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Tag: Jon Husted

  • Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine signed a law legalizing sports betting. He now says he’s opposed to it

    COLUMBUS, Ohio (AP) — If Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine could turn back time, he would not have signed the law that legalized sports betting in his state.

    With two Cleveland Guardians pitchers and an Ohio-born guard for the Miami Heat snared in separate betting-related criminal probes, the second-term Republican says he now “absolutely” regrets unleashing this unbridled new industry on Ohioans with his 2021 signature.

    “Look, we’ve always had gambling, we’re always going to have gambling,” DeWine told The Associated Press last week. “But just the power of these companies and the deep, deep, deep pockets they have to advertise and do everything they can to get someone to place that bet is really different once you have legalization of them.”

    His comments reflect a reckoning that’s unfolding across sports and politics as sports betting becomes more ingrained across much of the U.S. The wave of legalization in recent years unleashed a massive industry centered around betting and, more recently, a wave of investigations and arrests tied to allegations of rigged games. It’s a dynamic that DeWine says he doesn’t think lawmakers fully anticipated.

    “Ohio shouldn’t have done it,” he said.

    DeWine prompted a rare move to limit prop bets

    DeWine recently emerged as a key player in the negotiations between Major League Baseball and its authorized gaming operators that resulted in the capping of prop bets on individual pitches at $200 and excluding them from parlays. The deal was announced earlier this month, a day after Guardians pitchers Luis Ortiz and Emmanuel Clase were indicted and accused of rigging pitches at the behest of gamblers. Both have pleaded not guilty.

    “Gov. DeWine really did a huge service, I think — to us, certainly, I can’t speak for any of the other sports — in terms of kind of bringing forward the need to do something in this area,” MLB Commissioner Rob Manfred told reporters last week.

    And DeWine doesn’t plan to stop there. Shortly after Ortiz and Clase were first placed on paid leave this summer, he announced he’d be asking the commissioners and players’ unions of all the major U.S. sports leagues to ban prop bets — sometimes called micro-betting — like those implicated in the Guardians scandal. While that goal has not yet been achieved — micro-betting is critical to the business strategy in an industry with over $11 billion in revenue in the U.S. this year — DeWine said limits put in place for baseball are a good first step.

    “It needs to be holistic, it needs to be universal,” he told the AP. “They’re just playing with fire. I mean, they are just asking for more and more trouble, their failure to address this.”

    The gambling industry’s investments in Ohio politics

    DeWine’s recent sentiments mark a notable position shift after he pledged to — and then did — sign a legalization law that was sweeping in scope. The legislation allowed adults 21 and older to place sports bets online, at casinos, at racinos and at stand-alone betting kiosks in bars, restaurants and professional sports facilities. Wagering was permitted under the bill on professional sports teams, motor sports, Olympic events, golf, tennis and even major college sports, including Ohio State football.

    It was clear in the run-up to DeWine’s re-election in 2022 that the gambling industry was intensely interested in what was transpiring in the state.

    An AP investigation that year found that casino operators, slot machine makers, gaming technology companies, sports interests or their lobbyists donated nearly $1 million in 2021 and 2022 to the nonprofit Republican Governors Association, which supported pro-DeWine committees through its campaign arm. Entities and individuals with ties to the industry also donated more than $22,000 directly to DeWine’s campaign, according to campaign finance reports.

    A review of more recent campaign filings finds that industry largesse has continued to flow to Ohio politicians with sway over gaming’s future.

    Lobbyists and a PAC with ties to Jack Casino, DraftKings, FanDuel, MGM, Gamewise, Hard Rock, Underdog, Rush Street or Caesars have donated about $130,000 to Ohio state legislators in the past three years, records show — about a third of that directed to top House and Senate leaders. Then-Republican Lt. Gov. Jon Husted, who was positioning as DeWine’s likely gubernatorial successor, had received about $9,000 from industry-connected entities and individuals before being appointed to the U.S. Senate.

    At least one powerful state lawmaker, Republican House Finance Chairman Brian Stewart, had vowed to introduce legislation protecting prop bets prior to professional baseball’s crackdown.

    “I think that prop bets are a significant part of sports betting in the state of Ohio,” Stewart told cleveland.com in August. “It’s something that clearly a lot of Ohioans have taken part in and enjoy, and I don’t think there’s something that we should eliminate entirely.”

    Amid such pushback, DeWine and others now view voluntary buy-in from leagues, players’ unions and sportsbooks as a superior approach to pursuing gambling restrictions on a state-by-state basis, where the authority lies.

    Matt Schuler, executive director of the Ohio Casino Control Commission, said the baseball deal DeWine helped broker has shown it can be done.

    “He’s using the bully pulpit and he’s able to connect with the right people in that way,” Schuler said of DeWine. “No one thought that everyone could get on the same page, but now they did because everyone realizes the risk. The bets are small, but the risk is big, and so, having observed gaming and regulated it for about 14 years, this is impressive.”

    Harassment and scandal in Ohio changed DeWine’s mind

    DeWine said his concerns with sports gambling began almost as soon as Ohio’s law took effect in 2023. Very quickly, his office began receiving reports that gamblers were threatening members of the University of Dayton basketball team.

    So he contacted NCAA President Charlie Baker, whom he knew from Baker’s time as governor of Massachusetts, and learned that he shared DeWine’s concern. He got Baker to write a letter requesting the removal of collegiate prop bets from the list of legal wagers that sportsbooks operating in Ohio could place, which allowed DeWine to usher the change through the casino commission.

    After the Guardians case emerged this summer, DeWine approached Manfred with the same idea. They hadn’t both been governors, but DeWine did have one cache going in: his family’s long-time ownership of North Carolina’s Asheville Tourists. DeWine said Manfred asked him to hold off on pushing unilateral action in Ohio, in hopes of getting the parties to agree to a new national rule.

    “I would have preferred to have completely done away with the micro-prop bets, but this is the area that he was able to settle on with them, and I was pleased with that,” DeWine said. “And so, I think that’s progress.”

    DeWine, who faces term limits next year, said he would be happy to sign a repeal of Ohio’s sports betting law at this point, but he’s certain there’s not enough support for that at the Ohio Statehouse.

    “There’s not the votes for that. I can count,” he said. “I’m not always right, but I can pretty much guarantee you that they’re not ready to do this.”

    Instead, he’ll continue to make his case in other ways.

    DeWine, an avid baseball fan, particularly of his hometown Cincinnati Reds, said he believes “these sports are playing with dynamite here and the integrity of the sports is at stake.”

    “So, you try to do what you can do, and you try and warn people, and try to take action like we did with collegiate, and you try take action like what we’re doing with baseball,” he said. “But we’ve got to keep pushing these other sports to do it, too.”

    ___

    AP Baseball Writer Ronald Blum contributed to this report.

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  • Ohio Lt. Gov. Husted Won’t Say If He Knew About $1M FirstEnergy Dark-Money Contribution

    Ohio Lt. Gov. Husted Won’t Say If He Knew About $1M FirstEnergy Dark-Money Contribution

    click to enlarge

    (Pool photo by Graham Stokes.)

    Ohio Lt. Governor Jon Husted at the Governor’s Inaugural Gala, January 7, 2023, in the Atrium at the Statehouse in Columbus, Ohio.

    Ohio Lt. Gov. Jon Husted is refusing to say whether he was aware of a $1 million contribution in 2017 to a political group that was supporting his bid for governor. Instead, his office is only reiterating that the group wasn’t affiliated with the Husted campaign.

    The massive donation came from Akron-based FirstEnergy, which over the next two years ponied up more than $60 million in bribes in exchange for a $1.3 billion ratepayer bailout — a law that Gov. Mike DeWine signed just hours after it passed.

    The donation was discovered among a trove of documents that a group of news organizations including the Capital Journal requested from the Office of Ohio Consumers’ Counsel.

    As reported last week by the Energy News Network and Floodlight, the documents also contained emails indicating that Husted was lobbying DeWine to support the bailout. The lobbying came just 11 days after Husted abandoned his gubernatorial bid and joined DeWine’s ticket on Dec. 1, 2017.

    “Jon Husted called me to say he was meeting with DeWine on our issue to try and get him aligned to help keep the plants open,” a Dec. 12, 2017 email by FirstEnergy lobbyist Joel Bailey said.

    The plants were money-losing nuclear and coal plants that FirstEnergy wanted to prop up with the bailout and then spin off.

    FirstEnergy in 2021 signed a deferred prosecution agreement in which it admitted to paying bribes to elect a friendly Republican majority to the state House, which would elect a friendly speaker who would pass and protect the corrupt bailout. 

    The company also admitted to paying a $4.3 million bribe to Sam Randazzo, DeWine’s pick to chair the Public Utilities Commission of Ohio, who died by suicide last week. A state indictment said that FirstEnergy executives arranged the bribe with Randazzo the same night they discussed his suitability as a regulator at a dinner meeting with Gov.-elect DeWine and Lt. Gov.-elect Husted on Dec. 18, 2018.

    The ensuing scandal has landed former House Speaker Larry Householder, R-Glenford, in federal prison for 20 years, and former Ohio GOP Chair Matt Borges for five. Two others have pleaded guilty and await sentencing. Another defendant, lobbyist Neil Clark, also died by suicide — clad in a “DeWine for Governor” T-shirt.

    DeWine and Husted haven’t been charged in case, and they adamantly deny wrongdoing.

    However, they haven’t publicly discussed just what they knew about Randazzo’s long-standing relationship with FirstEnergy, or what they knew about the torrent of dark money flooding from FirstEnergy into Capitol Square to pass and protect the bailout. They also haven’t discussed what senior administration officials with close ties to FirstEnergy might have known.

    Among the documents turned over once FirstEnergy made its agreement with federal prosecutors was a spreadsheet listing 501(c)(4) political contributions the company made in 2017. 

    Such donations are called “dark money” because recipients don’t have to disclose their sources. By law, dark-money contributions can’t go directly to candidates, but they can go to groups that support them, but aren’t supposed to directly coordinate with them.

    The FirstEnergy spreadsheet is only now becoming public because the FBI investigated the scandal and the U.S. Department of Justice brought a prosecution. During the battle over the bailout law in 2019, there were suspicions that FirstEnergy was bankrolling the effort, but the press and public couldn’t know because the money was being funneled through dark-money groups — without which U.S. Attorney David DeVillers said the conspiracy would have been impossible.

    Now that FirstEnergy’s 2017 donation to a Husted-aligned group is known, it raises new questions.

    Special interests sometimes piously claim that they spend millions on politics solely in the interests of “good government.” But as was shown in Householder’s lengthy trial last year, corporate political donations are often — if not usually — intended to buy influence with people in government.

    In order for that to happen, a government official would have to know that a special interest had contributed on his or her behalf. But Husted — who is eyeing a 2026 gubernatorial run — won’t say whether he knew that FirstEnergy in 2017 gave a million bucks to a group supporting his earlier bid.

    His spokeswoman, Hayley Carducci, was asked if Husted knew of the contribution and if he did, when he learned of it. She was also asked if Husted persuaded DeWine to support the FirstEnergy bailout; what Husted knew about Randazzo’s links to FirstEnergy when he was picked to regulate the company; and whether he knew that FirstEnergy was flooding Cap Square with dark money in its effort to pass and preserve the bailout.

    In an email, Carducci repeated her earlier statement: “The Husted campaign never received this donation and is not affiliated with any of these groups.”

    She added, “As for your other questions, we will not be commenting.”

    Originally published by the Ohio Capital Journal. Republished here with permission.

    Marty Schladen, The Ohio Capital Journal

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