How an old cliché has been warped and weaponized in contemporary American politics.
Jon Allsop
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How an old cliché has been warped and weaponized in contemporary American politics.
Jon Allsop
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WASHINGTON (AP) — Democratic Vice President Kamala Harris and Republican former President Donald Trump will compete for West Virginia’s four electoral votes in the Nov. 5 general election. Voters will also cast ballots for a full slate of federal and state contests, including a U.S. Senate race that will help decide control of the chamber next year.
Neither Harris nor Trump have campaigned in West Virginia, and the state has not been a competitive presidential battleground for years. West Virginia was reliable Democratic territory for most of the 20th century, but Republican presidential candidates have won the state by comfortable margins since George W. Bush’s victory there in 2000.
Also appearing on the presidential ballot this year are three independent or third-party candidates, including Jill Stein and Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who dropped out of the race in August and endorsed Trump.
In the U.S. Senate race, Republican Gov. Jim Justice is running against Democrat Glenn Elliott and Libertarian David Moran to succeed Democrat-turned-independent Joe Manchin, who is not seeking a third full term. Manchin’s retirement has complicated Democratic hopes of maintaining control of the chamber next year. A win by Justice would be enough to give the GOP a majority if Trump wins the White House, assuming they hold their other seats.
Republican state Attorney General Patrick Morrisey is running against Democrat Steve Williams and three third-party candidates to replace Justice as governor. Voters also will decide two U.S. House races, including the 2nd Congressional District seat Republican incumbent Alex Mooney gave up to run in the U.S. Senate primary against Justice.
Other races on the ballot include state Senate, state House, attorney general and other state offices, as well as a ballot measure that would prohibit medically assisted suicide.
In recent years, West Virginia has increasingly chosen Republican candidates for the U.S. Senate and House and for statewide offices. Before switching party affiliations, Manchin was one of the last remaining Democrats representing the state.
The Associated Press doesn’t make projections and will declare a winner only when it has determined there is no scenario that would allow the trailing candidates to close the gap. If a race hasn’t been called, the AP will continue to cover any newsworthy developments, like candidate concessions or declarations of victory. In doing so, the AP will make clear it hasn’t declared a winner and explain why.
Here’s a look at what to expect in the 2024 election in West Virginia:
Nov. 5.
7:30 p.m. ET.
4 awarded to statewide winner.
President: Harris (D) vs. Trump (R) vs. Jill Stein (Mountain Party) vs. Chase Oliver (Libertarian) vs. Robert F. Kennedy Jr. (independent).
U.S. Senate: Elliott (D) vs. Justice (R) and one other.
Governor: Williams (R) vs. Morrisey (R) and three others.
Ballot measure: Constitutional Amendment 1 (prohibit medically assisted suicide).
U.S. House, state Senate, state House, attorney general, agriculture commissioner, auditor, secretary of state and treasurer.
2020: Trump (R) 69%, Biden (D) 30%, AP race call: Tuesday, Nov. 3, 2020, 7:30 p.m. ET.
What to know about the 2024 Election
Registered voters: 1,201,724 (as of Sept. 30, 2024). About 29% Democrats, 41% Republicans and 25% no party.
Voter turnout in 2020 presidential election: 63% of registered voters.
Votes cast before Election Day 2020: about 50% of the total vote.
Votes cast before Election Day 2022: about 29% of the total vote.
Votes cast before Election Day 2024: See AP Advance Vote tracker.
First votes reported, Nov. 3, 2020: 7:57 p.m. ET.
By midnight ET: about 96% of total votes cast were reported.
Associated Press writer Maya Sweedler contributed to this report.
Read more about how U.S. elections work at Explaining Election 2024, a series from The Associated Press aimed at helping make sense of the American democracy. The AP receives support from several private foundations to enhance its explanatory coverage of elections and democracy. See more about AP’s democracy initiative here. The AP is solely responsible for all content.

As questions endure about the electability and the competency of the two leading candidates for president, Joe Biden and Donald Trump, No Labels—a group that has pitched itself as a bipartisan band intent upon propping up a third-party candidacy with a “unity ticket” in 2024—seems to be adopting—if quietly—the latest Republican position du jour on abortion. The group’s position, tacitly endorsing a 15-week ban, has furthered the criticisms that they are a Republican stalking horse pitching unity but actually resolved to prove a spoiler to a Biden ticket.
Since its inception, No Labels’ stance has been that Americans are sick of bitter partisanship and should have more options. In 2010, according to Slate, the group’s website posited that social issues like gay marriage and abortion “keep Americans from working together” and that it wanted “to help call a cease-fire in the culture wars by focusing on common ground goals rather than absolutist positions on the left or right.”
But, today, No Labels doesn’t seem to be ignoring those so-called wedge issues at all. David Brooks listed some of them in a column for The New York Times last year, including “no guns for anyone under 21 and universal background checks” and “moderate abortion policies with abortion legal until about 15 weeks.”
In July, the group published a policy booklet describing their approach to addressing the country’s most contentious issues. The phrasing is purposefully fuzzy. At first, they note that most abortions happen before 15 weeks, helping the argument that many Republican members have propped up as a “consensus” position on abortion. Then, they remark that Americans will not find a compromise on this issue until there’s a leader in office who navigates the issue with empathy and respect: “Abortion is too important and complicated an issue to say it’s common sense to pass a law—nationally or in the states—that draws a clear line at a certain stage of pregnancy.”
Republicans, including Virginia governor Glenn Youngkin, former vice president Mike Pence, head of the Republican National Committee Ronna McDaniel, and failed presidential hopeful Tim Scott, among others, have taken up the 15-week stance. However, some antiabortion advocates have said that particular rhetoric has not helped the cause. “Talking about 15 weeks was incorrect,” Olivia Gans Turner, president of the Virginia Society for Human Life, an antiabortion group, said, according to a Politico report. “It became about the weeks, not about the ability of the unborn child to feel pain.”
“It’s kind of no shock that No Labels is pushing an antiabortion agenda considering they are being run by a lot of Republicans with a vested interest in pushing an antiabortion agenda,” Alexandra De Luca, the vice president of strategic communications at American Bridge 21st Century, a progressive and Democratic research group, told Vanity Fair. Indeed, the group’s leadership includes Republicans Larry Hogan and Pat McCory, plus former Democrat turned independent Joe Lieberman. Notably, the politicians No Labels has propped up include Jon Huntsman and Joe Manchin. When Huntsman served as the Republican governor of Utah, he signed multiple pieces of antiabortion legislation. Manchin, meanwhile, has had a mixed record on abortion. He was the sole Democrat to vote alongside the entire Senate Republican caucus against the Women’s Health Protection Act, which would have enshrined the right to abortion nationwide as well as providing other reproductive rights protections. However, Manchin did say he would vote on a narrower codification of *Roe—*a position seemingly at odds with No Labels’ “compromise” ban, emphasizing the clumsiness of the group’s goals.
Democratic wins in Ohio and, ostensibly, Virginia, Kentucky, and Pennsylvania this November have proved that abortion access is a motivating issue for voters. Reproductive rights advocates are also quick to argue that a 15-week ban is medically arbitrary, and it would just serve as a starting point for Republicans intent on banning abortion outright. No Labels has argued that a third-party ticket could siphon off enough votes from both parties to be a viable alternative. But polling only partially bears this premise out. Instead, a No Labels candidate would likely hurt Biden and help clear Trump’s path to the White House.
While the White House has remained largely mum on No Labels’ mission, behind closed doors, it appears the effort is causing much angst within some Democratic circles. “What we hear universally from Democrats is deep concern about this,” said Matt Bennett, the executive vice president of public affairs at Third Way, a moderate Democratic think tank that has come out in opposition of a third-party candidacy.
Bennett added in the July interview with Vanity Fair, “We have not encountered a single Democrat who doesn’t think this is bad, other than, you know, Senator Manchin himself, basically,”—a reference to the moderate West Virginia senator who earlier this year headlined a No Labels event and whose recent decision not to seek reelection amplified existing speculation that he might run third party for president. Even Representative Dean Phillips, a vocal advocate of widening the Democratic presidential primary field before he announced his own bid, told VF this summer that anyone running third party—such as Cornel West and Robert F. Kennedy Jr.—“Those people are absolutely helping Trump.”
Former Michigan congressman Fred Upton, a Republican working with No Labels, seemingly said the quiet part out loud earlier this month. “I’d like to think that we’d have a Republican presidential candidate and a Democratic vice presidential candidate.”
Abigail Tracy
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Congressman Earl Blumenauer, an Oregon Democrat, is one of nearly 40 lawmakers leaving Congress at the end of this term.
“I deeply respect some of my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, but it’s harder and harder to work with them,” Blumenauer told CBS News. “The unending chaos in the House really takes up most of the oxygen.”
Anna Moneymaker / Getty Images
“The dysfunction in the House is part of the reason why I’ve decided to leave,” said GOP Rep. Ken Buck, of Colorado. “People are lying a lot. And when you call out the lies, you’re the bad guy. I feel like I can do more outside of Congress than inside of Congress.”
“I’m at that point of my life, age-wise and career-wise, where if I have one more chapter, I want to go explore it,” 61-year-old Maryland Rep. John Sarbanes, a Democrat, told CBS News by phone ahead of a busy week in the House. Sarbanes has announced his ninth term in the House will be his final one.
As Congress slogs through a year of stalemates, showdowns, acrimony and the first-ever ousting of a House speaker, a wave of incumbent lawmakers have announced they’re walking away from their Capitol Hill careers.
The large number of retirements is troubling, said some House members and staffers, because the retirees include veteran lawmakers considered to be workhorses of Congress by their peers.
Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images
Rep. Anna Eshoo, a California Democrat in her 32nd year in the House, will retire after a congressional career in which she sponsored over 60 pieces of legislation that became law.
In an interview from her office study in California, Eshoo told CBS News, “I’ve never run away from anything. I’m not fleeing the Congress. I’m retiring from Congress. Do I worry about the state that the House of Representatives is in? I certainly do. I worry about the country.”
But when pressed on whether the toxicity of the 118th Congress persuaded her to retire, Eshoo replied, “Not really. That’s not my reason. I think it’s time.”
This class of retirees also includes Rep. Kay Granger, the Texas Republican who chairs the powerful House Appropriations Committee. And Rep. Derek Kilmer, Democrat of Washington, the Seattle-area congressman who recently helped develop a plan and report to modernize Congress, which sought to offer “recommendations for improving and strengthening the House.”
Rep. Brad Wenstrup is an Ohio Republican who chairs a panel investigating the COVID-19 pandemic, and he’s also a military veteran who helped respond and care for a House colleague wounded in a 2017 shooting spree in Virginia.
The list of departing lawmakers also includes centrist senators who have a history of bridging gaps and providing pivotal votes, including Sen. Mitt Romney, a Utah Republican, and Sen. Joe Manchin, Democrat of West Virginia.
The sheer numbers threaten to bleed Congress of some its institutional memory and the relationships that helped forge deals and bipartisan legislation.
The Congressional Management Foundation, a nonprofit which provides consulting for congressional offices, said experience is already dwindling in Congress. Foundation president Brad Fitch told CBS News, “At the start of this Congress in 2023 about half of the House of Representatives had four years or less of experience in their jobs.”
“Experience matters, whether we talking about football coaches, neurosurgeons or members of Congress,” Fitch said. “One of the reasons why Congress is having difficulty fulfilling it’s basic responsibilities to the American public is because many of them are still learning how to do their jobs.”
The retirees also include those seeking higher or different offices, including Rep. Abigail Spanberger, a Virginia Democrat and centrist dealmaker who turned a red district to blue in Virginia in 2018. Spanberger has announced she’s running for governor of her state in 2025.
West Virginia GOP Rep. Alex Mooney is departing a seat he won after an agonizing and high-profile intraparty primary just a year ago, to pursue the Republican nomination for the West Virginia Senate seat Manchin is vacating.
The departures could metastasize. Blumenauer said he was less inclined to run for reelection because so many of the Republicans with whom he partners on legislation are leaving, citing in particular Wenstrup’s retirement.
Eshoo’s departure has reverberated among Democrats. In a statement, former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi told CBS News, “Congresswoman Eshoo has been a giant in the Congress of the United States. For three decades, she has magnificently represented not only her district, which she considers the best, but also our state and our country. Seeing the connection between our values and our legislation.”
The toxicity of the Congress and the aftermath of the Jan. 6, 2021 assault on the Capitol continue to have an impact.
“People are lying a lot,” Buck said. “Lying about the election being stolen, about Jan. 6 being an unguided tour of the Capitol, about the Jan. 6 defendants being political prisoners.”
Some of the retirements could have an impact on each party’s ability to win a majority in the House. Spanberger’s seat is expected to be heavily targeted by Republicans.
In his retirement announcement, Rep. Dan Kildee, Democrat of Michigan, who represents a blue-collar area in a swing state, expressed optimism on behalf of his party. He said he is confident a Democrat will win his seat in the Flint area next year.
Manchin’s retirement has fueled speculation that he might consider a third-party run for the White House, endangering the reelection prospects of President Biden. Speaking earlier this month with CBS Evening News anchor and managing editor Norah O’Donnell, Manchin expressed frustration with partisanship in Congress.
“I’ve come to the conclusion we’re not going to fix it here in Washington,” Manchin said. “We’re losing that middle. We’re losing the core of how you come you come to conclusions to pass the bills that we pass.”
Wasting no time after announcing his retirement from the US Senate, Joe Manchin is going after President Joe Biden as he embarks on a quest to mobilize the “radical middle” and potentially run for president.
“Joe Biden has been pulled so far to the left, the extreme left,” Manchin told conservative billionaire and radio host John Catsimatidis Sunday. “Makes no sense at all, it’s not the person we thought was gonna bring the country together.”
The West Virginia Democrat added that he thinks former president and current GOP frontrunner Donald Trump “normalized this visceral hatred. He wants to … weaponize [the presidency] for revenge. He believes the only fair election is the one he won [in 2016].” Manchin previously stated that a second Trump presidency would “destroy democracy in America.”
“Washington wants you and I to be divided, and the rest of America to be divided because it’s a better business model for ’em,” Manchin added Sunday. “I’ve decided to go around to see if I can mobilize the radical middle – the radical, moderate, sensible, reasonable, middle, modern part of this country,” he said.”
In a video announcing his retirement from Congress, Manchin said he’d be “traveling the country and speaking out to see if there is an interest in creating a movement to mobilize the middle and bring Americans together,” spurring speculation that he’d jump into the 2024 presidential race.
Manchin recently told NBC’s “Meet the Press” host Kristen Welker that he would “absolutely” consider running for president. “I will do anything I can to help my country, and you’re saying, ‘Does that mean you would consider it?’ Absolutely. Every American should consider it if they’re in a position to help save the country,” he said. Manchin told Welker that he hadn’t spoken with the president since announcing his decision not to seek reelection.
For months, Manchin has been flirting with No Labels, a nonprofit political organization fueled by dark money and focused on fielding a “centrist” third-party ticket for president in 2024. In a statement, the group greeted Manchin’s retirement by calling him a “tireless voice for America’s commonsense majority and a longtime ally of the No Labels movement.” The group said they would “make a decision by early 2024 about whether we will nominate a Unity presidential ticket and who will be on it.”
Speaking on Fox News last week, No Labels leader and former Democratic Senator Joe Lieberman of Connecticut said, “Joe Manchin deserves the most serious consideration if we get to that point.” Lieberman has strenuously denied that a No Labels ticket would help Trump, claiming that the group’s internal polling shows that a “unity” ticket wouldn’t play spoiler.
Manchin, too, has denied that an independent run for president would help Trump win. “I don’t buy that scenario,” Manchin told CBS News’ Norah O’Donnell after announcing his decision not to seek reelection. “I’ve never been a spoiler in anything…I compete to win, okay? And I’m gonna work right now to try to win the middle back.”
Jack McCordick
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The 2024 U.S. Senate elections map appears bleak for Democrats following Senator Joe Manchin‘s announcement that he would not seek reelection in West Virginia next year.
Manchin, who has often been described as a conservative or moderate Democrat, has represented the deep red state in the Senate since 2010 and his decision not to run again means his party faces the prospect of losing the seat to a Republican.
The senator’s decision adds further pressure to Democrats who are likely to struggle to retain control of the Senate next year as they are confronted with a difficult election. The party has a slim majority in the Senate of 51 seats to Republicans‘ 49.
Six Democratic senators are facing reelection in states that former President Donald Trump won at least once in the last two presidential elections—including the crucial swing states of Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin.
Trump remains the frontrunner for the Republican Party’s 2024 presidential nomination, while President Joe Biden is once again seeking the Democratic nomination.
There are no Republican senators facing reelection in states that Trump lost in either of the last two presidential elections.
In 2016, all 34 Senate races were won by the same party that won the presidency in that state. In 2020, it was 34 out of 35 states.
It remains to be seen what effect another presidential election pitting Biden against Trump will have on down ballot races, but Democrats’ prospects appear bleak.
Here is a breakdown of key states on the 2024 Senate map where Democratic incumbents could be vulnerable. It is important to note that candidates have not yet been formally selected but several incumbents have announced their intention to run again.
Newsweek has reached out to the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee (DSCC) via email for comment.
Senator Kyrsten Sinema was elected as a Democrat in 2018 but left the party in December 2022. She has filed to run for reelection but it is not yet clear if she will run again.
Trump won Arizona in 2016 and Biden picked up the state in 2020, so both parties will be hoping to take Sinema’s Senate seat in 2024. If Sinema chooses to run again, she could face both Republican and Democratic opponents, which would further complicate Democrats’ hopes of regaining the seat.
The crucial swing state of Michigan helped to secure Trump’s 2016 victory but flipped to Biden in 2020.
In the 2024 Senate race, Democrats will be hoping to keep the seat that’s being vacated by Democratic Senator Debbie Stabenow, who has announced her retirement.
Stabenow was reelected in 2018 with 52.3 percent of the vote and Republicans could see an opportunity to replace her.
Traditionally a red state, voters in Montana backed former President Trump in 2016 and 2020 but the incumbent Democrat, Senator Jon Tester, is seeking reelection in 2024.
Like Manchin, Tester is often considered a moderate. The three-term senator is seeking a fourth term after narrowly winning reelection in 2018 with 50.3 percent of the vote.
Next year will be the first time Tester is running for the Senate at the same time as Trump is seeking the White House, if he is the GOP nominee.
Once considered a swing state and a bellwether for presidential elections, in recent years Ohio has been solidly Republican. Voters in the state opted for Trump in 2016 and 2020.
However, Democratic Senator Sherrod Brown is seeking a fourth term in 2024 after he was reelected in 2018 with 53.4 percent of the vote in the increasingly red state.
Like Tester in Montana, next year will be the first time Brown is running for the Senate while Trump is seeking the presidency, if the former president is the GOP nominee.
Pennsylvania is another crucial swing state that Trump won in 2016 and Biden flipped in 2020. It is likely to be an essential pickup in next year’s presidential election.
Democratic Senator Bob Casey is seeking a fourth term after being reelected in 2018 with 55.7 percent of the vote.
Republicans are likely to focus heavily on Pennsylvania in order to build a winning combination to reach 270 Electoral College votes and that could draw greater attention to the Senate race.
Casey faces the prospect of running a reelection campaign amid what will likely be Trump’s aggressive presidential campaign in the state.
West Virginia backed Trump in 2016 and 2020 and there is little prospect of the state voting for a Democratic presidential candidate next year.
However, Manchin’s electoral success in the state has provided Democrats with a crucial vote in the Senate—and seen Manchin often hold the balance of power.
The Democrat won reelection in 2018 with 49.6 percent of the vote.
With Manchin’s decision not to seek reelection, it seems likely that West Virginia could be a GOP pickup in 2024.
West Virginia’s Republican Governor Jim Justice is running and with Manchin out of the race, his chances of winning may have grown.
Wisconsin is the third swing state that was essential to Trump’s 2016 victory but was then won by Biden in 2020. Like Michigan and Pennsylvania, winning in Wisconsin will be seen as crucial for both parties.
Democratic Senator Tammy Baldwin is up for reelection in 2024 and she’ll be seeking a third term. Baldwin was reelected in 2018 with 55.4 percent of the vote.
Wisconsin is almost certain to be a major focus of the presidential campaigns.
Newsweek is committed to challenging conventional wisdom and finding connections in the search for common ground.
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Sen. Joe Manchin Thursday announced he won’t run for reelection in a major blow to Democratic hopes of retaining control of the Senate after the 2024 elections.
The coal country moderate was considered the only Democrat with any chance of holding the pivotal seat in deep-red West Virginia, leaving them with only the narrowest of paths to retain control of the upper chamber.
With Manchin’s seat off the board, Democratic incumbents would likely need to win tough battles for reelection in Montana and Ohio to win 50 seats, enough for a majority if President Biden can also win reelection.
Manchin, 75, said in a videotaped statement that he made the decision “after months of deliberation and long conversations” with his family.
“I believe in my heart of hearts that I have accomplished what I set out to do for West Virginia,” Manchin said. “I have made one of the toughest decisions of my life and decided that I will not be running for re-election.”
Manchin hinted that he is open to the idea of a political future as a moderate force in national politics.
“What I will be doing is traveling the country and speaking out to see if there is an interest in creating a movement to mobilize the middle and bring Americans together,” said Manchin, without elaborating.
Democrats say any independent run for president would effectively help Trump beat President Biden in 2024.
A GOP win would likely catapult Minority Leader Mitch McConnell back into the driver’s seat, forcing aside dealmaker Sen. Chuck Schumer after four years in charge.
Next year’s election was already shaping up as a difficult one for Senate Democrats, who hold a 51-49 edge with the help of three independents who caucus with them.
Besides Manchin, Sens. Jon Tester (D-Montana) and Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio) are both running for six more years in states that have trended red in recent years.
In Arizona, Democrats face a potentially tricky race because of the antics of Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, a mercurial moderate who recently left the Democratic Party.
Adding to Democratic angst, there are only two Republican senators who are considered potentially vulnerable: Texas Sen. Ted Cruz and Florida Sen. Rick Scott.
Even before Manchin’s announcement, Republican challengers had already been lining up to run for the Senate seat that he barely held onto in 2018
Gov. Jim Justice is running and won the coveted endorsement of Trump. Rep. Alex Mooney (R-West Virginia) is also a candidate the GOP is running and Republican state Attorney General Patrick Morrisey, who unsuccessfully challenged Manchin in 2018, has hinted at jumping into the race.
Whoever the GOP nominates will be the prohibitive favorite to take the seat given that West Virginia voted for former President Donald Trump over President Biden by a more than 40% margin.
Dave Goldiner
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As Democrats face a difficult Senate landscape in 2024, with 23 seats up for re-election and a handful of vulnerable senators competing in battleground states, Michigan Sen. Gary Peters, the head of the Senate Democratic campaign arm, made it clear the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee (DSCC) will aggressively pursue the races that are tight.
He’s been keeping an eye on West Virginia, where Democratic Sen. Joe Manchin has yet to announce whether he’ll seek another term and has left the door ajar to a potential third-party presidential bid.
“If Joe Manchin runs, he will win,” Peters told CBS News chief Washington correspondent Major Garrett in an interview on CBS News’ “America Decides” Wednesday.
Andrew Harnik / AP
Peters says he’s been urging the two-term West Virginia senator to run again — and as a Democrat. Even with Peter’s support, Manchin would likely be running in a difficult general election. Rep. Alex Mooney and West Virginia Gov. Jim Justice are both running for the Republican nomination.
Peters says Justice comes with “a lot of baggage.” The leading Republican candidate has faced scrutiny over West Virginia’s Covid vaccine lotteries and his family’s coal mining company, which was sued by the Justice Department for failing to pay millions in mining violation penalties.
In addition to West Virginia, there are at least six other vulnerable Democratic Senate seats that could determine the balance of power in the Senate in 2024. Peters noted that presidential battleground states are also Senate battleground states, with the exceptions of Ohio and Montana, races Peters described as “very challenging.”
Al Drago/Bloomberg via Getty Images
Ohio Sen. Sherrod Brown will seek a fourth term in 2024. Republican challengers so far include businessman Bernie Moreno, state Sen. Matt Dolan, and Secretary of State Frank LaRose. Over the summer, Dolan launched an ad blitz targeting Sen. Brown on immigration.
In Montana, Sen. John Tester also faces GOP challenges from Reps. Matt Rosendale and Ryan Zinke, as well as former Navy SEAL officer Tim Sheehy. NRSC Chair Daines has voiced his support for Sheehy.
Peters believes candidate quality, or the lack of it, will play a role in 2024 Senate races.
“I think what really helps us in Arizona is that we have Kari Lake as the likely Republican nominee,” he said, and predicted that “she will do worse in the Senate race than she did in the gubernatorial race.”
Lake seems likely to face off against Rep. Ruben Gallego. Incumbent Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, who won her seat as a Democrat in 2018, announced last November she was changing her party affiliation to independent. Sinema hasn’t yet announced whether she will seek re-election.
Democrats will also have to defend Senate seats in Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Nevada and Michigan, all states Biden won by a single-digit margin in 2020.
Peters joked, “I will assure you as the chair of the DSCC and the senator for Michigan, we will not lose Michigan on my watch.”
While Democrats managed to hold the Senate and even gain a seat in 2022, this cycle may be more difficult.
Republicans are defending 11 out of 34 seats up for reelection in 2024.
When asked if Peters would send money to either state, he said, “I will tell every candidate, if you’re gonna win your race, I’m not giving you a penny. If you’re gonna lose your race, I’m not giving you a penny, but if you’re right on the edge and you could go either way, we’re gonna be there with everything we have.”
Watch Major Garrett’s interview with Sen. Gary Peters Wednesday on CBS News’ “America Decides.”

CNN
—
Top Senate Republicans look at the prospects of a Donald Trump primary victory with trepidation, fearful his polarizing style and heavy baggage may sink GOP candidates down the ticket as their party battles for control of the chamber.
But Sen. Steve Daines doesn’t agree.
The Montana Republican, who chairs the National Republican Senatorial Committee, has spent the past year working to ensure Trump and Senate Republican leaders don’t clash about their preferred candidates in key primaries, after the 2022 debacle that saw a bevy of Trump-backed choices collapse in the heat of the general election and cost their party the Senate majority. So far, the two are on the same page.
Daines argues that Trump is “strengthening” among independent voters and that could be a boon for his Senate candidates – even in purple states like Michigan, Wisconsin, Nevada and Pennsylvania. The senator says that his down-ticket candidates should embrace the former president, even as he’s facing four criminal trials with polls showing that he remains a deeply unpopular figure with wide swaths of voters.
“What’s key is we want to make sure we have high-quality candidates running with President Trump,” Daines said. “Candidates that can again appeal beyond the Republican base – that’s my goal.”
In an interview with CNN at NRSC headquarters, Daines detailed his latest thinking about the GOP strategy to take back the Senate, saying his candidates need to have a stronger position on abortion, signaling he’s eager to avoid a primary in the Montana race and arguing that neither Sens. Kyrsten Sinema nor Joe Manchin could hold onto their seats if they ran for reelection in their states as independents.
And as Kari Lake is poised to announce a Senate bid in Arizona as soon as next week, Daines has some advice for the former TV broadcaster, who falsely blamed mass voting fraud for her loss in last year’s gubernatorial race in her state.
“I think one thing we’ve learned from 2022 is voters do not want to hear about grievances from the past,” Daines said. “They want to hear about what you’re going to do for the future. And if our candidates stay on that message of looking down the highway versus the rearview mirror, I think they’ll be a lot more successful particularly in their appeal to independent voters, which usually decide elections.”
Daines, who called Lake “very gifted” and said he’s had “positive” conversations with her, added: “I think it’s just going to be important for her to look to the future and not so much the past.”
Asked if Trump’s repeated false claims of a “stolen” election could be problematic down-ticket, Daines instead pointed out that Trump was the last GOP president since Ronald Reagan to win Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and Michigan in 2016, though he lost those states in 2020.
“As we continue to watch the president strengthen, we’ll see what happens here in ’24, but I’ll tell you he provides a lot of strength for us down ballot in many key states,” said Daines, who was the first member of Senate GOP leadership to endorse Trump.
Daines’ assessment comes as he is benefitting from a highly favorable map, with 23 Democrats up for reelection, compared to just 11 for the GOP. Democratic incumbents in three states that Trump won – Ohio, Montana and West Virginia – are the most endangered, while the two best Democratic pickup opportunities – Texas and Florida – remain an uphill battle.
“We’ll have to keep an eye on Texas – the Ted Cruz race,” Daines said. “Just because he’s Ted Cruz he’ll draw a lot of money from the other side to try to defeat Ted Cruz.”
Beating incumbents is usually a complicated endeavor, plus Republicans are facing messy primaries that could make it harder to win a general election, including in Daines’ home-state of Montana. There, Daines has gotten behind Tim Sheehy, a former Navy SEAL who owns an aerial firefighting company. But there’s a possibility that Sheehy could face Rep. Matt Rosendale in the primary, something that Republicans fear could undercut their effort to take down 17-year incumbent Sen. Jon Tester.
Rosendale, a member of the hard-right House Freedom Caucus, narrowly lost to Tester in 2018 and is considering another run in 2024.
“I’ve known Matt a long time. He’s a friend of mine. I like Matt Rosendale,” Daines said. “I think it’s best if he were to stay in the US House and gain seniority.”
Unlike in the last cycle when the NRSC stayed neutral under previous leadership, the campaign committee now is taking a much heavier hand in primaries, picking and choosing which candidates to endorse. While Daines declined to say how his committee would handle the Arizona primary, he indicated they would stay out of the crowded Ohio primary, arguing the three GOP candidates battling it out there are on solid footing in the race for Sen. Sherrod Brown’s seat.
While West Virginia remains perhaps the best pickup opportunity for the GOP, the NRSC will have a much harder time if Manchin decides to run for reelection. In an interview, Manchin signaled that if he runs again, it may be as an independent – not a Democrat.
“I think everyone thinks of me as an independent back home,” Manchin told CNN. “I don’t think they look at me as a big D or a big R or an anti-R or anti-D or anything. They say it’s Joe, if it makes sense, he’ll do it.”
Daines said that wouldn’t make much of a difference.
“It’d be very difficult for Joe to get reelected in West Virginia based on looking at the numbers,” Daines said, pointing to Manchin’s support for the Inflation Reduction Act.
Similarly, Daines said that if Sinema runs in Arizona, he doesn’t believe she can win as a third-party candidate, as she faces a GOP candidate and the likely Democratic nominee, Rep. Ruben Gallego.
“I think Sinema will have a difficult path if she gets in the race,” he said.
In addition to facing weaker candidates last cycle, many Republicans continue to sidestep questions on their positions over abortion – a potent issue in the aftermath of the Supreme Court’s ruling overturning Roe v. Wade.
But Daines says he doesn’t think abortion will be “as potent this cycle,” indicating he is pressing candidates to do a “better job” messaging on the issue to suburban women. He said that Republicans need to impress upon voters that they support limits on late-term abortions, with exceptions for rape, incest or life of the mother, arguing that’s a “more reasonable position” in line with most Americans – all the while rejecting calls for a national ban on all abortions.
“I think we actually had candidates who just kind of ran away from the issue and kind of hoped it went away,” Daines said. “And when you do that, if you don’t take a position, the Democratic opponents there will define the issue for them. And that’s a losing strategy.”
Daines is also in the middle of another internal party war – between Trump and Senate GOP Leader Mitch McConnell, as the two men have been at sharp odds since the January 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol.
Asked if he believed the two could work with each other if Trump is president again and McConnell returns as Republican leader, Daines said: “It’d be a privilege to have a Republican president and a Republican majority leader working – that’d be a nice problem to have.”

Washington — Days after relaxing its unofficial dress code, the Senate passed a resolution requiring business attire when senators are on the floor of the chamber.
The change follows a recent decision by Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, a Democrat of New York, to stop enforcing the unofficial requirement and allow members to wear casual attire on the Senate floor. But Schumer noted he would continue to wear a suit.
The decision prompted swift backlash, especially toward Democratic Sen. John Fetterman of Pennsylvania, who typically wears a hoodie and gym shorts to work.
Bill Clark/CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images
On Wednesday, the Senate adopted the formal dress code by unanimous consent, requiring a coat, tie and slacks, or long pants for men. It does not include any specific requirements for women.
“Though we’ve never had a formal dress code, the events over the past week have made us all feel as though formalizing [a dress code] is the right path forward. I deeply appreciate Sen. Fetterman working with me to come to an agreement that we all find acceptable,” Schumer said Wednesday.
The resolution was introduced by Democratic Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Republican Sen. Mitt Romney of Utah.
“For 234 years, every senator who has had the honor of serving in this distinguished body has assumed that there was some basic written rules of decorum, conduct and civility, one of which was a dress code,” Manchin said. “We thought maybe it’s time we finally codify something that was precedented rule for 234 years.”
After the vote, Fetterman released a statement that included no words, only a photograph of actor Kevin James smirking.
— Alan He contributed reporting.
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We’ve spent a lot of time this week talking about Hunter Biden and impeachment, which is fair enough. I just wish we’d found more time to discuss another story, because it painted an alarming picture of what’s happening to millions of low-income Americans ― and made it very clear which party’s leaders want to do something about it.
I’m talking about the annual U.S. Census Bureau report on income and health insurance, which came out Tuesday and which my colleague Jonathan Nicholson summarized for HuffPost. The report found that the country’s poverty rate jumped from 7.8% in 2021 to 12.4% last year ― and that the poverty rate among children, specifically, rose even more dramatically, from 5.2% to 12.4%.
To put it another way, last year more than 1 in 8 American kids were living in a household struggling to pay for food, shelter, transportation and other essentials. Just a year before, fewer than half as many kids were in that position.
Of course, none of this was a surprise. In 2020 and 2021, poverty fell dramatically, with poverty among children hitting record lows. The reason was the extra income support that the federal government had provided as part of its efforts to get families ― and the U.S. economy ― through the disruptions of the COVID-19 pandemic.
John Tully for The Washington Post via Getty Images
A key element of that support was the child tax credit that provided families with up to $300 a month per child from July through December 2021. The credit was part of the American Rescue Plan, which President Joe Biden and congressional Democrats enacted shortly after he took office.
Biden and his allies had hoped to make the temporary measure permanent. But they couldn’t get the votes. Republicans wouldn’t support it, which left the proposal’s fate in the hands of the Senate’s most conservative Democrat, Joe Manchin of West Virginia. Manchin blanched at the credit’s impact on the federal budget, and expressed concern that low-income families would use the money to buy drugs.
In reality, as the data showed, low-income Americans were using the money mainly to pay for necessities. Now, with the assistance gone, they are back to paying more for those necessities ― or not getting them at all. Which is to say, they’re back in poverty.
It’s a disheartening, devastating story. And it’s not the last time we’re going to hear a version of it.
As usual, the annual Census report also included statistics on health insurance coverage. In 2022, just 8.3% of Americans had no insurance. That’s the lowest share ever recorded, which is great.
But a big reason for that was another pandemic relief measure ― a federally imposed suspension of states’ requirements that Medicaid recipients reconfirm their eligibility for the program. That suspension ended earlier this year, which means states have started up the eligibility verification process again.
“What we’ve proved is that poverty for children in America is not some accident. It’s a policy choice.”
– Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.)
So far, nearly 6.5 million Medicaid recipients have lost coverage through this process, according to a running tally the health research organization KFF is keeping. A large number of these people are losing coverage for “procedural” reasons, meaning they might still be eligible for Medicaid and are only losing coverage because they got stuck or lost in the bureaucratic process of showing they still qualify.
As a result, next year’s figures are likely to show an increase ― quite possibly a substantial one ― in the number of uninsured Americans. And based on the data about exactly who is losing Medicaid for procedural reasons, experts like Georgetown University research Professor Joan Alker are predicting that increase could include several million children.
So not only would something like 1 in 8 kids be living in poverty, but a great many of them wouldn’t have health insurance, either.
Proponents of aggressive cuts argue that Medicaid rolls currently include lots of people who have found alternative sources of insurance. That’s true. But it’s also true that many states make demonstrating Medicaid eligibility difficult, in order to minimize enrollment, and have been doing so for a long time. It’s among the reasons so many Americans have remained uninsured even with programs like the Affordable Care Act in place.
In a sense, the pandemic-era suspension of Medicaid disenrollments functioned a lot like the temporary tax credit for children: It strengthened the safety net, so that Americans were getting the kind of support their Western European counterparts have received from their governments for a long time.
And while maintaining those pandemic measures required more government spending ― which is what so bothered Manchin and the Republicans ― it also achieved what it was supposed to achieve. Fewer families had to go hungry or without housing. More of them got health care. Kids especially stood to benefit, given all the data that links reliable food, shelter and health insurance to future emotional, intellectual and physical well-being.
That impact doesn’t seem to have registered with most Republicans, who have been pushing for tax cuts that would make it even harder to fund income support programs ― and who, preoccupied with their impeachment inquiry into Biden, had little to say about the poverty numbers this week.
Their Democratic counterparts certainly noticed ― although, absent the votes to do something about it, all they could do was point out the irony.
“We have now proved something pretty phenomenal and at the same time, pretty obscene,” Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.) said this week. “What we’ve proved is that poverty for children in America is not some accident. It’s a policy choice.”

CNN
—
Sen. Joe Manchin, the moderate West Virginia Democrat who has yet to decide whether to run for reelection next year or mount a long-shot third party bid for the White House, said Thursday that he’s “thinking seriously” about becoming an independent.
Manchin has long flirted with the idea of leaving the Democratic Party, something he reiterated on Hoppy Kercheval’s radio show on Thursday, saying he’s “absolutely” considering it.
If Manchin became an independent and caucused with Democrats, the chamber would still have a 51-49 Democratic majority. If he decided not to caucus with Democrats, he would lose his chairmanship of the Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources, so he’s unlikely to go that route.
“I would think very seriously about that. I’ve been thinking about that for quite some time,” he said when asked if he’d become an independent. “I haven’t made any decisions whatsoever on any of my political direction. I want to make sure that my voice is truly an independent voice.”
In the interview, Manchin tried to portray both parties as beholden to their most extreme voices, while also suggesting there could be room for a third party presidential candidate if President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump are the only two choices.
“They are going off the Richter scale, both sides, so I’m – Hoppy, I just can’t, I can’t accept either party, to be honest with you, right now,” he said.
Manchin added: “I’m thinking seriously, what’s the best – for me, I have to have peace of mind, basically. The brand has become so bad, the ‘D’ brand and ‘R’ brand. In West Virginia, the ‘D’ brand, because it’s national brand. It’s not the Democrats in West Virginia, it’s the Democrats in Washington or the Washington policies of the Democrats.”
See why Dems are worried about this potential third-party candidate
If Manchin announces that he is running for reelection in 2024, he’ll will have a difficult road in a state that Trump resoundingly carried twice.
Manchin, who appeared at an event for the third party group “No Labels” last month, also pushed back on the idea that a third party candidate would help Trump’s chances of taking back the White House. “I don’t see that favoring either side because you just can’t tell how this is going to break,” he said.
He added, “If we can create a movement, a party that people understand, we could have a voice, we can make a big, big splash, and maybe bring the traditional parties of the Democrat, Republican Party (to) what they used to be, back to what they should be today.”

CNN
—
West Virginia Sen. Joe Manchin on Monday defended his flirtation with a third-party presidential campaign, telling voters at a No Labels forum at St. Anselm College in New Hampshire that he had no plans to play “spoiler” in the 2024 election.
“I’ve never been in any race I’ve ever spoiled. I’ve been in races to win,” Manchin said. “And if I get in a race, I’m going to win.”
Sitting beside former Utah Gov. Jon Huntsman, a Republican, Manchin railed against withering bipartisanship in Washington, DC, saying the “business model” of the two major parties “is better if you’re divided.” Huntsman offered a similar critique, as the men complimented one another’s work and blamed the “extremes” of the Republican and Democratic parties on Capitol Hill for holding up popular legislation.
“We’re here,” Manchin told a supportive audience, “to make sure the American people have an option.”
Manchin largely demurred when faced with direct questions about his future plans. He is up for reelection to the Senate in 2024. When asked about a potential pivot to running on a No Labels ticket for the White House, Manchin said people were “putting the cart ahead of the horse” and that the group was only aiming “to make sure the American people have an option.”
“I have no idea what Joe’s gonna do,” Huntsman said. Both men told reporters afterward any talk of a Manchin-Huntsman ticket was premature and a distraction.
Manchin, in an interview with CNN’s Kaitlan Collins on “The Source” Monday night, also would not say whether he planned to run for Senate for another term: “I haven’t made any decision, nor will I make a decision until the end of the year.”
The West Virginia Democrat told Collins he believes President Joe Biden has “been pushed too far left,” but “has the strength to fight back.”
Before Manchin and Huntsman stepped onstage before a crowd of a few hundred people, No Labels founding chairman Joe Lieberman, the former US senator from Connecticut and 2000 Democratic vice presidential nominee, and national co-chairs Benjamin F. Chavis Jr. and former North Carolina Gov. Pat McCrory, touted the group’s “Common Sense” policy manifesto and warned that a rematch next year between Biden and former President Donald Trump could lead them to launching a candidate of their own.
McCrory described No Labels’ efforts to get on presidential ballot lines in states across the country as an “insurance policy” against that result, but said that the group’s “first goal is to influence the agenda of politicians who are coming to New Hampshire and other states during this primary season.”
He also warned Democrats and Republicans against trying to keep No Labels off the ballot.
“Sadly, we have some operatives out of Washington, DC, who want to just keep the status quo as it is who are trying to stop our efforts,” McCrory said. “But I’m telling you right now, it won’t work.”
He also set Super Tuesday as the date when the group would take stock and make a decision about running a presidential ticket.
“We will present a president and vice president candidate on a No Labels ticket if Biden and Trump are on track to win their parties’ nominations,” McCrory said. “We plan to do that. But only if we see we have an opportunity to win.”
Before the event began, New Hampshire Democratic Party chair Ray Buckley denounced the group, claiming it was a front for right-wing interests hoping to “pave the way for another four years of scandal and division with Donald Trump.”
“Granite Staters aren’t stupid,” Buckley said, “and they won’t be fooled by some out of state dark money group. Whatever they do, New Hampshire will be blue once again in 2024.”
A new bipartisan super PAC, called “Citizens to Save Our Republic,” also announced its plans on Monday to push back against any third-party campaign, noting a recent poll that showed a No Labels candidate effectively swinging the election from Biden to Trump.
“In normal times, we would have no problem with this No Labels effort,” the group, which is being launched by operatives from both parties, said in a statement. “But these are not normal times. As conservative Judge Michael Luttig told the January 6 committee, our democracy hangs on a ‘knife’s edge.’”
For more than a decade, the No Labels movement has promoted bipartisanship over political extremes in Washington. The group, which registers as a non-profit and declines to disclose its donors, plans to raise $70 million for a candidate-in-waiting.
The group, in its 2024 debut, unveiled what it called a “Common Sense” policy book – aiming to find middle ground on controversial issues from abortion rights to guns to immigration, putting forward an agenda that sounds downright utopian in today’s deeply divided Washington.
What Manchin and other leaders of the No Labels group describe as a unity ticket, many Democrats simply call a spoiler – by siphoning just enough votes from Biden to help Trump win back the White House.
Former Democratic Rep. Joe Cunningham of South Carolina, a national co-chair of the group, pushed back on that assertion in an interview on Monday.
“We don’t intend to be a spoiler,” Cunningham told CNN. “If we got in it, we would be in it to win it. It’s that simple.”
No Labels has secured ballot access in Arizona, Alaska, Oregon, Utah and Colorado, aides say, with a goal of reaching 20 states by the end of the year.
“Folks are looking at a rematch of Trump v. Biden,” Cunningham said. “It’s a rematch no one really wants. Two thirds of Americans don’t want to see it.”
While third party efforts have shown little promise in modern American history, deep displeasure with Trump and Biden have shined a brighter light on the prospects this year. Mindful of an enthusiasm shortfall facing Biden, Democrats are increasingly sounding the alarm, haunted by Ross Perot’s independent bid in 1992 and Green Party runs from Ralph Nader in 2000 and Jill Stein in 2016. Cornel West, the leftist professor and political theorist, launched a third-party run in June and is now competing for the Green Party’s nomination in 2024.
This story has been updated with additional reporting.

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CNN
—
West Virginia Sen. Joe Manchin will be back driving Democrats to distraction Monday by appearing in New Hampshire with a group whose exploration of a third-party presidential ticket is stoking fears they could hand the White House to Donald Trump.
The moderate Democratic senator will take part in a town hall hosted by the group No Labels to help launch a new “common sense” platform on immigration, health care, gun control, the economy and other issues that it believes are being ignored by what it views as two ideological and increasingly extreme main parties.
Manchin – who’s facing reelection to the Senate next year but has not yet said whether he’ll run – will be in his familiar political sweet spot, staking out ground to the right of his party and attracting a political spotlight he uses to maximize his influence. Last year, for instance, Manchin’s initial refusal to back a massive climate, tax and social safety net planned forced President Joe Biden to scale back and renegotiate a huge piece of his domestic agenda.
The West Virginia Democrat’s model has served him well with repeated statewide wins in one of the most conservative pro-Trump states in the nation. But he has Democrats doubly nervous – about how any presidential bid could roil Biden’s reelection and how a decision not to seek reelection himself would hand Republicans a Senate seat in 2024.
Manchin told CNN’s Manu Raju last week that his appearance in the Granite State has nothing to do with any third-party presidential run but is merely about advancing a “dialogue for common sense.” But the senator – who has built a power base by keeping people guessing – added, “I’ve never ruled out anything or ruled in anything,” and he dodged a question about whether an independent ticket could hurt Biden in November 2024.
No Labels says it is considering a third-party unity ticket with one Republican and one Democrat in November 2024 and will make a final decision next year based on whether its “insurance plan” has a viable chance of victory.
For now, Manchin’s noncommittal answers are worrying some of his Democratic colleagues. Arizona Sen. Mark Kelly, who represents a swing state Biden won by a sliver of just over 10,000 votes in 2020, said on CNN’s “State of the Union” on Sunday that he has raised the issue of potential third-party candidacies with Manchin.
“I don’t think No Labels is a political party,” Kelly said. “I mean, this is a few individuals putting dark money behind an organization. And that’s not what our democracy should be about. It should not be about a few rich people,” Kelly said. “I’m obviously concerned about what’s going on here in Arizona and across the country.”
CNN has reached out to No Labels, a registered non-profit that does not disclose its donors. The group has blasted previous efforts to dispute its right to participate in the political process as undemocratic.
Democrats are also concerned about a planned third-party run by former Harvard professor and public intellectual Cornel West, who supported independent Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders during his 2016 and 2020 Democratic presidential campaigns. Even if West were to take just a few thousand votes from Biden – for instance, in the key swing state of Georgia – he could still compromise the president’s hopes of victory.
But West, who is running for the Green Party’s nomination, told CNN’s Kaitlan Collins on Thursday that it was “simply not true” that he could tip the election to Trump, should the ex-president become the GOP nominee. And he accused Democrats of failing to speak up for poor and working people and warned Biden was “leading us toward a Third World War,” in an apparent reference to US support for Ukraine’s attempt to repel Russia’s invasion.
Doubts about the current 80-year-old president are also fodder for Robert Kennedy Jr.’s bid for the Democratic nomination. He has a history of repeating unfounded conspiracy theories about child vaccines or that man-made chemicals could be making children gay or transgender. Kennedy this weekend became embroiled in new controversy after falsely stating that “Ashkenazi Jews and Chinese” people are “most immune” to Covid-19.
Growing speculation about a potential third-party challenge in 2024 – despite the futile history of most previous such efforts – is being fueled by public dissatisfaction with the options. Polls show that both Biden and Trump, the front-runner for the GOP nomination, are unpopular. In fact, a rematch between the two is the one race many voters don’t want to see. Anger at the political establishments in both parties – a defining factor of the politics of the first 20 years of the 21st century – is one reason why some political experts believe that there may be substantial running room for a third-party ticket this cycle, even if the obstacles for success are immense.
The fresh intrigue over the 2024 election also comes as the pace of the campaign heats up. Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis has failed to meet expectations so far as the main GOP challenger to Trump, polling in second in most national polls but still well behind the former president. DeSantis is showing the classic signs of a pivot. His campaign has shed staffers (a spokesman told CNN the number was fewer than 10), and he’s venturing out of his safe zone of only engaging conservative media. On Tuesday, he will join CNN’s Jake Tapper for an exclusive interview after a campaign event in South Carolina.
But Trump is upping his efforts to knock his former protege out of the race, even as he deals with the overhang of two criminal indictments. The ex-president claimed on Saturday he was “totally dominating” DeSantis in Florida polls and it was time for his rival to “get home.” Trump’s fundraising lead is cementing his front-runner status following new campaign finance data. An impressive $72 million haul by Biden and the Democratic National Committee, meanwhile, is not yet assuaging all of the Democratic concerns about the president’s reelection prospects.
No Labels is laying out its platform in a new “Common Sense” booklet that Manchin and Utah’s former Republican Gov. Jon Huntsman will promote in a town hall at Saint Anselm College in Manchester. The platform contains multiple ideas splitting the difference between the Democratic and Republican position on key issues with bipartisan stances anchored to the political center ground.
On immigration, for instance, the group calls for tighter border controls, a reform of asylum procedures and a path to citizenship for Dreamers, or undocumented migrants brought to the United States as children. On guns, the group wants to uphold the right to bear arms but calls for dangerous weapons to be kept out of the hands of “dangerous people,” including with universal background checks and by closing loopholes that make it easier to buy weapons at gun shows. No Labels also wants better community policing and crackdowns on crime.
Given the gridlock, anger and dysfunction in Washington, it’s hard to argue that the current political system is working. But many of these solutions are familiar, having been tried by presidents in either party or groups of cross-party senators. Their failure to make it into law both encapsulates the rationale behind a third-party bid to smash Washington’s political deadlock, but also explains the institutional and political barriers to an independent president ever being elected or effective.
“We think there is an opening today, and if it looks like this a year from now, there could be an opening,” said Ryan Clancy, the chief strategist for No Labels, in an interview with CNN’s Michael Smerconish in May. “To nominate a ticket, we’ve got to clear two pretty high bars, which is the major party nominees need to continue to be really unpopular, but a unity ticket needs to have an outright path to victory.”
No Labels says it would draw supporters equally from Republicans and Democrats and argues that previous third-party candidacies – for instance, by Green Party nominee Jill Stein, consumer advocate Ralph Nader and Libertarian Party candidate Gary Johnson – were unsuccessful because voters didn’t believe they could win. (Some Democrats accused Nader in 2000 and Stein in 2016 of siphoning away votes from Democratic nominees Al Gore and Hillary Clinton and opening the way for the GOP to claim the White House).
The center-left think tank Third Way is warning that a No Labels candidate could be especially dangerous for Biden in the key states that will decide the election. It is highlighting research showing that in 2020, Biden won six of seven states where the margin of victory was three points or less. It argues, therefore, that 79 electoral votes are potentially at risk for Biden from the involvement of a third-party challenger.
Such a challenger would also need to win states where Biden won big, and at least some conservative bastions. And given that Trump’s deeply loyal voters are unlikely to desert him, a third-party candidate seems more likely to pull from the same pool of anti-Trump Republicans and moderate and independent voters Biden is targeting with a campaign rooted in his warnings against the threat to democracy from Trump’s “Make America Great Again” populism.
An analysis by CNN’s Harry Enten shows that voters who don’t have a favorable view of either Biden or Trump are more likely to side with the current president in the end. In an average of the past three Quinnipiac University polls, Biden leads Trump by 7 points among those who don’t have a favorable view of either man. A third name on the ballot could complicate this equation.
There is also the question of whether No Labels – with its condemnation of “two major political parties dominated by angry and extremist voices driven by ideology and identity politics” – is drawing a false equivalency between Republicans and Democrats. Trump, for example, sought to overturn a democratic election in 2020 to stay in power, while Biden has enacted rare bipartisan legislation including over gun safety and infrastructure.
Former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, who is hoping to thwart Trump’s bid for a third consecutive GOP nomination, warned Sunday that a third-party candidacy could play directly into the former president’s hands. “There are only two people who will get elected president of the United States in November of ’24 – the Republican nominee for president and the Democratic nominee for president,” Christie said on ABC News’ “This Week.”
“They think they know who they (are) going to hurt. They want to hurt Donald Trump if he’s the nominee. But. … you never quite know who you’re going to hurt in that process.”

On the surface, Democratic politicians are acting very nonchalant about the possibility that one of their own could mount a third-party presidential challenge against President Joe Biden. “There are often third-party candidates running, so I’m not overly troubled,” Senator Tim Kaine told Vanity Fair. Connecticut senator Chris Murphy said Thursday that it was too early to be concerned: “It is not on my list of things to worry about right now. I understand it’s an interesting conversation of a political class, but it’s a little premature to worry about it.”
Others merely expressed their support for Biden and Kamala Harris. “Ah, let the pundits do that. But I’m all in for Biden-Harris,” Senator Raphael Warnock said when asked about the threat of a third-party candidate. “I think Joe Biden has a strong record to run on,” Senator Elizabeth Warren said. “I don’t think anybody can touch that.” Tina Smith echoed the sentiment. “Honestly, I’m focused on reelecting President Biden and reelecting a Democratic Senate and maybe even adding seats,” the Minnesota senator said.
But Smith did add that the hubbub over a third-party candidacy was certainly not “helpful,” even if “it doesn’t change the fundamental dynamic of the race.”
Center stage is Joe Manchin and continuing speculation that he may make a bid for the White House as the independent, centrist, “No Labels” candidate. The latest development in Manchin’s will-he-or-won’t-he saga came Wednesday when news broke that the West Virginia senator will appear next week in New Hampshire for a town hall hosted by No Labels, a group that very firmly believes 2024 could be the year of the third-party candidate. While Manchin billed his planned appearance as an opportunity to engage in a debate “around common sense solutions to solve the pressing issues facing our nation,” he also stopped short of shutting down the possibility of a presidential run. “I’ve never ruled out anything,” he told CNN.
No Labels’ reasoning? Voters are tired of extremism and their candidate could siphon off enough voters from each major party for a victory. Thus far, polling does bear out this narrative in part: A No Labels candidate could very well pull voters away from the two major parties (that alone prompted Dritan Nesho, the chief pollster at No Labels, to tell Axios that the data shows “an unprecedented opening for the independent ticket”). But when it comes to who actually wins, No Labels’ own survey indicates that a third-party candidate is more likely to be a spoiler for Biden. According to a recent poll commissioned by the group, Biden wins 52% to Trump’s 48% in a head-to-head contest between the two. But in a three-way race, Trump wins 40% to Biden’s 39% with the third candidate securing 21% of the vote.
Privately, it appears, Democrats are fretting about this. “What we hear universally from Democrats is deep concern about this,” Matt Bennett, the executive vice president of public affairs at Third Way, a moderate Democratic think tank that has come out in opposition of a third-party candidacy. “We have not encountered a single Democrat who doesn’t think this is bad, other than, you know, Senator Manchin himself, basically.”
“If [Manchin] runs for president, our message to him is: ‘You have no chance of winning. You are almost certain to end up a Jill Stein–level loser,’” Bennett says, a reference to the 2016 Green Party candidate, who only won 1.1% of the vote. “Do you want that to be your legacy?”
Whether or not Democrats want to acknowledge it, the agita around Manchin is being put on their radars. As reported by Politico, Bennett and Rahna Epting, the executive director of MoveOn—a progressive group that is also in opposition to a third-party candidacy—are scheduled to brief all the Senate Democratic chiefs of staff on July 27. Bennett told VF that Third Way has already met with leaders in both the House and Senate and with the Democratic National Committee. “The major concern is reelecting Trump, which is the horror of horrors,” he said, but added that an independent candidate could be a potential drag on down-ballot Democrats as well.
Some House Democrats are more up-front about the stakes. “Everyone has a right to run,” Congressman Eric Swalwell told VF. “But I think it’s clear that this country is Team Community or Team Chaos right now—and anything that hurts Team Community helps Team Chaos.” Swalwell’s fellow California colleague had a similar take. “I don’t think it helps to have someone take away potentially suburban moderate votes, and I’ve always said that the challenge to the president isn’t from the left, it’s from the more right-, center-right wing of the party,” Congressman Ro Khanna said.
As for No Labels, itself, lawmakers have no shortage of complaints. “Who are they and who is funding them?” Smith asked. “They start to look and sound a lot like a political party, but they’re not putting out any of the information that political parties need to put out. So those are my questions about their effort.”
Murphy was even more blunt. “They appear to be a pretty classic Republican front group designed to try to elect a Republican president.”
Abigail Tracy
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