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Tag: Jeff Landry

  • Florida or LSU? Ole Miss coach Lane Kiffin’s coaching decision will be revealed after the Egg Bowl

    OXFORD, Miss. (AP) — Ole Miss coach Lane Kiffin will announce his next move — likely Florida or LSU — after the Egg Bowl against Mississippi State.

    Athletic director Keith Carter released a statement Friday saying a decision on Kiffin’s future is expected Nov. 29, the day after the fifth-ranked Rebels play their in-state rival.

    It could be an agonizing wait for the Tigers, the Gators and the Rebels, although most outsiders believe Kiffin staying in Oxford for a seventh season is a long shot.

    “Coach Kiffin and I have had many pointed and positive conversations regarding his future at Ole Miss, including meeting (Friday) with Chancellor (Glenn) Boyce,” Carter said. “While we discuss next steps, we know we cannot lose sight of what is most important — our … team is poised to finish the regular season in historic fashion.”

    Carter said Kiffin remains focused, and the announcement timeline ensures the Rebels’ players and coaches “can concentrate fully on next Friday’s game.”

    “This team is on the cusp of an unprecedented season, and it’s imperative they feel the support of the Ole Miss family in the week ahead,” he said.

    Behind Kiffin’s next landing spot, the second-biggest question is whether Kiffin would stick around — or be allowed to stay — to coach Ole Miss through a potential College Football Playoff berth.

    The Rebels’ current standing in the CFP rankings has them poised to host a first-round game if they beat the Bulldogs. The selection committee, however, would be working within its guidelines if it factored the disruption of a coaching change into a team’s final seeding.

    Ole Miss (10-1, 6-1 Southeastern Conference, No. 6 CFP) does not play this weekend. The bye allowed Kiffin to meet with Florida and LSU officials.

    The Gators fired Billy Napier in mid-October and set their sights on Kiffin. LSU fired Brian Kelly a week later, creating a tug-of-war over a 50-year-old coach who is considered one of the top offensive minds in the game.

    Kiffin’s family members took scouting trips to Gainesville and Baton Rouge, and he met with administrators and fundraisers on several occasions. He even reportedly sat down with Louisiana Gov. Jeff Landry, who publicly slammed former LSU athletic director Scott Woodward for giving Kelly a 10-year contract worth about $100 million in 2022.

    Will he stay at the place he called “utopia” and turned into a perennial winner with his ex-wife and kids nearby? Will he move back to Florida, where his father became one of the most respected defensive coordinators in NFL history? Or will he land at LSU, where three of its last four coaches won national championships.

    Kiffin politely declined to talk about job openings this week. He sidestepped several questions about ongoing overtures from Florida, LSU and Ole Miss.

    “I’m going to stay on what I’ve done for six years, which isn’t talking about other jobs and that situation,” said Kiffin, who denied reports Tuesday that Ole Miss had given him an ultimatum. “I love it here, and it’s been amazing. And we’re in the season — the greatest run in the history of Ole Miss at this point (and) having never been at this point.

    “So I think it’s really exciting. … I’m just living in the moment — it’s amazing — and our players are, too. I see their joy about practice, season, where they’re at and have so much on the line. It’s just awesome to be a part of.”

    ___

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  • DHS plans to deploy 250 border agents to Louisiana in major immigration sweep, AP sources say

    Around 250 federal border agents are set to descend on New Orleans in the coming weeks for a two-month immigration crackdown dubbed “Swamp Sweep” that aims to arrest roughly 5,000 people across southeast Louisiana and into Mississippi, according to documents obtained by The Associated Press and three people familiar with the operation.The deployment, which is expected to begin in earnest on Dec. 1, marks the latest escalation in a series of rapid-fire immigration crackdowns unfolding nationwide — from Chicago to Los Angeles to Charlotte, North Carolina — as the Trump administration moves aggressively to fulfill the president’s campaign promise of mass deportations.In Louisiana, the operation is unfolding on the home turf of Republican Gov. Jeff Landry, a close Trump ally who has moved to align state policy with the White House’s enforcement agenda. But, as seen in other blue cities situated in Republican-led states, increased federal enforcement presence could set up a collision with officials in liberal New Orleans who have long resisted federal sweeps.Gregory Bovino, the Border Patrol commander tapped to run the Louisiana sweep, has become the administration’s go-to architect for large-scale immigration crackdowns — and a magnet for criticism over the tactics used in them. His selection to oversee “Swamp Sweep” signals that the administration views Louisiana as a major enforcement priority for the Trump administration.The Department of Homeland Security declined to comment on the operation. “For the safety and security of law enforcement we’re not going to telegraph potential operations,” spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin said.In Chicago, Bovino drew a rare public rebuke from a federal judge who said he misled the court about the threats posed by protesters and deployed tear gas and pepper balls without justification during a chaotic confrontation downtown. His teams also oversaw aggressive arrest operations in Los Angeles and more recently in Charlotte, where Border Patrol officials have touted dozens of arrests across North Carolina this week after a surging immigration crackdown that has included federal agents scouring churches, grocery stores and apartment complexes.Planning documents reviewed by the AP show Border Patrol teams preparing to fan out across neighborhoods and commercial hubs throughout southeast Louisiana, stretching from New Orleans through Jefferson, St. Bernard and St. Tammany parishes and as far north as Baton Rouge, with additional activity planned in southeastern Mississippi.Agents are expected to arrive in New Orleans on Friday to begin staging equipment and vehicles before the Thanksgiving holiday, according to the people familiar with the operation. They are scheduled to return toward the end of the month, with the full sweep beginning in early December. The people familiar with the matter could not publicly discuss details of the operation and spoke to the AP on condition of anonymity.To support an operation of that scale, federal officials are securing a network of staging sites: A portion of the FBI’s New Orleans field office has been designated as a command post, while a naval base five miles south of the city will store vehicles, equipment and thousands of pounds of “less lethal” munitions like tear gas and pepper balls, the people said. Homeland Security has also asked to use the Naval Air Station Joint Reserve Base New Orleans for up to 90 days beginning this weekend, according to documents reviewed by the AP.Once “Swamp Sweep” begins, Louisiana will become a major testing ground for the administration’s expanding deportation strategy, and a focal point in the widening rift between federal authorities intent on carrying out large-scale arrests and city officials who have long resisted them.__Associated Press journalists Elliot Spagat and Mike Balsamo contributed to this report.

    Around 250 federal border agents are set to descend on New Orleans in the coming weeks for a two-month immigration crackdown dubbed “Swamp Sweep” that aims to arrest roughly 5,000 people across southeast Louisiana and into Mississippi, according to documents obtained by The Associated Press and three people familiar with the operation.

    The deployment, which is expected to begin in earnest on Dec. 1, marks the latest escalation in a series of rapid-fire immigration crackdowns unfolding nationwide — from Chicago to Los Angeles to Charlotte, North Carolina — as the Trump administration moves aggressively to fulfill the president’s campaign promise of mass deportations.

    In Louisiana, the operation is unfolding on the home turf of Republican Gov. Jeff Landry, a close Trump ally who has moved to align state policy with the White House’s enforcement agenda. But, as seen in other blue cities situated in Republican-led states, increased federal enforcement presence could set up a collision with officials in liberal New Orleans who have long resisted federal sweeps.

    Gregory Bovino, the Border Patrol commander tapped to run the Louisiana sweep, has become the administration’s go-to architect for large-scale immigration crackdowns — and a magnet for criticism over the tactics used in them. His selection to oversee “Swamp Sweep” signals that the administration views Louisiana as a major enforcement priority for the Trump administration.

    The Department of Homeland Security declined to comment on the operation. “For the safety and security of law enforcement we’re not going to telegraph potential operations,” spokesperson Tricia McLaughlin said.

    In Chicago, Bovino drew a rare public rebuke from a federal judge who said he misled the court about the threats posed by protesters and deployed tear gas and pepper balls without justification during a chaotic confrontation downtown. His teams also oversaw aggressive arrest operations in Los Angeles and more recently in Charlotte, where Border Patrol officials have touted dozens of arrests across North Carolina this week after a surging immigration crackdown that has included federal agents scouring churches, grocery stores and apartment complexes.

    Planning documents reviewed by the AP show Border Patrol teams preparing to fan out across neighborhoods and commercial hubs throughout southeast Louisiana, stretching from New Orleans through Jefferson, St. Bernard and St. Tammany parishes and as far north as Baton Rouge, with additional activity planned in southeastern Mississippi.

    Agents are expected to arrive in New Orleans on Friday to begin staging equipment and vehicles before the Thanksgiving holiday, according to the people familiar with the operation. They are scheduled to return toward the end of the month, with the full sweep beginning in early December. The people familiar with the matter could not publicly discuss details of the operation and spoke to the AP on condition of anonymity.

    To support an operation of that scale, federal officials are securing a network of staging sites: A portion of the FBI’s New Orleans field office has been designated as a command post, while a naval base five miles south of the city will store vehicles, equipment and thousands of pounds of “less lethal” munitions like tear gas and pepper balls, the people said. Homeland Security has also asked to use the Naval Air Station Joint Reserve Base New Orleans for up to 90 days beginning this weekend, according to documents reviewed by the AP.

    Once “Swamp Sweep” begins, Louisiana will become a major testing ground for the administration’s expanding deportation strategy, and a focal point in the widening rift between federal authorities intent on carrying out large-scale arrests and city officials who have long resisted them.

    __

    Associated Press journalists Elliot Spagat and Mike Balsamo contributed to this report.

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  • Louisiana’s governor asks for National Guard deployment to New Orleans and other cities

    Louisiana’s Republican governor asked for National Guard deployments to New Orleans and other cities, saying Monday that his state needs help fighting crime and praising President Donald Trump’s decision to send troops to Washington and Memphis.Gov. Jeff Landry, a Trump ally, asked for up to 1,000 troops through fiscal year 2026 in a letter sent to Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. It comes weeks after Trump suggested New Orleans could be one of his next targets for deploying the National Guard to fight crime.Trump also sent troops in recent months to Los Angeles and his administration has announced plans for similar actions in other major cities, including Chicago and Portland, Oregon.Landry said his request “builds on the proven success” of deployments to Washington and Memphis. While Trump has ordered troops into Memphis with the backing of Tennessee’s Republican governor, as of Monday night there had yet to be a large-scale operation in the city.“Federal partnerships in our toughest cities have worked, and now, with the support of President Trump and Secretary Hegseth, we are taking the next step by bringing in the National Guard,” Landry said.Leaders in Democratic-controlled states have criticized the planned deployments. In Oregon, elected officials have said troops in Portland are not needed.In his request, Landry said there has been “elevated violent crime rates” in Shreveport, Baton Rouge and New Orleans as well as shortages in local law enforcement. He said the state’s vulnerability to natural disasters made the issue more challenging and that extra support would be especially helpful for major events, including Mardi Gras and college football bowl games.But crime in some of the state’s biggest cities has actually decreased recently, with New Orleans, seeing a particularly steep drop in 2025 that has put it on pace to have its lowest number of killings in more than five decades.Preliminary data from the city police department shows that there have been 75 homicides so far in 2025. That count includes the 14 revelers who were killed on New Year’s Day during a truck attack on Bourbon Street. Last year, there were 124 homicides. In 2023 there were 193.In Baton Rouge, the state capital, has also seen a decrease in homicides compared to last year, according to police department figures. Data also shows, however, that robberies and assaults are on pace to surpass last year’s numbers.___Associated Press reporter Sara Cline contributed to this report.

    Louisiana’s Republican governor asked for National Guard deployments to New Orleans and other cities, saying Monday that his state needs help fighting crime and praising President Donald Trump’s decision to send troops to Washington and Memphis.

    Gov. Jeff Landry, a Trump ally, asked for up to 1,000 troops through fiscal year 2026 in a letter sent to Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. It comes weeks after Trump suggested New Orleans could be one of his next targets for deploying the National Guard to fight crime.

    Trump also sent troops in recent months to Los Angeles and his administration has announced plans for similar actions in other major cities, including Chicago and Portland, Oregon.

    Landry said his request “builds on the proven success” of deployments to Washington and Memphis. While Trump has ordered troops into Memphis with the backing of Tennessee’s Republican governor, as of Monday night there had yet to be a large-scale operation in the city.

    “Federal partnerships in our toughest cities have worked, and now, with the support of President Trump and Secretary Hegseth, we are taking the next step by bringing in the National Guard,” Landry said.

    Leaders in Democratic-controlled states have criticized the planned deployments. In Oregon, elected officials have said troops in Portland are not needed.

    In his request, Landry said there has been “elevated violent crime rates” in Shreveport, Baton Rouge and New Orleans as well as shortages in local law enforcement. He said the state’s vulnerability to natural disasters made the issue more challenging and that extra support would be especially helpful for major events, including Mardi Gras and college football bowl games.

    But crime in some of the state’s biggest cities has actually decreased recently, with New Orleans, seeing a particularly steep drop in 2025 that has put it on pace to have its lowest number of killings in more than five decades.

    Preliminary data from the city police department shows that there have been 75 homicides so far in 2025. That count includes the 14 revelers who were killed on New Year’s Day during a truck attack on Bourbon Street. Last year, there were 124 homicides. In 2023 there were 193.

    In Baton Rouge, the state capital, has also seen a decrease in homicides compared to last year, according to police department figures. Data also shows, however, that robberies and assaults are on pace to surpass last year’s numbers.

    ___

    Associated Press reporter Sara Cline contributed to this report.

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  • Trump claims Chicago is ‘world’s most dangerous city’. The four most violent ones are all in red states

    As Donald Trump threatens to deploy national guard units to Chicago and Baltimore, ostensibly to quell violence, a pattern has emerged as he describes which cities he talks about.

    Chicago, Philadelphia, Washington DC and Baltimore.

    But not Jackson, Birmingham, St Louis or Memphis.

    An analysis of crime trends over the last four years shows two things. First, violent crime rates in America’s big cities have been falling over the last two years, and at an even greater rate over the last six months. The decrease in violence in America is unprecedented.

    Second, crime in large cities in the aggregate is lower in states with Democratic leadership. But the president focuses his ire almost exclusively on large blue cities in blue states, sidestepping political conflict with red Republican governors.

    Interactive

    The four cities of populations larger than 100,000 with the highest murder rates in 2024 are in Republican states: Jackson, Mississippi (78.7 per 100,000 residents), Birmingham, Alabama (58.8), St Louis, Missouri (54.1) and Memphis, Tennessee (40.6).

    On Tuesday, Trump called Chicago “the most dangerous city in the world”, and pledged to send military troops there, as well as to Baltimore. “I have an obligation. This isn’t a political thing,” he said at a press conference. “I have an obligation when 20 people are killed over the last two and a half weeks and 75 are shot with bullets.”

    When talking about crime in Chicago, Trump regularly refers to the number of people who may have been shot and killed there. But Chicago has a population of about 2.7 million, which is larger than each of the least-populous 15 states. It is roughly the same population as Mississippi. Chicago’s homicide rate for 2024 was 17.5 murders for every 100,000 residents, only a few points higher than that of the state of Louisiana, which was 14.5 per 100,000 in 2024.

    As has become tradition, news outlets reported how many people were killed in Chicago over the Labor Day weekend. At Louisiana’s rates, one would predict almost twice as many people to have been murdered there over the long weekend.

    But those numbers are harder to count. Chicago police report a single figure. One has to scour a hundred local news sites around Louisiana to aggregate the count for comparison.

    Notably, Trump discussed sending troops to New Orleans this week. “We’re making a determination now,” Trump said in the Oval Office. “Do we go to Chicago or do we go to a place like New Orleans, where we have a great governor, Jeff Landry, who wants us to straighten out a very nice section of this country that’s become quite, you know, quite tough, quite bad?”

    And Landry signaled his willingness to accede. “We will take President Trump’s help from New Orleans to Shreveport!” he wrote on X, posting a clip of the exchange.

    Still, Chicago is bracing to be the next city targeted by the Trump administration. To date this year, 278 people have been killed in Chicago, 118 fewer people killed when compared with 2024. It is at pace for 412 deaths for the year, which would be a rate of about 15 per 100,000 residents. The rate is likely to be lower still than that, because homicide rates increase during summer months.

    The Windy City ranked 37th in homicide rate in 2024 for cities larger than 50,000 residents in the United States. For cities with more than 100,000 residents, it placed 14th. This year, it is likely to slide farther down the list, even as violence falls to 60-year lows.

    ***

    As reported by the FBI’s crime data unit in August, the United States had a homicide rate of about 4.6 per 100,000 residents in 2024. It is the lowest figure since 2014, and very close to the generational lows of 4 to 4.5 per 100,000 last experienced in the early 1960s. The pandemic wave of increased violence has largely receded.

    “We know that across the nation [violence is] going down,” said Dr Thaddeus Johnson, a former Tennessee police officer and senior fellow at the Council on Criminal Justice, a policy thinktank.

    The 2024 homicide rate in the US decreased by about 15%, one of the largest drops in American history. Most of that decrease can be attributed to declines in the largest cities, Johnson said.

    Criminal justice researchers tend to place higher value on murder rates than other indicators of violent crime, because murder statistics are harder to manipulate. “It’s the most trustworthy data point,” Johnson said. But it’s not the only data point. “When you start talking about aggravated assaults and robberies, generally, we’ve seen that going down across the nation as well.”

    Both Chicago and Baltimore implemented or expanded antiviolence programs in 2022 using American Rescue Plan funding – much of which has been cut under Trump. Baltimore’s homicide rate has fallen about 40% since 2020, and in 2025 is pacing a 50-year low to date.

    Violent crime had also been falling in Washington DC by substantial margins before Trump took over the city’s policing. His announcement last month referenced DC’s 2023 crime rates, which spiked during the pandemic, while saying nothing about the precipitous fall since.

    In January, the Metropolitan police department and US attorney’s office reported that total violent crime in DC in 2024 was down 35% from the prior year, marking the lowest rate in over 30 years.

    The Guardian analyzed the murder rates for the largest 50 cities in the US and found that cities in blue states had the lowest, with just 7.8 murders per 100,000 people. The cities in red states have a much higher murder rate, of 12.9. Cities in swing states sit in the middle, with a murder rate of 10.2.

    Baltimore ranks fifth on a list of cities over 50,000 population by murder rate in 2024, as reported to the FBI statisticians. Washington DC is 15th. Between them are Wilmington, Delaware; Detroit; Cleveland; Dayton, Ohio; North Little Rock, Arkansas; Kansas City, Missouri; Shreveport, Louisiana; Camden, New Jersey, and Albany, Georgia.

    Compliance with federal rules on crime reporting is incomplete, and some agencies report incomplete data. One notable example of this is Jackson, Mississippi, which has consistently gathered crime data but only started submitting it to the FBI’s system this year. Jackson recorded 111 homicides in 2024, in a population of about 141,000: a rate of 78.7, the highest in America for any city with a population over 50,000.

    Though St Louis posted the second-highest homicide rate in 2024, violence there has been falling since 2023, and is on pace today for a 10% annual drop. Its rate will fall less sharply, however, because St Louis is losing population.

    Memphis led the country’s homicide rate in 2023. To date in 2025, murders and non-negligent homicides are down about 25%, after a 22% decrease in 2024. Like Baltimore, Memphis leaders attribute the decrease in part to an aggressive gun violence reduction initiative, Memphis Allies.

    Notably, small changes in smaller cities can have a big statistical effect.

    Birmingham, with a population of about 200,000, has cut its murder rate by more than half since the start of the year. Local officials attribute this, in part, to the arrest of a handful of people accused of violence, including Damien McDaniel, who has been charged in the murders of 18 people as a hired hitman. His arrest in October – and that of four other people who are linked to him – coincides with a 55% drop in Birmingham’s homicide rate since.

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  • Katrina inspired a $3B wetlands rebuilding project. Louisiana just killed it.

    PLAQUEMINES PARISH, Louisiana — Twenty years after Hurricane Katrina, the cancellation of a $3 billion wetland restoration project has upended a hard-won consensus about how to rebuild this state’s rapidly eroding coast and shield the New Orleans area from future storms.

    Engineers and scientists for decades have studied the erosion of Louisiana’s coastal wetlands, which are disappearing into open water at a faster pace than anywhere else in the nation. The devastation wrought by Katrina forced state leaders to get serious about the problem and craft a 50-year strategy featuring an ambitious plan to harness mud and sand carried by the Mississippi River to build new land.

    The idea was simple: To help protect New Orleans and other Gulf Coast communities, Louisiana must restore the natural protection offered by wetlands that slow down hurricanes and absorb storm surge.

    But in July, almost two years after construction broke ground on the Mid-Barataria Sediment Diversion, Republican Gov. Jeff Landry canceled the project. He said it had gotten too expensive and threatened the seafood industry vital to south Louisiana’s culture.

    Coastal scientists and conservationists are now unsure what comes next as land losses continue, climate change accelerates and questions remain about the $618 million already spent on the project. Critics of the move see this moment as a return to a pre-Katrina tradition of politics determining how the state spends coastal restoration money instead of being guided by scientific evidence.

    “We worked very, very hard to get the politics out of coastal policy,” said Sidney Coffee, who chaired the state’s Coastal Protection and Restoration Authority (CPRA) after Katrina under former Gov. Kathleen Blanco, a Democrat. “I think we’re back to square one. The politics are absolutely back.”

    Suggested by state officials during the Blanco administration, the Mid-Barataria project emerged as a key component of Louisiana’s coastal plan under Republican Gov. Bobby Jindal and remained so when Democrat John Bel Edwards took office in 2016.

    That record of support ended with Landry, a close ally of President Donald Trump who became governor in 2024.

    Author John Barry, a Tulane University professor who wrote “Rising Tide: The Great Mississippi Flood of 1927 and How It Changed America,” said he saw the scrapping of the project as an existential decision.

    “I think it’s a disaster for the future of Louisiana,” said Barry, who got involved in hurricane protection after Katrina as a member of both the state coastal authority and a levee board in the New Orleans area. “The length of time that went into that, getting the approval, starting the work, the number of governors who supported it of both parties, the virtual unanimity of the scientific and environmental community in support, and the fabricated reasons for canceling it, it all adds up to a serious blow to the future of the state.”

    But Landry’s decision was celebrated by some in Plaquemines Parish, south of New Orleans, particularly commercial oyster farmers. The project would have destroyed prime oyster harvesting spots and crushed the parish’s seafood-dependent economy, according to opponents like former parish President Billy Nungesser.

    Now the state’s Republican lieutenant governor, Nungesser has questioned whether Mid-Barataria would have actually built new land.

    “When you talk to all these organizations, they say it’s the best thing since sliced bread,” Nungesser said. “All these coastal projects we’ve built over the last 20 years, most of them have washed away.”

    Landry’s office declined requests for an interview and did not respond to written questions. The governor has echoed some of Nungesser’s criticisms, saying that axing the project protects Louisiana fisheries and that long-term costs had escalated because of litigation.

    While the state was using money from the Deepwater Horizon oil spill settlement to pay for the diversion, any costs above $2.9 billion would not have been covered, Landry said last fall at a legislative hearing.

    “CPRA is now moving forward with another coastal restoration plan — one that balances our environmental goals with the needs of all citizens, businesses and industries,” Landry’s office said in a statement.

    ‘Nothing experimental about this’

    Louisiana’s wetlands began fading into the Gulf of Mexico nearly a century ago, a phenomenon driven by human activities like oil and gas drilling and infrastructure like levees built to control the Mississippi River. In recent years, sea-level rise and powerful storms have exacerbated the trend.

    The sediment diversion project was projected to build up to 20 square miles of new land over 50 years to help slow down storms, absorb floodwaters and save some of Louisiana’s iconic swamps. It would’ve done so by diverting sediment-laden river water into the Barataria Basin, a wetland-rich area south and west of New Orleans that has seen severe land losses.

    The project was designed to mimic the very processes that formed the river delta centuries ago, long before wetlands were cut off from the river by levees and canals.

    The CPRA said it could not answer questions on the project’s cancellation. But Greg Grandy, the coastal resources administrator at the agency, said the state is moving forward with other wetlands restoration initiatives and has restored all 11 barrier islands in the Barataria Basin.

    “When you’re looking at projects being done right now that provide protection for the hurricane, storm damage and risk reduction system in New Orleans, we’ll be completing in October of this year the largest marsh creation project that we’ve ever built, in St. Bernard Parish,” Grandy said.

    The authority also plans to direct money approved for the diversion to new projects. Those include a plan to introduce a smaller amount of Mississippi River water into the Barataria Basin wetlands and to use dredged sediment to build marshland.

    Mitch Jurisich, a Plaquemines Parish resident and third-generation oyster farmer, described the cancellation of the sediment diversion as vital for his industry. He and other commercial oystermen had sued to stop the project, along with the Earth Island Institute, a California-based nonprofit concerned about projected harms to bottlenose dolphins and oyster reefs.

    After years of fighting with the state, Jurisich said he finally feels like someone is listening to him. Since Landry came into office and appointed Gordon Dove as the new chair of the coastal authority, they have been in conversation “almost on a daily basis,” Jurisich said.

    “We’re finally at the table,” said Jurisich, who also sits on the Plaquemines Parish Council.

    Mid-Barataria was projected to harm privately leased oyster harvesting grounds, and the state had committed $54 million to help affected fisheries. Overall, communities expected to see adverse effects would have gotten $378 million in mitigation benefits, an amount the state bumped up in 2022 in response to feedback.

    Some scientists, environmental advocates and residents have questioned whether the potential alternatives would make the most of the state’s limited funding.

    Mid-Barataria was critical for addressing the root causes of land loss, said Austin Feldbaum, the hazard mitigation administrator for the city of New Orleans.

    “It’s really only these big projects, which attempt to harness natural forces and nature-based solutions, that have a potential impact at a scale proportional to the problem we have,” said Feldbaum, who previously worked as a scientist at the CPRA.

    The chief concern is time — and land — that will be lost as the state determines a path forward.

    One alternate project described by the Landry administration, the Myrtle Grove Medium Diversion, was authorized by Congress in 2007. But it’s been on the shelf for years and would need to undergo a full study by the Army Corps of Engineers before it could be approved. That process typically takes three years and costs $3 million, said Ricky Boyett, a spokesperson for the agency.

    Meanwhile, the CPRA has said that $618 million of the state’s oil spill settlement money had already been spent on Mid-Barataria. It remains unclear whether the state will need to pay that back, said Jerome Zeringue, a Republican member of the Louisiana House of Representatives who previously served as the state authority’s executive director.

    Zeringue said he does not want to spend time “lamenting” Mid-Barataria’s demise but acknowledged its importance to the state’s coastal restoration strategy.

    “The key feature is that to sustain and preserve the coast, we’re going to have to connect the river,” he said. “In the future, we have to look for similar projects.”

    The bitter debate about the project is front and center as state leaders reflect on the 20th anniversary of Katrina.

    At a recent public forum, former Republican Rep. Garret Graves, who also served as Jindal’s coastal adviser, lambasted those who’ve claimed the project wasn’t backed by science.

    “There’s nothing experimental about this. You’re a complete, uninformed, third-time idiot if you think that’s the case,” Graves said during the forum, in an apparent jab at Dove, also in attendance.

    Dove shot back, according to a video of the exchange posted by Louisiana Public Broadcasting. “For Garret to use the word idiot … Garret, I raised money for you. I supported you in the election,” said Dove. “Garret, I want to know one question: Can you come sit down with me and look at all the facts and figures?”

    “I’d love to, anytime,” Graves replied.

    A changing landscape

    On a recent August morning, the stretch of river levee slated for Mid-Barataria remained stripped of trees and flanked by a construction truck.

    The diversion would have been built on the west bank of the Mississippi, about 25 miles south of New Orleans near the Plaquemines Parish town of Ironton. With fewer than 200 residents, the historically Black community was expected to see increased storm surge due to the project, as would several other similarly sized communities nearby.

    Still, by 2070, the predominant driver of storm surge increases would have been sea-level rise, not the diversion, according to an environmental impact statement. In 2017, the state estimated that Plaquemines Parish could lose 55 percent of its land area over 50 years without any action to restore the coast.

    That long-term trend is part of why project supporters saw the cancellation as shortsighted.

    Foster Creppel, who runs an inn at a former plantation in West Pointe à la Hache south of Ironton, said coastal management should be about balancing different economic interests. In addition to oyster farming and other kinds of seafood, the area benefits from tourism and is full of people who love exploring the bayous and wetlands — himself included.

    “The oyster industry is not doing great down here,” Creppel said. “But our coast is not just an oyster reef. It’s not just a ridge of trees, and it’s not just fresh water. It’s the balance of all those things.”

    The diversion location was chosen after extensive studies on the river’s configuration and sediment levels, said Denise Reed, an independent consultant and research scientist who has worked on coastal issues in Louisiana since the late 1980s.

    “It would build land,” she said. “Not only is this something that scientists understand, through geological studies and field studies, but it’s something we have many, many analogues for across the Louisiana coast.”

    The wetlands in the Barataria Basin, west of the Mississippi River, declined by an average of 5,700 acres per year between 1974 and 1990, according to state estimates. Signs of the die-off are visible while driving through parts of the basin, where the trees appeared charred, likely due to subsidence and the creep of salt water, according to coastal scientists.

    Getting fresh water into the basin is critical not just for land-building but saving land that has not yet washed away, Reed said. That’s because saltier wetlands are more vulnerable to subsidence, or land sinking, she said. Although the rate of subsidence in southeastern Louisiana has generally slowed since the 1980s and 1990s, it remains among the highest in the world.

    “If we don’t get fresh water in there, then basically, the Gulf of Mexico is coming,” Reed said.

    That risk is a top concern for Albertine Kimble, whose home in the tiny community of Carlisle is elevated on stilts 23 feet in the air to fend off floods.

    “We’re not going to be able to live here eventually. That’s the bottom line,” said Kimble, who once worked as the coastal manager for the Plaquemines Parish government.

    Semi-retired, she spends her time duck hunting, planting cypress trees, driving airboats for companies like Entergy, and watching ships go up and down the Mississippi from the levee near her home.

    Friendly with many diversion opponents in the area — including Nungesser, her former boss — Kimble said the cancellation of the project will eventually cause everyone to lose out. Southern Plaquemines Parish never really recovered from Katrina, and insurance costs have skyrocketed, she said.

    “Everybody wants dredging, and I agree with them,” Kimble said. “But what’s causing [the land] to sink is cutting off the main artery of the river here: You gotta sustain what you build.”

    Nungesser said he spoke to Landry about his concerns about the diversion in early 2023, around the time he decided not to get into the open governor’s race that Landry eventually won. In Louisiana, the lieutenant governor mostly oversees culture and tourism initiatives and is elected separately from the governor.

    He did not ask him to cancel the project, Nungesser said, but implored Landry to “look at the facts of this diversion and not the people that make political donations.”

    “He told me he would look at it and judge it based on the facts of whether it was the best thing to spend dollars on coastal restoration for,” Nungesser said. “I applaud him for standing up and doing the right thing.”

    River passes and ‘dirty politics’

    Farther south than the proposed diversion site, near the fishing town of Empire, the muddy Mississippi is working its magic through a process similar to the one envisioned for Mid-Barataria.

    Since 2019, the river has been spilling into an old offshore oil well field called Quarantine Bay, east of the river. It began by accident, when the river burst through the levee at a spot known as Neptune Pass, said Alex Kolker, an associate professor at the Louisiana Universities Marine Consortium.

    At first glance, the bay itself is an unremarkable stretch of water, dotted with a few docks used by the oil and gas industry. But since the pass expanded into a new distributary, mud flats, marshes and land have burst above the surface, Kolker said.

    “This was everything I dreamed about right here,” Ryan Lambert, a fishing guide and longtime Plaquemines Parish resident, said on a recent visit by boat.

    Lambert admired the willows and grasses, some of which had been planted by researchers and volunteers. He and Richie Blink, who runs a local ecotourism company, named the range of birds spotted nearby: laughing gulls, black terns, black-necked stilts, great egrets and plovers.

    Cruising into the bay until the water became too shallow to pass through, Kolker stepped out of the boat and onto a mudflat. He then started walking on what he described as some of the youngest land in North America.

    “This would’ve been four or five feet of water five years ago,” he said.

    Here on the lower, eastern reaches of the Mississippi, the Army Corps of Engineers no longer regularly maintains the levee, Kolker said, which allows river passes to form.

    Supporters of the diversion, like Lambert, see the passes as a real-life example of the river’s power to build land. He grew up catching redfish and speckled trout, as well as hunting ducks in wetlands and bayous that he said no longer exist.

    These days, he only comes to the east side of the river, because wetlands on the west side — in the Barataria Basin — have been dying out since he was a teenager, he said.

    Yet while the passes have nourished and built new wetlands, they also pose problems for navigation. The Army Corps is now working to prevent Neptune Pass from becoming the main distributary of the Mississippi River.

    Sean Duffy, who runs a trade group focused on protecting river commerce, said he feared Mid-Barataria would have caused similar navigation problems farther up the Mississippi River.

    “There’s just no way to divert that much water and not have a negative impact on the ship channel,” Duffy said.

    And for commercial oystermen like Bernie Picone, who has been in the business for 25 years, the river passes represent the death of oyster harvesting grounds that once sustained families.

    Until the mid-2000s, Picone would harvest oysters on the east side. Now, he only goes to the west side, where the river remains behind the levee.

    “There’s just nothing left over there,” said Picone, who currently works for Jurisich.

    The diversion project, he said, would have caused a die-off in the oyster bottoms that remain. Oysters have the best chance of survival in brackish water, with a salinity range of 5 to 15 parts per thousand, so too much river water could kill them.

    Diversion supporters stressed that they understand the concerns of people in the oyster industry. But not everyone agrees that the diversion would have been its demise.

    Robert Twilley, the vice president of research and economic development at Louisiana State University, said oyster beds have moved inland in the Barataria Basin over the years, as land losses accelerated and salinity increased.

    The estuary today is “highly engineered,” due to the Army Corps of Engineers’ extensive system of flood control and navigation infrastructure, he said. If the Mid-Barataria diversion had been built, oyster harvest reefs could have been planted farther out as wetlands were rebuilt, said Twilley, who is also a coastal sciences professor.

    With the project now dead, scientists and advocates hope the state settles on another way to quickly protect remaining wetlands.

    One Tulane University river-coastal science and engineering professor, Ehab Meselhe, said he is researching a potential alternative project that could introduce sediment into the Barataria Basin, while causing a smaller change in salinity. The research is still in an early stage, Meselhe said.

    Lambert, the fishing guide, said it will be critical to continue monitoring the few areas in the river delta where wetlands are forming, such as Quarantine Bay. He wasn’t hesitant, however, to express his displeasure with the state’s current direction on coastal restoration and spiking of Mid-Barataria.

    “I’ve been a champion for this project for 20 years,” Lambert said. “All the science in the world don’t beat dirty politics.”

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  • What to know about the controversy over a cancelled grain terminal in Louisiana’s Cancer Alley

    What to know about the controversy over a cancelled grain terminal in Louisiana’s Cancer Alley

    NEW ORLEANS (AP) — An agricultural company made the surprise decision Tuesday to cancel a project to build a massive grain terminal in a historic Black town in Louisiana’s “Cancer Alley,” a heavily industrialized stretch of land along the Mississippi River.

    The company, Greenfield Louisiana LLC, and its supporters — including Louisiana Governor Jeff Landry — blamed “special interest groups”, “plantation owners” and the Army Corps of Engineers for delaying construction on a grain export facility which would have brought jobs and development to St. John the Baptist Parish.

    But community organizers and environmental advocates said the company had brought the problem on itself by attempting to install a 222-acre (90 hectare) facility in an area filled with nationally recognized historic sites and cultural spaces worthy of preservation and investment.

    The Army Corps of Engineers said the company had chosen to build in the middle of an area with “environmental justice” and “cultural concerns” which required it to prove it could comply with a range of laws.

    What Greenfield promised

    Greenfield said that its $800 million grain terminal would have generated more than 1,000 construction jobs, north of 300 permanent jobs, $300 million in state tax revenue and $1.4 million in direct state and local taxes.

    The company said its facility was “expected to drive transformative social and economic benefits to the local community” and play a significant role in connecting American farmers with global markets. The facility had been designed with the potential to store 11 million tons of grain.

    On its website, Greenfield features testimony from a range of parish residents pledging their support for the facility and the economic growth they believed it would bring.

    St. John the Baptist Parish President Jaclyn Hotard described the company’s decision as “a devastating blow to economic development” and lamented the loss of hundreds of jobs at a “state-of-the art, eco-friendly facility.”

    What caused Greenfield to pull the plug?

    Greenfield’s Van Davis blamed the project’s failure to advance on “the repeated delays and goal-post moving we have faced have finally become untenable, and as a result, our local communities lost.”

    The company said the Army Corps of Engineers had recently extended the deadline for the fifth time, pushing a decision on the project’s permits to March 2025.

    But Army Corps of Engineers Public Affairs Specialist Matt Roe disputed Greenfield’s framing in an emailed statement.

    Roe said the company had to show compliance with multiple laws, including the Clean Water Act and the National Historic Preservation Act, and that “the regulations do not set forth a prescribed timeline for the process.”

    Roe said the project’s location “was in a setting with many cultural resources” and that the Corps’ review has been “timely in every respect.”

    The Corps has found the project would adversely impact historic sites. Greenfield had said it would take steps to preserve any historical sites or artifacts found during construction.

    What was at stake?

    Governor Jeff Landry pinned the blame on the Army Corps of Engineers for bringing “additional delays” by listening to “special interest groups and wealthy plantation owners instead of hardworking Louisianans.”

    Opponents included the sisters Joy and Jo Banner, whose nonprofit The Descendants Project has bought land in the area — including a former plantation — to protect their town’s heritage. They gained national recognition for their efforts to invest in preserving history of enslaved people and their descendants.

    But they are not the only people who thought there should be more focus on finding other avenues to bring jobs and growth to the historic Black town of Wallace and the surrounding parish.

    Whitney Plantation Executive Director Ashley Rogers oversees a nearby National Register Historic District which draws 80,000 visitors a year from around the world. The area surrounding the proposed grain terminal site offers two centuries of well-documented history and culture containing “huge potential” for the community to capitalize on, she added.

    There is also a National Historic Landmark, Evergreen Plantation, and the Willow Grove cemetery for descendants of the formerly enslaved which would have been adjacent to the 275-foot-high grain terminal.

    “There does need to be economic development,” Rogers said. “I just think it can be done in a way that doesn’t permanently destroy the heritage, the culture and the environment and ruin people’s livelihoods and homes, right?”

    Fighting in and out of the court

    From Greenfield’s representatives to community activists, everyone acknowledged the fight over the project had been exhausting and brutal.

    In recent months, flyers attacking local activists opposed to the grain terminal were distributed throughout the community, including images featuring racist tropes. Greenfield representatives denied the company had any connection to the flyers.

    There are multiple ongoing lawsuits related to the facility filed by the Descendants Project related to zoning changes and tax exemptions for the company.

    Joy Banner, of the Descendant Project, has also sued Parish Council Chairman Michael Wright in federal court for allegedly making threats against her at a council meeting. Wright did not respond to a request for comment.

    ___

    This story has been updated to correct the spelling of Joy Banner’s first name on first reference. It is Joy, not Joyce.

    ___

    Jack Brook is a corps member for The Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Report for America is a nonprofit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on undercovered issues.

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  • Pros And Cons Of Displaying The 10 Commandments In Every Classroom

    Pros And Cons Of Displaying The 10 Commandments In Every Classroom

    The Republican Governor of Louisiana Jeff Landry recently signed a law requiring state’s classrooms to display a copy of the Ten Commandments. The Onion explores the pros and cons of requiring religious doctrine in public schools.

    • PRO: A good way to cover up the bullet holes.
    • CON: Use of woke “Thou/Thy” pronouns.
    • PRO: Great example of counting to 10 in the real world.
    • CON: Just finished building golden calf.
    • PRO: Least out-of-date thing in classroom.
    • CON: True believers would display the entirety of the King James Bible.
    • PRO: Distracts from how weird the Pledge of Allegiance is.
    • CON: Not enough funding to print it out.

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  • Girl Faints As Louisiana Gov. Jeff Landry Signs Ten Commandments Bill

    Girl Faints As Louisiana Gov. Jeff Landry Signs Ten Commandments Bill

    Video of Thursday’s ceremony shows what appears to be a middle school student fainting as the governor signs the bill into law.

    About 19 seconds into the video below, you can see her fall and get help from people near her.

    Meanwhile, the Republican governor appears unaware of what is happening behind him.

    HuffPost reached out to the governor’s office to find out the status of the girl and her connection with the event, but no one immediately responded.

    However, the clip went viral, and people had thoughts. Lots of thoughts, many of which assumed Landry ignored the girl (though it’s unclear he was aware of what was going on).

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