedom—a crime that carries a maximum penalty of 10 years in prison. The evidence supporting that charge seems skimpy.

    At one point, the indictment says, Lemon and Fort “approached the pastor” running the service, Jonathan Parnell, and “largely surrounded him.” They “stood in close proximity to the pastor,” allegedly “in an attempt to oppress and intimidate him,” and “physically obstructed his freedom of movement” while Lemon “peppered him with questions to promote the operation’s message.”

    That is one way to describe Lemon’s interaction with Parnell. Here is another way: Lemon interviewed the pastor about his response to the protest.

    Lemon’s questions were clearly sympathetic to the protesters. But the interview looks a lot more like journalism, however biased, than a conspiracy to violate someone’s constitutional rights.

    The indictment says Fort “stood in front” of “a minivan full of children” outside the church while interviewing a protest organizer. Although Fort’s behavior may have been inconsiderate, that interview likewise does not easily fit within the statute that the Justice Department is invoking.

    The indictment also charges Lemon and Fort with violating a federal law that applies to someone who, “by force or threat of force or by physical obstruction, intentionally injures, intimidates, or interferes with” a person exercising his religious freedom at a place of worship. Again, that description does not seem consistent with their conduct or their avowed intent.

    Those difficulties help explain why a federal magistrate judge who approved arrest warrants for three protesters declined to approve warrants for Lemon and Fort. When federal prosecutors asked Patrick Schiltz, a George W. Bush appointee who serves as chief judge of the U.S. District Court in Minnesota, to override that decision, he saw “no evidence” that the journalists at the scene “engaged in any criminal behavior or conspired to do so.”

    You can fault Lemon for implicitly condoning this protest, which he acknowledged was intended to be “traumatic and uncomfortable,” and for erroneously suggesting that it was protected by the First Amendment. But those misjudgments are not the same as actively participating in what the indictment calls “a coordinated takeover-style attack” on the church.

    If the evidence is not driving the case against Lemon, what is? The White House’s gloating take on his arrest suggests his real offense was political.

    © Copyright 2026 by Creators Syndicate Inc.

    [ad_2]

    Jacob Sullum

    Source link

  • Here’s a recap of Tuesday’s election results in Pennsylvania and New Jersey

    [ad_1]

    Tuesday proved to be a successful election day for Democrats competing in closely watched races around the country, including several locally.

    The main event for this region was between Democrat Mikie Sherrill and Republican Jack Ciattarelli for governor of New Jersey. Sherrill won by a margin that proved not to be as close as several polls had predicted. Other races that wrapped up with little drama were the retention elections for Pennsylvania Supreme Court and the contest for Philadelphia District Attorney.

    Below is a recap of those and other elections relevant to the region.

    Additional judicial election results for Philadelphia’s Common Pleas Court and Philadelphia Municipal Court are available on the city’s election website, along with results of the retention elections in Philadelphia Common Pleas Court. And results of judicial elections and retention elections in Pennsylvania Superior Court and Commonwealth Court are posted on the state’s election website.

    New Jersey Governor results

    Democrat Mikie Sherrill defeated Republican Jack Ciattarelli in Tuesday’s election. Sherrill will succeed New Jersey’s current governor, Democrat Phil Murphy, who was term limited after eight years in office. Sherrill, a former Navy pilot and currently the congresswoman representing New Jersey’s 11th District, will be the second woman to serve as New Jersey’s governor. The first was Republican Christie Todd Whitman who was elected to two terms between 1994 and 2001.

    Pennsylvania Supreme Court retention results

    The retention elections for Pennsylvania Supreme Court Justices Christine Donohue, Kevin Dougherty and David Wecht set a record for campaign spending on a nonpartisan judicial race with a total expenditure of more than $15 million. Despite all the attention, the races proved not to be close with all three justices cruising to retention victories.

    Their return to the bench on state’s highest court means the liberal justices will maintain their 5-2 advantage over the conservative justices. By winning election, Donohue, Dougherty and Wecht are each elected to new 10-year terms. Donohue, who is 73, will only serve two more years before reaching the mandatory judicial retirement age of 75.

    Philadelphia District Attorney results

    Philadelphia District Attorney Larry Krasner easily won election to a third term on Tuesday, defeating Pat Dugan, a former Philadelphia Municipal Court judge. This is the second time Krasner defeated Dugan this election cycle: Dugan also lost to the progressive prosecutor in May’s Democratic primary election.

    Philadelphia City Controller results

    The Philadelphia City Controller is the chief auditor of the city and the School District of Philadelphia. The auditor’s office works independently of city government, and its analyses are intended to provide objective information to city leaders and the public about Philadelphia’s finances and how its money is being spent. Incumbent Christy Brady easily defeated Republican Ari Patrinos in Tuesday’s election.

    New Jersey Assembly District 1 results

    District 1 represent parts of Atlantic and Cumberland counties and all of Cape May County. Incumbent Republicans Antwan McClellan and Erik Simonsen are running against Democrats Carolyn Rush and Carol Sabo.

    New Jersey Assembly District 2 results

    District 2 represents parts of Atlantic County including several shore towns. Assemblyman Don Guardian and Assemblywoman Claire Swift are the Republican incumbents. They face challenges from Democrats Joanne Famularo and Maureen Rowan in Tuesday’s general election.

    New Jersey Assembly District 3 results

    District 3 covers Salem County and parts of Gloucester and Cumberland Counties. Democrats Dave Bailey Jr. and Heather Simmons are the incumbents, and they are running against Republicans Chris Konawell and Lawrence Moore. 

    New Jersey Assembly District 4 results

    District 4 represents parts of Camden, Atlantic and Gloucester counties. Democrats Dan Hutchinson and Cody Miller are the incumbent members of the state assembly representing this district. They are challenged for their seats on Tuesday by Republicans Amanda Esposito and Gerard McManus.

    New Jersey Assembly District 5 results

    District 5 represents portions of Gloucester and Camden Counties. Assemblymen William Moen Jr. and William Spearman, both Democrats, are the incumbents and are running for reelection against Republicans Constance Ditzel and Nilsa Gonzalez, along with Green Party candidate Robin Brownfield.

    New Jersey Assembly District 6 results

    District 6 represents parts Camden and Burlington counties. Democrats Louis Greenwald and Melinda Kane hold the assembly seats in this district. They are running against Republicans John Brangan and Peter Sykes.

    New Jersey Assembly District 7 results

    District 7 represents municipalities in the portion of Burlington County along the Delaware River. Carol Murphy and Balvir Singh, two Democrats, are the current assembly people representing this district. Republicans Douglas Dillon and Dione Johnson are running against them. 

    New Jersey Assembly District 8 results

    District 8 represents parts of Atlantic and Burlington counties. Headed into Tuesday’s election, its assembly seats are split between Republican Michael Torrissi Jr. and Democrat Andrea Katz. The other candidates in this election are Republican Brandon E. Umba. and Democrat Anthony Angelozzi.

    [ad_2]

    PhillyVoice Staff

    Source link

  • Three Pennsylvania Supreme Court justices up for retention vote Tuesday

    [ad_1]

    Three Pennsylvania Supreme Court justices – all Democrats – are up for judicial retention in Tuesday’s general election. The outcome could have ramifications for the composition of the seven-member court, which currently has a 5-2 Democratic majority.

    Polls close at 8 p.m. All results in the chart below are unofficial until confirmed by election officials.

    Justices Kevin Dougherty, Christine Donohue and David Wecht are all up for retention as they near the end of their 10-year terms on the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. The three Democrats soundly outperformed their GOP opponents in 2015, capturing a majority on the court after Republicans had held the advantage for more than a decade.

    This chart may not display correctly for some mobile users. If you’re having trouble, please visit the full version of this page.

    Pennsylvania Supreme Court retention election results


    On Tuesday’s ballot, Pennsylvania voters will see “yes” or “no” options next to the names of the three justices, who do not face other candidates when up for retention. Those who are retained serve another 10-year term or remain on the court until they reach the state’s age limit of 75. When a justice is not retained, the court has a vacancy that can be filled with an appointment by the governor – which requires Senate approval – before an open race in the next election cycle.

    Dougherty spent 14 years on the Pennsylvania Court of Common Pleas in Philadelphia, specializing in family law cases, before his election to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. Donohue was a trial lawyer in Allegheny County for decades and served as state Superior Court judge before reaching the Supreme Court. Wecht similarly served as a Superior Court judge, also with a background in family law, before he was elected to the Supreme Court.


    MORE: Philadelphia district attorney election results: Krasner vs. Dugan


    Pennsylvania’s top appellate court rules on a wide range of significant issues that include political redistricting, reproductive rights, education law and civil rights.

    This year’s election marks a rare instance when three seats are up for retention at the same time, although it is historically uncommon for Pennsylvania Supreme Court justices not to be retained. The last time a justice in Pennsylvania lost a retention bid was in 2005, when Philadelphia-based Justice Russell Nigro, a Democrat, was voted off the court by a 51%-49% margin. Justice Sandra Schultz Newman, a Republican from Philadelphia, narrowly retained her seat that year with 54% of the vote.

    If all three justices are voted down, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court likely would be left shorthanded until 2027. Pennsylvania’s Republican-controlled Senate would hold the power to thwart Interim appointments from Democratic Gov. Josh Shapiro in hopes of holding out for the GOP to earn seats on the court in open contests next year. The loss of just one justice also could result in a deadlocked court for the foreseeable future.

    Spending on this year’s retention elections is expected to surpass $15 million, setting a record for nonpartisan judicial races that are usually quieter when fewer justices are on the ballot. The national Democratic and Republican parties both have poured millions of dollars into this year’s retention elections in a battle over the makeup of the court in one of the nation’s perennial battleground states.

    [ad_2]

    Michael Tanenbaum

    Source link

  • Carl Stokes Brigade announces endorsements for Nov 4, 2025 general election for Cleveland City Council, judges, etc…By Clevelandurbannews.com, Ohio’s Black digital news leader

    [ad_1]

    Clevelandurbannews.com and Kathywraycolemanonlinenewsblog.com

    Staff article

    CLEVELAND, Ohio-On Oct. 11, 2025, the Carl Stokes Brigade, a Cleveland grassroots activist group named for the late Carl B. Stokes, the first Black mayor of Cleveland and of a major American city,  held its endorsement proceedings and announced its slate of endorsed candidates for early voting and election day on Tuesday, Nov. 4, 2025, as follows:

    • Elect Magistrate TJ Dow –  Cleveland Municipal Judge
    • Elect In Son J. Loving –   Cleveland Municipal Judge
    • Elect Nikki McGowan –     Cleveland Municipal Judge
    • Elect Cheryl Wiltshire –    Cleveland  Housing Court Judge
    • Elect Sandra Morgan –      East Cleveland Mayor
    • Elect – Shirley Merritt –       Maple Heights City Council, Ward 5, District 5
    • Elect Mohammad Faraj –   Cleveland City Council  (New) Ward 7
    • Elect Ras A. Olugbenga –    Cleveland City Council, Ward 3 ( Write In Candidate)
    • Re-Elect Joe Jones –         Cleveland City Councilmember, Ward 1
    • Re-Elect Kevin Conwell  – Cleveland City Councilmember, Ward 9
    • Elect Michael Polensek – Cleveland City Councilmember, 10
    • Re-Elect – Danielle M. Turner Birch –  Bedford City School District Board of  Education (OH

    Candidates were required to attend the Oct. 11 endorsement meeting to be considered for an endorsement. Voting is a fundamental right and a powerful tool for change. The Carl Stokes Brigade urges every eligible voter to vote

    By Delores Gray Ford, President, Carl Stokes Brigade

    [ad_2]

    editor@clevelandurbannews.com (Kathy)

    Source link

  • Pa. Supreme Court justices rarely lose seats in retention elections, so why is this year’s race so important?

    [ad_1]

    Pennsylvania voters will decide in November whether to retain three state Supreme Court justices – all Democrats – in an election with major ramifications for the composition of the commonwealth’s top appellate court.

    Justices on the seven-member Supreme Court, which has a 5-2 Democratic majority, are each elected to serve 10-year terms. When justices already serving on the bench reach the end of their cycles, they face retention elections with simple “yes” or “no” votes on whether to give them another 10-year term. A judge needs a majority to retain the seat. Partisan judicial elections are only held when the court has vacancies, most often because a justice has reached the state’s age limit of 75 years old. Rarely do seats open up as a result of a justice losing a retention election, which has happened only once since 2000.


    MORE: Hundreds of people will sleep at the Phillies ballpark on Nov. 20. Here’s why.


    “Pennsylvania traditionally has between 25% and one-third of people vote no on judicial retention candidates,” said David Senoff, a Philadelphia-based attorney who has helped lead past retention campaigns for both Democrats and Republicans on the state Supreme Court. “If you have a really organized ‘vote no’ campaign, maybe you can get that number close to 50%.”

    The three justices up for retention this year – Kevin Dougherty, Christine Donohue and David Wecht – each were elected to the Supreme Court in 2015 in a historically unusual cycle with three vacancies. The three Democrats soundly outperformed their GOP opponents that year, capturing a majority on the court after Republicans had held the advantage for more than a decade.

    Campaign spending on the 2015 race topped $16 million, making it the most expensive state Supreme Court election in U.S. history at the time. When Justices Kevin Brobson, a Republican, and Daniel McCaffery, Democrat, were elected in races for single open seats in 2021 and 2023, respectively, spending in each surpassed $10 million.

    Retention elections typically don’t attract as much money or attention, in part because candidates are not running against opponents, but this year is viewed as an outlier because it presents a rare chance for Republicans to free up as many as three seats.

    With just over a month to go before the Nov. 4 election, filings from the three justices up for retention show they have already raised nearly $3 million combined. TV and online ads from interest groups have cast the races, normally a down-ballot issue, as an ideological moment of truth for Pennsylvania.

    “This year’s retention elections have certainly drawn increased attention because of the hyper-politicized environment that we are in generally,” said civil litigation lawyer John Hare, who co-chairs the Pennsylvania Supreme Court’s Historical Commission and Commission on Judicial Independence. “If past is prologue, this court will be required to decide the most important issues that jurists are called upon to decide – civil rights, the death penalty, redistricting, issues of life and death.”

    ‘We want them in courthouses’ 

    The Pennsylvania Supreme Court was established in 1722 and is the oldest continuously operating appellate court in the Western Hemisphere. While justices were originally appointed by the governor with Senate confirmation, the switch to an electoral system was made in 1850 with an amendment to the state Constitution.

    “Whether appointed or elected judges are better has been debated by Pennsylvanians for decades,” Hare said.

    In the late 1950s, a state commission sought to reform judicial selection to an initial appointment system followed by retention votes. That effort was voted down by the public, but the search for a balanced approach led to the establishment of the current elections and retention cycles in 1968.

    “The more overt politicking required by an elective system is seen as distasteful for judges who generally are – and are supposed to be – above politics,” Hare said. “That has been the main criticism, the necessary interjection of political realities into judicial races.”

    One of the challenges for justices seeking retention is that they have to campaign in ways that don’t violate judicial ethics. This year, even though justices are barred from partisan campaigning and discussing cases, the three Democrats up for retention have jointly held public forums in Philadelphia to talk about the impartiality of the court system.

    “The collective wisdom is we don’t want our judges out on the campaign trail,” Senoff said. “It doesn’t matter what party they are. We want them in courthouses doing their work.”

    Pennsylvania has fewer campaign finance limitations on judicial candidates than races for any other statewide office. There are no caps on individual donations. Outside of ethics considerations, the only restriction for judges already on the bench is that they can’t start raising money until after the November election of the year prior to their retention vote.

    Senoff said many judges voluntarily make adjustments during and after their campaigns to account for taking money from lawyers and businesspeople, including those with pending cases. They may temporarily recuse themselves from cases connected to campaign donors to avoid the appearance of bias or impropriety.

    In the legal community, attorneys routinely support candidates from both parties and view retention elections as a nonpartisan procedure.

    “I know people don’t ever believe that,” Senoff said. “But on the ballot there will be no party identification. It’s just ‘yes’ or ‘no’ for a particular judge.”

    History favors justices up for retention

    The last time a Supreme Court justice in Pennsylvania lost a retention bid was in 2005, when Philadelphia-based Justice Russell Nigro, a Democrat, was voted off the court by a 51%-49% margin. Justice Sandra Schultz Newman, a Republican from Philadelphia, narrowly retained her seat with 54% of the vote that year.

    The retention election in 2005 is considered an odd case. Months earlier, the state legislature approved a pay raise for state lawmakers, judges and top elected officials during an early-morning session with minimal public notice. Lawmakers voting to give government officials raises was an unpopular move that many voters took out on judges who benefited but were not directly involved.

    “The governor signed it and the judges were part of that pay raise, and so it was easy to paint the judges as part of this ‘midnight pay raise,” Senoff said.

    Dougherty, Donohue and Wecht do not face an immediate uproar against state government and none of them are enveloped by scandal, which also has cost justices their seats in years past.

    Before his election to the Supreme Court, Dougherty spent 14 years on the Pennsylvania Court of Common Pleas in Philadelphia specializing in family law cases. Donohue was a trial lawyer in Allegheny County for decades and served as state Superior Court judge before reaching the Supreme Court. Wecht similarly served as a Superior Court judge, also with a background in family law, before he was elected to the Supreme Court.

    Some of the “vote no” messaging about the three Democratic justices has lumped them together as part of a decade-long Supreme Court majority that authored contentious decisions regarding COVID-19 protocols, education, redistricting and other issues.

    “Those cases become magnified during campaign season, and they do tend to capture the public’s attention because they are so easily exploited by either side,” Hare said. “The ‘vote yes’ ads that are on TV focus on abortion and contraception. I think in a swing state like Pennsylvania, those hot-button national issues will always resonate because all you need to do is swing a couple percent of the electorate.”

    In the event that any of the three justices are not retained, Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro, a Democrat, would then be able to appoint interim judges that would require consent from the Republican-controlled Senate. A battle over replacements could disrupt the court’s operations until an open, partisan election would be held next year to fill the vacancy.

    The Democratic National Committee announced last week it will make a “six-figure investment” to protect Pennsylvania’s high court from “MAGA extremists” and the influence of “billionaires across the country” as their spending increases on the “vote no” campaign. 

    “I think with PACs, candidates and others, this race could easily reach $10 million,” said Deborah Gross, president of the nonprofit Pennsylvanians for Modern Courts, which educates the public about the judiciary and advocates for impartiality and fairness in the courts. “This will definitely be the most expensive retention race is PA history.”

    Gross noted that all three justices have been endorsed by the Pennsylvania Bar Association, the state’s influential professional association for lawyers. 

    Among the general voting public, Senoff said it’s common for people to tune out judicial elections. Many voters have difficulty remembering candidates’ names, and telling them to “vote no” could even end up impacting Republican judges in lower court races. 

    A spending blitz on ads may ramp up visibility and partisan antagonism, but Senoff is skeptical that it will significantly move the needle in November. He said it’s harder to motivate people to vote to remove a single candidate than it is to get them to choose between one or another.

    “You have to convince the voters to fire people,” he said. “If there’s not something that this particular justice has done that you think is so beyond the pale, generally it’s better to vote retain your judges. At a minimum, you retain consistency. If you lose three justices who have been there for 10 years, the combined institutional knowledge loss would be outrageous.”

    [ad_2]

    Michael Tanenbaum

    Source link

  • The rationale for the federal circuit’s ‘radical left’ tariff decision is fundamentally conservative

    [ad_1]

    After the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit ruled against his tariffs last week, President Donald Trump repeatedly condemned the decision, which he preposterously warned will ruin the country unless it is overturned by the Supreme Court. “It would be a total disaster for the Country,” Trump wrote in a Truth Social post on Friday. “If allowed to stand, this Decision would literally destroy the United States of America.” He reiterated that claim on Sunday: “Our Country would be completely destroyed, and our military power would be instantly obliterated,” he said, adding that “we would become a Third World Nation, with no hope of GREATNESS again.”

    Trump’s prophecies of doom were not the only implausible aspect of his comments. He described the appeals court as “Highly Partisan,” implying that its reasoning was driven by political affiliation, and said the majority was “a Radical Left group of judges,” implying that the result was dictated by ideology rather than a careful consideration of the facts and the law. Trump reflexively criticizes judges who rule against him in language like this, to the point that he has stripped ideological labels of all meaning. In this case, his complaints are especially hard to take seriously.

    The Federal Circuit’s tariff decision addressed two lawsuits, one brought by several businesses and one filed by a dozen states. Both sets of plaintiffs argued that Trump exceeded his statutory authority when he relied on the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) to impose stiff taxes on imports from scores of countries.

    Seven members of the 11-judge panel agreed. And while it is true that six of those judges were appointed by Democratic presidents (Bill Clinton, Barack Obama, and Joe Biden), the majority also included Alan D. Lourie, who was nominated by George H.W. Bush in 1990. Notably, Lourie was also one of four judges who went further than the majority, arguing that IEEPA “does not authorize the President to impose any tariffs” (emphasis added).

    Four judges dissented, saying the plaintiffs “have not justified summary judgment in their favor on either statutory or constitutional grounds.” Two of the dissenters were appointed by George W. Bush, and two were appointed by Obama.

    These breakdowns do not support Trump’s contention that the judges chose sides based on partisan considerations, as opposed to an honest assessment of the statutory and constitutional issues. That explanation looks even less plausible as applied to the May 28 Court of International Trade (CIT) decision that the Federal Circuit reviewed. Three CIT judges, including one nominated by Ronald Reagan and one nominated by Trump himself, unanimously concluded that the president’s tariffs were not authorized by IEEPA.

    When you consider the reasoning underlying these decisions, the claim that they can be explained only by anti-Trump animus or allegiance to a “Radical Left” ideology looks even sillier. Both courts noted that Trump’s use of IEEPA, which does not mention tariffs at all, was unprecedented and involved an assertion of authority that implicated the “major questions” doctrine, which aims to uphold the separation of powers.

    According to the Supreme Court, that doctrine applies when the executive branch asserts powers of vast “economic and political significance.” In such cases, “the Government must point to ‘clear congressional authorization’ for that asserted power,” the Federal Circuit noted. “The tariffs at issue in this case implicate the concerns animating the major questions doctrine as they are both ‘unheralded’ and ‘transformative.’” The Supreme Court “has explained that where the Government has ‘never previously claimed powers of this magnitude,’ the major questions doctrine may be implicated.”

    Trump claimed to have discovered a heretofore unnoticed delegation of unlimited tariff authority in a statute that is nearly half a century old. That claim, the Federal Circuit concluded, “runs afoul of the major questions doctrine.”

    Far from the invention of “Radical Left” judges, the major questions doctrine stems from a series of Supreme Court decisions spearheaded by conservative justices. The late Antonin Scalia, whom Trump has described as the very model of a “great” jurist, explained the rationale for the doctrine this way in the 2001 case Whitman v. American Trucking Associations: “Congress, we have held, does not alter the fundamental details of a regulatory scheme in vague terms or ancillary provisions—it does not, one might say, hide elephants in mouseholes.”

    The Supreme Court has applied that logic in several decisions rejecting assertions of agency authority, including the Food and Drug Administration’s attempt to regulate tobacco products without explicit congressional authorization, the national eviction moratorium imposed by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the COVID-19 vaccine mandate that the Occupational Safety and Health Administration tried to impose on employers in 2021, and the Biden administration’s student debt relief plan. Whatever you might think of those decisions, they are hardly evidence of a “Radical Left” mindset.

    As in those cases, the central question in the tariff case was whether Congress had actually delegated the broad powers claimed by the executive branch. Another issue was whether Congress could, consistent with the Constitution’s separation of powers, delegate such authority. In addition to concluding that IEEPA did not authorize Trump’s tariffs, the Federal Circuit noted that “the Government’s understanding of the scope of authority granted by IEEPA would render it an unconstitutional delegation.”

    The rationale for that ruling is not, by any stretch of the imagination, the product of “Radical Left” thinking. It is conservative in the best sense, aiming to preserve the structure of government established by the Constitution.

    [ad_2]

    Jacob Sullum

    Source link

  • A Tale of Two Jurists in the Trump Era

    [ad_1]

    Last month, James Boasberg, a seasoned federal judge, and Emil Bove III, a Justice Department lawyer, became foils in a parable about the rule of law during Donald Trump’s second term. On July 28th, the Department of Justice announced a misconduct complaint against Boasberg, whom it accused of harboring a personal bias against the President. The next day, Bove, whom Trump had nominated to a judgeship on the Third Circuit Court of Appeals, was confirmed by Republicans in the Senate. Boasberg had “undermined the integrity of the judiciary, and we will not stand for that,” Pam Bondi, Trump’s Attorney General, wrote on X. By contrast, Bove, she said, “will be an outstanding judge.”

    Beyond the fact that they’re both former prosecutors, and bald, the two men would appear to have very little in common. Boasberg, who is in his early sixties, was appointed to judgeships by George W. Bush and Barack Obama. The Senate confirmed him to his current post by a vote of ninety-six to zero. In 2014, John Roberts, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, named Boasberg to a seven-year term on the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, giving him high-level security clearance. “You knew when you went into court with him, that he was going to follow the rules,” a former Justice Department lawyer told CNN. “He was very predictable, because he followed the law.”

    Bove, who is forty-four, worked as an Assistant U.S. Attorney in the Southern District of New York from 2012 to 2021, but his principal credential came two years later: after Donald Trump faced thirty-four counts of falsifying business records in Manhattan, Bove joined his criminal-defense team. (Trump was convicted on all counts and has appealed the result.) When Trump reëntered the White House, Bove was rewarded with a top job at the Justice Department, where he immediately distinguished himself as an enforcer. This past winter, when three prosecutors in the Southern District of New York resigned over the Administration’s ultimately successful push to dismiss a corruption case against Mayor Eric Adams, Bove was at the center of the controversy. The Justice Department had ordered prosecutors to drop the charges, evidently so that Adams would be able to enforce the Administration’s immigration policies. According to one of the prosecutors, Bove chastised them for taking notes at a key meeting, at the end of which he “directed the collection of those notes.” (Bove denies any quid-pro-quo deal, claiming that he ended Adams’s prosecution because it was politically motivated—Adams maintains that he engaged in no wrongdoing—and that he restricted note-taking to prevent leaks.)

    The high contrast in which Boasberg and Bove currently stand is the direct result of a case that, by an accident of timing and circumstance, bound their political fates together. On Friday, March 14th, Trump signed a proclamation invoking the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 to authorize the removal, in secret, of more than two hundred Venezuelan men to a maximum-security prison in El Salvador. As a matter of federal policy, this was a radical move. With shoddy evidence, none of which the men were allowed to contest, the government accused them of belonging to a Venezuelan gang called Tren de Aragua. Based on what Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials had reportedly told them during their detention, the men thought that they were being deported to Venezuela. The majority of them hadn’t committed any crimes, and some actually had legal status in the U.S. Among those who didn’t, many had pending cases before immigration judges.

    Shortly before Trump signed the proclamation, a group of D.O.J. lawyers met to discuss what would happen if a judge issued an order to halt the removals. One of them was Bove. Another was Erez Reuveni, a veteran government litigator freshly promoted to the job of acting deputy director of the Office of Immigration Litigation. According to Reuveni, who later filed a whistle-blower complaint, Bove told the lawyers that, once Trump signed the proclamation, one or more airplanes would set off for El Salvador that weekend “no matter what,” and he went on to say that if a judge tried to enjoin the flights, the department would “need to consider telling the courts ‘fuck you.’ ” (Bove denies this.)

    Within hours of the proclamation, the American Civil Liberties Union filed a lawsuit on behalf of five Venezuelan men in federal immigration custody, to block removal flights conducted under the Alien Enemies Act. On the morning of March 15th, at around eight, Boasberg learned that he’d been assigned the case at random. When he first “reached out to locate Government counsel,” Boasberg wrote, in a subsequent opinion, he didn’t receive a response. In the meantime, the plaintiffs’ lawyers reported that at least one of their clients was sitting in an airplane that could take off at any moment. Boasberg issued a temporary restraining order, just before 10 A.M. He said he had to “freeze in place the status quo until a hearing could be held.”

    The hearing began at five o’clock that evening, a little more than an hour after Trump’s proclamation was posted publicly. The government’s lawyers were adamant that Boasberg should not certify a broader class—beyond the five plaintiffs—for protection against removal under the Alien Enemies Act. When Boasberg asked whether any flights might leave “in the next twenty-four or forty-eight hours,” Drew Ensign, the government lawyer, replied, “I don’t know the answer to that question.” According to Reuveni, however, Ensign had attended the meeting the previous day at which Bove had said that removal flights would be departing over the weekend.

    Eventually, Boasberg called a forty-minute adjournment and instructed Ensign to get more information from the Department of Homeland Security. During that time, two planes, each carrying about eighty detainees, left Texas for Honduras. They were in transit when the hearing reconvened, but Ensign said that he had learned nothing further. At around six-forty-five, Boasberg issued a verbal order blocking the government from removing anyone under the auspices of the Alien Enemies Act. “This is something that you need to make sure is complied with immediately,” he said.

    Reuveni had been listening to the live feed of the hearing. He immediately sent several e-mails to officials at the Departments of Homeland Security and State laying out, explicitly, what Boasberg had said. “Sorry for all the emails,” he wrote in one, at 6:48 P.M. “The judge specifically ordered us not to remove anyone in the class, and to return anyone in the air.” Reuveni was ignored, as was Boasberg. At 7:36 P.M., a third plane left Texas for Honduras. Between eleven-thirty-nine and twelve-thirty-nine that night, all three flights then flew from Honduras to El Salvador, carrying more than two-hundred Venezuelans, a group of Salvadorans, and one Nicaraguan.

    On March 28th, the Trump Administration filed an emergency application to the Supreme Court, asking it to lift Boasberg’s injunction. Ten days later, by a vote of 5–4, the Justices ruled that the plaintiffs in the case, known as J.G.G. v. Trump, had chosen both the wrong venue and the wrong principle on which to file suit. Rather than claim a breach in administrative procedure before a district court in Washington, as the plaintiffs had done, the Court found that they should have filed petitions for habeas corpus in Texas, where the men were held prior to their removal. Nevertheless, the ruling was unequivocal on one point: anyone detained under the Alien Enemies Act had to be given notice before they were removed and an opportunity to contest their deportation.

    The outcome effectively undid Boasberg’s injunction against the removals on March 15th, but it reinforced certain aspects of his ruling. “The Court effectively said that the Constitution flatly prohibits the Government from doing exactly what it did that Saturday, when it secretly loaded people onto planes, kept many of them in the dark about their destination, and raced to spirit them away before they could invoke their due-process rights,” Boasberg wrote in an opinion that he issued on April 16th. In that opinion, he also found that there is “probable cause” to believe that the Trump Administration could be held in contempt of court for having disregarded his initial order.

    By that time, the government had arranged for two more planes to transport detainees to the same Salvadoran prison. The Trump Administration was no longer invoking the Alien Enemies Act, but it didn’t share the detainees’ names; there was no official record. On March 31st, the State Department announced that it had sent seventeen more migrants to the prison. Ten were Salvadorans, the rest Venezuelans. Two weeks later, Marco Rubio, the Secretary of State, posted on X, “Last night, another 10 criminals from the MS-13 and Tren de Aragua Foreign Terrorist Organizations arrived in El Salvador.”

    When Boasberg wrote that there was “probable cause” to believe the government had ignored his orders, he was, in effect, initiating a more sustained investigation into what had happened on March 15th. But this wasn’t the only case in which Bove seemed to be at odds with a judge’s instructions. The Department of Homeland Security was planning to deport people apprehended on U.S. soil to third countries, often without adequate procedures or legal justifications. Several such cases prompted a separate lawsuit before a different judge about whether the government, in accordance with the Convention Against Torture, had properly determined that the migrants would not be tortured after their removal. After that judge temporarily blocked those removals, Reuveni raised questions within the Justice Department about whether the Administration was, once again, ignoring a judge’s injunction. On April 1st, according to Reuveni, he received a call from an acting Assistant Attorney General who told him that “Bove was very unhappy that Mr. Reuveni had contacted counsel at various agencies to ascertain whether DOJ had violated a court order.” Reuveni was instructed to stop sending e-mails and to restrict his future communications to phone calls.

    [ad_2]

    Jonathan Blitzer

    Source link

  • Workgroup’s report calls for doing away with contested elections of circuit judges – WTOP News

    Workgroup’s report calls for doing away with contested elections of circuit judges – WTOP News

    [ad_1]

    There are 31 candidates running for 28 circuit court judgeships in 12 counties this fall.

    This article was republished with permission from WTOP’s news partners at Maryland Matters. Sign up for Maryland Matters’ free email subscription today.

    After years of study, a judicial workgroup is recommending that Maryland do away with contested elections for its 175 circuit court judges, saying the process presents ethical problems and poses a risk to judges’ safety in the current political atmosphere.

    Instead of standing for reelection every 15 years in a campaign in which they could face challengers, the workgroup said that circuit judges should face voters every 10 years in a retention election, where voters get a simple yes-or-no choice of whether to keep the judge on the bench. That is the process currently used for the state’s appellate judges.

    “The majority of the workgroup agreed that contested elections for trial court judges, more extreme and adversarial than ever before, are certainly not a prudent direction for Maryland,” the report said. “Contested elections create an array of potential ethical violations and untoward appearances that serve to undermine the public’s trust and confidence in this branch of government.”

    The recommendation is the highlight of a final 63-page report – supplemented by more than 750 pages of appendices – by the Legislative Committee Workgroup to Study Judicial Selection, which took “a comprehensive, academic review of the entire process used for judicial selections” and made suggestions across the board.

    But the recommendation to eliminate contested elections for circuit judges is certain to attract the lion’s share of attention in the 2025 session of the General Assembly, which for decades has rejected dozens of such proposals. Any such change would ultimately have to go to voters to consider as a constitutional amendment.

    It was a constitutional amendment in 1970 that set up the system under which district court judges – who hear misdemeanors, certain felonies and some civil cases – are selected. They are appointed to a 10-year term by the governor, subject to a confirmation vote by the Maryland Senate, but do not stand for reelection. If they have not reached the retirement age of 70 by the time their first term ends, they are appointed for another term.

    In 1976, voters approved a constitutional amendment on appointment and retention of the state’s appellate court judges, who serve on the Maryland Supreme Court and Appellate Court of Maryland. In addition to gubernatorial appointment and Senate confirmation, appellate judges are up every 10 years for retention election.

    The workgroup’s report said that more than 75 proposals have been introduced since the 1980s to change the selection of judges on circuit court, where jury trials are held and the most serious criminal cases and major civil cases are heard.

    Defenders of contested elections have long said they help open the door to judgeships for women and minority candidates, in what had been seen as a largely closed political process. The workgroup included William “Billy” Murphy, a Black attorney from Baltimore who won a circuit court judgeship as an insurgent candidate more than four decades and has long been opposed to doing away with contested elections.

    The 20-person judicial selection workgroup, which included attorneys and current and former judges, as well as representatives of groups like the Chamber of Commerce, Common Cause, the League of Women Voters and the NAACP, was co-chaired by Montgomery County Circuit Court Judge Kathleen Dumais and  former U.S. District Court Judge Alexander Williams. It began meeting regularly in the fall of 2022 and held a public hearing late that year.

    The final report, two years in the making, said 75% of the workgroup’s membership voiced support for doing away with contested judicial elections – although the report did not provide a specific breakdown of which members had lined up for or against the recommendation.

    The report acknowledged that contested judicial elections have been seen as “ensuring representation of women and minorities on the bench,” adding, “This process has been in place for decades and, in many historical instances, offered the only path for under-represented citizens … to serve on the circuit court bench.”

    But it said that of nearly 170 circuit court judgeships that were filled as of this spring, 31% were held by African-Americans – roughly equal to the Black population of the state – and 51% were occupied by women.

    “Current judicial demographics reflect a much more diverse and equal representation of Maryland citizens,” the report asserted.

    The workgroup gave credit to a system of vetting and appointing state judges that was instituted by via executive order in 1970 by then-Gov. Marvin Mandel and has been kept in place by every governor since.

    Under the Mandel framework, judicial nominating commissions are established around the state – currently 16 for trial courts in various judicial districts and one for the appellate courts. Those commissions vet would-be judicial nominees through extensive application forms and interviews, while seeking the opinions of bar associations at the state and county level.

    A nominating commission then submits a slate of at least three finalists to the governor, who conducts his or her own assessment before making an appointment.

    Although several workgroup members dissented from the recommendation to do away with contested elections for circuit judges, the panel was virtually unanimous on keeping the current appointment structure in place for all judicial appointments. The report did acknowledge that “the diversity in statewide numbers” of those appointed to the bench in recent years “is not reflected in smaller counties and jurisdictions,” and urged some reforms in the manner that the judicial nominating commissions operate.

    That includes expanding nominating commissions, often comprised largely if not entirely of attorneys, to “increase transparency in the vetting process through input from special bars, the public and other sources.” Maryland has nearly two dozen specialty bars, associations of attorneys organized on the basis of race, gender, sexual preference and legal specialty.

    Despite calling for some tweaks, the workgroup said the current process is preferable to letting candidates bypass the vetting process and simply file to run in a contested election for a circuit court seat.

    The vetting process “involves a careful examination of the qualifications of all who seek the appointment, and the elimination of those thought to be unqualified or less qualified,” the report said. “That review, that screening, is entirely absent when a challenger is initially elected” absent the appointment process.

    Under state law, “anyone who is thirty years old, who has resided in Maryland for five years, in the circuit for six months, and who is a member of the Maryland Bar can enter the race, whether or not he or she has been subjected to the nominating process,” the report said. “There is no vetting or requirement that they have ever practiced law, tried a case before a judge or adjudicatory body, or that they have any knowledge or experience with the judicial system.”

    Instances of circuit court candidates bypassing the vetting process and winning a judgeship as a challenger were nearly unheard of until 2000. Since then, about a dozen judges initially appointed by the governor have been ousted by general election challengers, with about one-third of those races in 2020.

    There are 31 candidates running for 28 circuit court judgeships in 12 counties this fall, with contested races in Anne Arundel and Prince George’s counties.

    Besides the ability to skirt the vetting process, the report cited two other reasons for doing away with contested elections: The growing amount of campaign money being spent and the potential for conflicts of interest, along with increasing concern about the personal security of judges.

    “The workgroup found that in Maryland, and in many other states, the overwhelming majority of funds raised by circuit court or trial judges in recent contested elections is from lawyers who will appear before the very judge who is raising the money,” the report said. “The lawyers are the most interested in such races and, thus, the natural supporters.”

    The fact that judges are raising money from “lawyers who will seek favorable rulings from the judges raises fair concerns about judicial independence,” the report said.

    And in today’s political environment, “…another real concern with contested judicial elections is that these campaigns may now employ polarizing attack ads. The campaigns are becoming more contentious and increasingly expensive,” the report said.

    The group had hoped to present its findings in time for the 2024 General Assembly, but the question of judicial selection was sidetracked by security-related legislation, after the October 2023 fatal shooting of Circuit Judge Andrew Wilkinson in Hagerstown by a disgruntled litigant.

    While not naming the Wilkinson case, the workgroup report pointed out that “judges make very personal and complex decisions about the lives of families and individuals, which is different than campaigning on public policy issues. The decisions made by judges routinely involve serious violence – in both civil and criminal cases.

    “Judges running in a contested election … must make very difficult choices between effective campaigning and undertaking precautionary measures,” the report said.

    Judges seeking reelection have to “canvas neighborhoods, knock on doors and attend political events on nights and weekends” and the workgroup said it “heard testimony from several judges regarding knocking on doors of citizens who had been before them on family and criminal cases and being approached by citizens (some disgruntled) at the polls.”

    While it would replace contested elections with retention elections, the workgroup acknowledged greater public education is needed to make the retention vote process work.

    “The workgroup repeatedly heard that voters are ill-informed about the judges for whom they are currently casting a ballot,” the report said. “It is critical that retention elections become meaningful. To do so there must be outreach to the community; public comment, input, and participation in the process; and public education.”

    It heard testimony about a Colorado Office of Judicial Performance Evaluation that it said “provides voters with a county-specific, searchable database with biographical information on the judges running in a retention election, along with a notation as to whether those judges meet performance standards based on an evaluation conducted by an independent commission.”

    But it refrained from making any suggestions in the potentially thorny area of crafting evaluations of sitting jurists. It said “further study of how judicial evaluation commissions or other procedures might contribute to that goal is merited,” but referred the matter to the Maryland Judicial Council “so that the issue can be more fully considered.”

    “Judicial performance evaluations were not part of the workgroup’s initial charge. As such, the workgroup did not have the opportunity to review research and available models or to seek public comment,” the report said.

    The report was recently approved by Maryland Chief Justice Matthew Fader and the legislative committee of the Maryland Judicial Council, a body of top judicial branch officials that advises Fader.

    Dumais – who served for nearly two decades in the House of Delegates before being appointed to the circuit court bench three years ago – said she “would love” to see passage of the proposal in the 2025 legislative session.

    “I’m very hopeful: I think the report is solid, and makes it very clear that it is time for the legislature to allow the voters of Maryland to make this decision,” said Dumais, who favored doing away with contested elections while she was a legislator.

    But she hastened to add, “I am also a realist, and … based on my legislative experience, many times this kind of policy change may take a year or more.”

    [ad_2]

    Valerie Bonk

    Source link

  • Michigan cannabis connoisseurs wanted to help judge best locally grown products

    Michigan cannabis connoisseurs wanted to help judge best locally grown products

    [ad_1]

    With hundreds of cannabis products on the shelves of dispensaries in Michigan, shopping for weed can feel daunting.

    What are the best sativas or indicas? Which vape products deliver the best high? Which gummies pack the biggest punch?

    Now’s your chance to participate in a “Best in Grass” contest that aims to identify the crème de la crème of locally grown marijuana products.

    Organizers of the contest are looking for 2,600 discerning Michigan residents to help rank the best products across 13 recreational categories, including the best edibles, concentrates, pre-rolls, vape cartridges, and sativa, indica, and hybrid flower.

    Participants will choose at least one category and receive a sampling kit that features numerous products to test. For example, the indica flower category comes with 25 samples, with each weighing a gram, for $179.

    The kits range from $59 to $299, and judges must be at least 21 years old to participate.

    The kits come in a smell-proof, water-resistant Revelry x Best in Grass Explorer backpack.

    In total, the competition will feature 60 cannabis brands, more than 180 products, and 330,000 grams of flower, concentrates, vape cartridges, and edibles.

    The kits are available beginning Saturday at any of the 25 participating dispensaries.

    Judges will have until May 19 to rank their favorite products.

    The winners will be announced on June 18 at Royal Oak Music Theatre.

    [ad_2]

    Steve Neavling

    Source link

  • Sentencing Commission again proposes restricting judges' use of acquitted conduct

    Sentencing Commission again proposes restricting judges' use of acquitted conduct

    [ad_1]

    A government panel could soon limit a little-known but outrageous practice that allows federal judges to enhance defendants’ sentences based on conduct a jury acquitted them of.

    The U.S. Sentencing Commission published proposed amendments to federal guidelines on December 14 that include three potential options to restrict judges’ ability to use acquitted conduct at sentencing—a practice that a wide range of civil liberties advocates say is antithetical to the principles of the American justice system.

    At the sentencing phase of a trial, federal judges can enhance defendants’ sentences for conduct they were acquitted of if the judge decides it’s more likely than not—a lower standard of evidence than “beyond a reasonable doubt”—that the defendant committed those offenses. What this does in practice is raise defendants’ scores under the federal sentencing guidelines, leading to significantly longer prison sentences.

    Mary Price, general counsel of the criminal justice advocacy group Families Against Mandatory Minimums (FAMM), said the use of acquitted conduct “erodes public confidence in our legal system. Ending it would enhance the public trust in and legitimacy of our criminal courts.”

    The Justice Department opposed a previous proposal by the Sentencing Commission, a bipartisan panel tasked with updating the voluminous federal sentencing guidelines, to limit acquitted conduct.

    “Curtailing courts’ discretion to consider conduct related to acquitted counts would be a significant departure from long-standing sentencing practice, Supreme Court precedent and the principles of our guidelines,” Jessica Aber, the U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of Virginia, testified before the commission in February.

    The Justice Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the new proposals.

    The practice has troubled not just civil liberties groups but also many jurists, including several current Supreme Court justices. In 2015, Brett Kavanaugh, then a judge for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit, wrote that the use of acquitted conduct “seems a dubious infringement of the rights to due process and to a jury trial.”

    The Supreme Court had a chance to address the issue earlier this year when it considered taking up the case Dayonta McClinton v. United States.

    As Reason‘s Billy Binion reported, the plaintiff in that petition, McClinton, was charged with robbing a CVS pharmacy in Indiana at gunpoint and killing one of his accomplices during a dispute after the robbery. A jury convicted McClinton of robbing the pharmacy but acquitted him of killing his accomplice. A federal judge nevertheless used the accomplice’s death to enhance McClinton’s sentence from the 57 to 71 months recommended under the guidelines to 228 months.

    McClinton’s Supreme Court petition attracted amicus briefs from Americans for Prosperity Foundation, the Due Process Institute, and the Cato Institute. The Cato Institute’s brief argued that “permitting sentencing based on acquitted conduct not only denies criminal defendants their Sixth Amendment right to a jury trial, but also denies the community their proper role in overseeing the administration of criminal justice.”

    However, the Court ultimately decided not to take up the case. Reuters reported in June that four of the justices signaled they would defer to the Sentencing Commission. Justice Sonia Sotomayor said “This court may need to take up the constitutional issues presented” if the commission does not act soon.

    For the past several years, Sens. Chuck Grassley (R–Iowa) and Dick Durbin (D–Ill.) have also drafted legislation to ban the use of acquitted conduct at sentencing in federal trials—the latest introduced in September—but none have passed.

    “There’s no sense in punishing defendants for conduct they’ve already been acquitted for,” Grassley said in a September press release. “Not only have three Supreme Court Justices agreed this practice is unconstitutional, but it also undermines a bedrock principle of American criminal justice: ‘innocent until proven guilty.’ Our bill seeks to permanently prohibit courts from considering past acquittals in new cases.”

    [ad_2]

    C.J. Ciaramella

    Source link

  • NY judges will get more power in setting bail, governor says | Long Island Business News

    NY judges will get more power in setting bail, governor says | Long Island Business News

    [ad_1]

    Judges in New York will have more discretion to jail people awaiting trial for alleged crimes, Gov. Kathy Hochul announced Thursday night, a policy change fiercely resisted by some of her fellow Democrats.

    The governor held a state Capitol news conference to announce that a “conceptual agreement” had been reached on a $229 billion budget with the state Legislature, a deal that still needs to be approved by lawmakers. The budget includes policy proposals ranging from a minimum wage hike to allowing more charter schools in New York City.

    But negotiations between the governor and legislative leaders ran well past an April 1 deadline, in large part because Hochul insisted on changes to the state’s bail laws.

    The issue has been a flashpoint between liberal Democrats, who say requiring people to pay cash to get out of jail rigs the system against poor people, and elected officials who cast it as a public safety issue.

    New York approved sweeping changes in 2019 aimed at keeping defendants who can’t afford bail from being disproportionately jailed. But those changes have been tweaked twice before amid criticism that judges were being deprived of a tool they could use to hold people likely to commit new crimes.

    The new agreement would remove a requirement that judges choose the “least restrictive” means to ensure defendants return to court. Judges have complained the standard “tied their hands,” Hochul said.

    “It gives judges discretion they need to hold violent criminals accountable, while still upholding our commitment to a justice system that is fair and accessible to all and also ensuring that poverty is never treated as a crime,” she said.

    State Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie confirmed the conceptual agreement in a statement, saying it addresses many priorities advocated by Democrats. He added that some issues were still under discussion.

    Hochul’s latest push for bail changes came after her closer-than-expected election victory last November in the Democrat-dominated state. Republicans attacked their opponents as soft on crime, making particularly strong gains in New York City suburbs.

    Some lawmakers said Hochul’s proposed changes would undercut the bail reforms approved in 2019 and result in more New Yorkers in pretrial detention — especially people with low incomes and people of color.

    Assembly member Latrice Walker, a Brooklyn Democrat, accused Hochul of the “wholesale dismantling of bail reform.”

    Bail has become a point of contention between GOP and Democratic lawmakers in other states as well. Republican lawmakers in at least 14 states, including Georgia and Wisconsin, have pushed bills that would in part make it harder for defendants to get out of jail before trial.

    The bail deal struck between Hochul and the Assembly and Senate leaders is one of several political compromises in the budget package.

    The state would raise the minimum wage, but not to the $20 sought by liberal Democrats. Starting next year, the minimum wage will rise to $16 in New York City and some of its suburbs and $15 elsewhere in the state, with additional 50 cent increases in 2025 and 2026, Hochul said.

    The state would give an infusion of money to the authority that operates the subway, bus and commuter rail systems in the New York City metropolitan area, funded partly through a tax increase paid by larger businesses. However, those higher taxes would only be paid by businesses in New York City, not in the suburbs where Democrats are concerned about losing votes.

    Hochul also dropped, for now, a plan to try to spur construction of multifamily housing in suburban communities that have historically put up barriers to new development. That proposal had also run into loud opposition from suburban lawmakers.

    o

    [ad_2]

    Ted Baird

    Source link

  • Top Canadian Law Firms’ Courtroom Performance Revealed by Legal Analytics Software

    Top Canadian Law Firms’ Courtroom Performance Revealed by Legal Analytics Software

    [ad_1]

    Press Release



    updated: Sep 19, 2017

    A Miami-based software firm is causing ripples in the Canadian legal sector with the release of its free Canada Courts Report 2017, which ranks the nation’s top lawyers and law firms based on their courtroom performance. Although data from the courts analyzed in the survey, which range from the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal (CHRT) to the Territorial Court of Yukon, has been publicly available for many years, Premonition is the first company to create a comprehensive, searchable archive of these records. The Canada Courts Report ranks the most successful litigators in each court according to the percentage of their cases won over the past three years, providing the public with a taste of the deeper analysis available to Premonition clients.

    “What we’re talking about here is translating the performance of lawyers and firms into hard statistics,” says Premonition CEO and Co-Founder Guy Kurlandski. “For literally centuries, legal services have been a credence goodbuyers make their best guess based on a firm’s marketing and reputation, and win or lose, never really know whether they made a good purchase or not. We aim to put an end to this unfair system.”

    “The rankings you see in the Canada Courts Report are fairly basic,” continues Premonition’s other Co-Founder and CIO Toby Unwin. “All they tell you is who has won the highest percentage of their cases in a given court. Once you dig a little further into the numbers though, you start to get a picture of why certain attorneys win more than others.”

    One of the value propositions Premonition mentions over and over again in their materials is the centrality of the relationship between a lawyer and a given judge. The impact of judicial preference on Canadian court decisions has long been anecdotally testified to, but quantitative research has been limited by the sheer scale of data involved. Now, with a few keystrokes, Premonition can identify outlier attorneys who massively over- or under-perform before certain judges. Internationally, the company has claimed this lawyer-judge dynamic accounts for a 30.7% skew in case outcomes.

    “If a modest investment in the legal ‘scouting’ we provide can turn a corporate client’s litigation portfolio from a 50/50 proposition to an 80/20, that represents a potential savings in the millions,” Unwin notes.

    Canada is Premonition’s most recent national expansion, joining operations in the United States, United Kingdom, India, Australia and more. Per its report, the firm is currently seeking a Canadian representative. Thanks to the controversial response its previous domestic rankings have provoked among attorneys who don’t find themselves listed, local partners like Premonition UK’s Ian Dodd often find themselves making industry headlines.

    “There were a fair number of upset barristers when we released our first Courts Report for the UK,” says Dodd, “but before long I was taking calls every day from firms with clients who demanded performance data before putting money on the table. Now it’s ‘the new black,’ and Premonition’s right in the thick of it.”

    Premonition’s Canada Courts Report 2017 is available now as a free download at https://www.premonition.ai/reports.

    – 30 –

    Contact:

    Nathan Huber
    Premonition L.L.C.
    Business Development Director
    nh@premonition.ai
    (615) 364-0924

    Source: Premonition L.L.C.

    [ad_2]

    Source link

  • Parental Alienation Lobby Day Draws Bipartisan Support and Musician, Curtis Lee Putman

    Parental Alienation Lobby Day Draws Bipartisan Support and Musician, Curtis Lee Putman

    [ad_1]

    Parental Alienation Awareness Lobby Day & Rally is scheduled for April 25th in Lansing, MI

    Press Release



    updated: Apr 19, 2017

    April 25th is Parental Alienation Awareness Day in the state of Michigan, as signed in a proclamation by Gov. Rick Snyder and Congresswoman Brenda Lawrence.  Hostile Aggressive Parenting Awareness (HAP Aware) and Michigan Fathers’ Rights Movement are pleased to support constituents by organizing a lobby day to discuss opportunities for legislators to support the family courts in combating this issue and protecting Michigan’s children of divorce. 

    Singer / Songwriter, Curtis Lee Putman, announced his support of the rally this week as well, offering his own story on parental alienation and a musical performance.

    It’s an honor to be part of this rally. Parental Alienation is one of the cruelest forms of child abuse, and arguably the least understood. Hopefully through awareness and accountability, we can force the necessary change in the family court system to end the enablement and encouragement by the system thats sole focus should be protecting children from abuse.

    Curtis Lee Putman, Musician

    “It’s an honor to be part of this rally. Parental Alienation is one of the cruelest forms of child abuse, and arguably the least understood. Hopefully through awareness and accountability, we can force the necessary change in the family court system to end the enablement and encouragement by the system thats sole focus should be protecting children from abuse,” Putman said.

    As this is a bipartisan issue, HAP Aware and Michigan Fathers’ Rights Movement are pleased to have the support of Representatives Jim Runestad (R-White Lake), Tim Greimel (D-Auburn Hills) and Jim Tedder (R-Clarkston) who will be joining the rally and holding a press conference on the Capitol Steps (April 25 beginning at 1:45pm ET).

    To register for this free event, please visit bit.ly/2017rally

    About Hostile Aggressive Parenting Awareness
    HAP Aware (Hostile Aggressive Parenting Awareness) is an advocacy group created for knowledge-sharing and collaboration for parents and professionals who are motivated to advocate for a child’s right to access all of their loving parents, siblings and extended families. HAP Aware aims to advocate for children at Municipal, State and National levels by providing information, education and engagement activities for legislatures, family law, family courts, mental health professionals, parents and families. #ChildrenDeserveTheirVillage #BeTheChange

    About Michigan Fathers’ Rights Movement
    The Fathers’ Rights Movement of Michigan (TFRMM) is proud to be co-hosting this important event. Despite the gender specific title of “Father” in The TFRM name, TFRM is a movement whose members, both men and women, are interested in seeing an equal custody presumption in child custody cases. We advocate for shared parenting and parental rights. Our belief is that with two fit, able, and willing parents, children should not be restricted by a parent or court system from the equal access to both of their parents.​

    Source: HAP Aware | Michigan Fathers’ Rights Organization

    [ad_2]

    Source link

  • Alexandra Laxmi Iyer Joins the Dads and Moms of Michigan Board

    Alexandra Laxmi Iyer Joins the Dads and Moms of Michigan Board

    [ad_1]

    Press Release


    Aug 21, 2016

      Dads and Moms of Michigan is excited to announce a new board member, Alexandra Laxmi Iyer.

    As a seasoned “eventing” veteran, Alexandra is most passionate about driving positive change through her work. As a single mother and step-parent, Alexandra fully understands the impact our evolving family structures have on our children. It is her hope that she can help inspire communities to come together to protect our children from emotional abuse and protect a child’s right to access and receive love from all of their parents. “I am very excited to funnel my energy into such a positive organization that is committed to sowing the seeds of peaceful co-parenting relationships.” Iyer said.

    We’re excited to repeat the success of the Oakland County Parental Alienation Awareness Day rally into other areas of the State so that education on this important issue is available to more and ultimately, the lives of more children are positively impacted.

    John Langlois, Executive Director, Dads and Moms of Michigan

    Given her background, Iyer will be focusing on breathing life into the awareness rallies throughout the state of Michigan. With Iyer’s help, Dads and Moms of Michigan is already planning a Fall rally scheduled to take place on September 14, 2016 in Lansing and a second iteration of the Hostile Aggressive Parenting & Parental Alienation Awareness Day rally on April 25, 2017 in Oakland County.

    “We’re excited to repeat the success of the Oakland County Parental Alienation Awareness Day rally into other areas of the State so that education on this important issue is available to more and ultimately, the lives of more children are positively impacted.” Langlois said.

    For more information about upcoming rallies or to support a rally in your area as an event sponsor, please contact Alexandra Iyer, Dads and Moms of Michigan, laxmiiyera@dadsandmomosofmicigan.org. ​

    About Dads and Moms of Michigan
    Dads and Moms of Michigan is a nonprofit dedicated to bettering the lives of children by providing education and support to help parents create a “Conflict Free Zone” for their children. 

    Contact:
    John Langlois
    President/Executive Director
    langloisJ@dadsandmomsofmichigan.org

    Alexandra Laxmi Iyer
    Communications & PR
    laxmiiyera@dadsandmomsofmicihigan.org
    www.dadsandmomsofmichigan.org

    Source: Dads and Moms of Michigan

    [ad_2]

    Source link