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Tag: inmate

  • News We Love: Dog training programs aim to give shelter pets, inmates a new ‘leash’ on life

    IT’S A PROGRAM TRULY GIVING PUPS A NEW LEASH ON LIFE AS THEY WALK THE CORRIDORS OF LOUISIANA PRISON. YEAH. THE PARTNERSHIP, A COLLABORATION WITH THE SPCA, THE DOG SCHOOL AND THE LOUISIANA CORRECTIONAL INSTITUTE. AND THIS WHOLE THING OPENS THE DOOR TO MORE PETS FINDING FOREVER HOMES WHILE GIVING INMATES A GREATER PURPOSE. FROM BEHIND THE GLASS TO BEHIND BARS. THESE ARE DOGS PULLED FROM KILL SHELTERS. THESE ARE INMATES THAT HAVE DONE HEINOUS CRIMES. BOTH ARE THINGS THAT PEOPLE DON’T WANT TO THINK ABOUT OR DON’T WANT TO TALK ABOUT, BUT TOGETHER THEY FORM A UNIQUE PLACE FOR SECOND CHANCES. IT’S IT’S TOTALLY LIFE CHANGING FOR MY INMATE TRAINERS. A NEW LEASH ON LIFE FOR BOTH THE INMATES AT CIW AND SAINT GABRIEL. AND THESE DOGS FROM THE LOUISIANA SPCA THAT HAVE BEEN OFTEN OVERLOOKED. THE TRAINING PROGRAM, SPEARHEADED BY BROOKE DUFOUR, PITS THE TWO TOGETHER, HELPING THESE SHELTER PETS FIND FOREVER HOMES. AND IN RETURN GIVES THESE WOMEN PURPOSE. WE TAKE ABOUT 5 TO 6 DOGS. THEY’RE TAKEN FROM OUR FACILITY TO THE ACTUAL INSTITUTION, AND FROM THERE THEY’RE PAIRED WITH THEIR HANDLER, OR THEY’RE INCARCERATED INDIVIDUAL. THE HANDLERS TRAIN THE PUPS. EVERYTHING FROM POTTY TRAINING, DOOR TRAINING, KENNEL TRAINING, REALLY WHATEVER MANNERS THEY NEED TO GET ADOPTED. IF WE HAVE DOGS THAT ARE ROCK STARS, LIKE THEY’RE JUST LEARNING EVERYTHING, THEN WE TRY TO MAKE THEM SERVICE DOGS. AND AFTER THE SIX WEEKS ARE UP, THE DOGS GRADUATE. FETCHING THAT DIPLOMA AND HOPEFULLY A FOREVER FAMILY. I THINK IT’S A REWARDING EXPERIENCE. IT’S ALL ENCOMPASSING BUT ALSO A VERY REWARDING EXPERIENCE. AND IT’S AT THE HEART OF OUR MISSION AS WELL. A MISSION THAT’S ALSO UNLEASHING HEARTS, LEAVING EVERYONE INVOLVED WITH VALUABLE SKILLS FOR A STABLE FUTURE. RANDI RANDI WDSU NEWS. SO FAR, 18 DOGS HAVE GRADUATED SINCE THAT PROGRAM STARTED JUST ABOUT A YEAR AGO, WITH FIVE MORE SET TO JOIN THE RAN

    Louisiana dog training programs aims to give shelter pets, inmates a new ‘leash’ on life

    The New Leash on Life program is giving inmates and shelter dogs a second chance at success

    Updated: 12:52 PM EDT Nov 1, 2025

    Editorial Standards

    It’s a program giving pups a second chance as they walk through the corridors of Louisiana prisons. The New Leash on Life program is a partnership with the LASPCA, The Dog School and the Louisiana Correctional Institute. “These are dogs from kill shelters. These are inmates that have done heinous crimes. Both are things that people don’t want to think about or don’t want to talk about,” said Brooke Defore, who oversees the New Leash on Life program. For six weeks, 5 to 6 shelter dogs from the LASPCA live with inmates at LCIW in St. Gabriel. Their inmate handlers teach them everything from potty training, kennel training, door training, essentially whatever manners they need to get adopted. “I think it’s a rewarding experience. It’s all encompassing, but also a very rewarding experience,” said Christian Moon, with the LASPCA. “It’s at the heart of our mission as well.”If the dogs are exceptional, they could then go back to help veterans or those with special needs. “If we have dogs that are rock stars, like they’re just learning everything, then we try to make them service dogs,” said Defore. By taking dogs overlooked behind glass kennels and taking them behind bars, it’s opening the door to getting them into forever homes while also giving inmates a greater purpose. So far, 18 dogs have graduated, with about five more waiting in the wings.For more information about the program or The Dog School, visit https://thedogschool.net/.

    It’s a program giving pups a second chance as they walk through the corridors of Louisiana prisons.

    The New Leash on Life program is a partnership with the LASPCA, The Dog School and the Louisiana Correctional Institute.

    “These are dogs from kill shelters. These are inmates that have done heinous crimes. Both are things that people don’t want to think about or don’t want to talk about,” said Brooke Defore, who oversees the New Leash on Life program.

    For six weeks, 5 to 6 shelter dogs from the LASPCA live with inmates at LCIW in St. Gabriel. Their inmate handlers teach them everything from potty training, kennel training, door training, essentially whatever manners they need to get adopted.

    “I think it’s a rewarding experience. It’s all encompassing, but also a very rewarding experience,” said Christian Moon, with the LASPCA. “It’s at the heart of our mission as well.”

    If the dogs are exceptional, they could then go back to help veterans or those with special needs.

    “If we have dogs that are rock stars, like they’re just learning everything, then we try to make them service dogs,” said Defore.

    By taking dogs overlooked behind glass kennels and taking them behind bars, it’s opening the door to getting them into forever homes while also giving inmates a greater purpose.

    So far, 18 dogs have graduated, with about five more waiting in the wings.

    For more information about the program or The Dog School, visit https://thedogschool.net/.

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  • Illinois inmate shot and killed at federal prison in Sumter County

    Illinois inmate shot and killed at federal prison in Sumter County

    WESH TWO NEWS. ALL RIGHT, HALEY, THANK YOU. MEANTIME, A FAMILY SAYS THEY HAVE QUESTIONS AFTER THEY SAY ONE OF THEIR OWN WAS SHOT AND KILLED IN PRISON. THIS MAN, 33 YEAR OLD DWAYNE TOTTLEBEN, DIED ON OCTOBER 10TH. WESH TWO. TONI ATKINS IS LIVE AT FCC COLEMAN IN SUMTER COUNTY, WHERE TOTTLEBEN WAS SERVING TIME AND TONY. HIS FAMILY JUST WANTS TO KNOW WHAT HAPPENED. WELL, IT’S BEEN 12 DAYS SINCE THE INCIDENT HERE AT THE PRISON RIGHT BEHIND ME. THIS FAMILY, HOPING TO FIGURE OUT SOMETHING SOON. 33 YEAR OLD DWAYNE TOTTLEBEN OF ILLINOIS WAS SHOT AND KILLED WHILE INSIDE U.S. PENITENTIARY COLEMAN IN SUMTER COUNTY. LOVED ONES POSTING ON GOFUNDME SAYING THEY’RE TRYING TO UNDERSTAND THE SITUATION. NBC NEWS REPORTS. TOTTLEBEN WAS SERVING 15 YEARS AT THE FEDERAL PRISON FOR POSSESSION OF METHAMPHETAMINE WITH INTENT TO DISTRIBUTE. THE CHARGES, RELATED TO A 2020 TRAFFIC STOP IN SAINT LOUIS. THE FEDERAL BUREAU OF PRISONS, WHICH ALSO SHARES INFORMATION ON INMATES DEATHS, HAS NOT RELEASED INFORMATION ABOUT TOTTLEBEN. IN THE MEANTIME, LOVED ONES SPOKE WITH NBC NEWS DWAYNE TOTTLEBEN SENIOR SAYS OFFICIALS INFORMED HIM HIS SON WAS SHOT. HE SAID, QUOTE, I WAS DISTRAUGHT. I DIDN’T KNOW IF SOMEONE STABBED HIM. I DIDN’T KNOW ANYTHING. THE PRISON SENT THIS STATEMENT TO NBC NEWS SAYING THE FACILITY WAS PLACED ON ENHANCED MODIFIED OPERATIONS ON OCTOBER 10TH, AND THAT WARDENS MAY ESTABLISH CONTROLS OR IMPLEMENT TEMPORARY SECURITY MEASURES TO ENSURE THE GOOD ORDER AND SAFETY OF THE EMPLOYEES AND THE INDIVIDUALS IN OUR CUSTODY. END QUOTE. TOTTLEBEN SENIOR TOLD NBC NEWS, QUOTE, WHEN PEOPLE GET INTO FIGHTS IN PRISON, THEY LOSE TIME, CREDIT. THEY DON’T LOSE THEIR LIVES. AND I ALSO REACHED OUT TO THE FEDERAL BUREAU OF PRISONS TO SEE IF THEY HAD A STATEMENT ABOUT HIS DEATH. THEY I DID RECEIVE AN AUTO REPLY, AND IT SAID THAT THEY WOULDN’T BE ABLE TO RESPOND DUE TO A LAPSE IN APPROPRIATIONS, WHICH IS RELATED TO THE GOVERNMENT SHUTDOWN. FOR NOW, I’

    Illinois inmate shot and killed at federal prison in Sumter County

    Updated: 11:33 PM EDT Oct 22, 2025

    Editorial Standards

    Dwayne Tottleben, a 33-year-old inmate from Illinois, was shot and killed while inside U.S. Penitentiary Coleman in Sumter County, according to loved ones who are trying to understand the situation.Tottleben was serving a 15-year sentence at the federal prison for possession of methamphetamines with intent to distribute, stemming from a 2020 traffic stop in St. Louis.The Federal Bureau of Prisons, which often shares information about inmate deaths, has not released details about Tottleben’s death.Meanwhile, loved ones spoke with NBC News, with Dwayne Tottleben Sr. saying officials informed him his son was shot.”I was distraught. I didn’t know if somebody stabbed him. I didn’t know anything,” Tottleben Sr. said.The prison sent a statement to NBC News, indicating that the facility was placed on enhanced modified operations on Oct. 10.It stated that wardens may establish controls or implement temporary security measures to ensure the good order and safety of employees and individuals in custody.”When people get into fight in prison, they lose good time credit… they don’t lose their life,” Tottleben Sr. said.

    Dwayne Tottleben, a 33-year-old inmate from Illinois, was shot and killed while inside U.S. Penitentiary Coleman in Sumter County, according to loved ones who are trying to understand the situation.

    Tottleben was serving a 15-year sentence at the federal prison for possession of methamphetamines with intent to distribute, stemming from a 2020 traffic stop in St. Louis.

    The Federal Bureau of Prisons, which often shares information about inmate deaths, has not released details about Tottleben’s death.

    Meanwhile, loved ones spoke with NBC News, with Dwayne Tottleben Sr. saying officials informed him his son was shot.

    “I was distraught. I didn’t know if somebody stabbed him. I didn’t know anything,” Tottleben Sr. said.

    The prison sent a statement to NBC News, indicating that the facility was placed on enhanced modified operations on Oct. 10.

    It stated that wardens may establish controls or implement temporary security measures to ensure the good order and safety of employees and individuals in custody.

    “When people get into fight in prison, they lose good time credit… they don’t lose their life,” Tottleben Sr. said.

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  • Former McCurtain County jailer pleads guilty to federal conspiracy charge over inmate assault

    A former supervisor at the McCurtain County jail has admitted in a criminal conspiracy case to having an inmate beaten after being told to give the teenager the “royal treatment.”

    Christopher Cody Johnson, 34, pleaded guilty on Wednesday, Sept. 17, to a felony charge of conspiracy against rights.

    He was charged on Sept. 8 in federal court in Muskogee. Further criminal charges are expected from the FBI review of the Sept. 15, 2021, beating of Roper Harris.

    The charge comes more than two years after a local newspaper’s audio recording of county officials talking about killing journalists and lynching Black people brought intense national scrutiny to the county in far southeast Oklahoma.

    Civil rights leader Jesse Jackson called the comments in recordings released by the McCurtain County Gazette-News “a reminder of the unfinished business of tackling racism.”

    County Commissioner Mark Jennings resigned over the remarks. Sheriff Kevin Clardy lost reelection last year.

    McCurtain County residents protest Monday, April 17, 2023, outside the McCurtain County Commissioners office to protest comments reportedly made by the sheriff, a commissioner, an investigator and a jail administrator.

    The victim, Harris, sued the jail trust and others in federal court over the beating. That civil case is still pending.

    Harris has a child with the stepdaughter of the jail’s administrator at the time. He was beaten at the jail in Idabel after being arrested for allegedly violating a restraining order.

    In pleading guilty, Johnson admitted a co-conspirator told him in a phone call to give Harris “the royal treatment.” He admitted he was directed to put Harris in a cell with a violent inmate and promise the inmate a reward from the jail commissary to carry out an assault.

    He admitted he then explained the plan to a second co-conspirator, the jail’s night supervisor. He admitted to giving snuff the next day to the inmate who did the assault.

    Johnson will be sentenced later. The maximum punishment for violating an inmate’s rights is 10 years in prison and a $250,000 fine.

    This article originally appeared on Oklahoman: Former McCurtain County jailer pleads guilty to federal conspiracy

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  • A popular L.A. sheriff touted reforms in a troubled system. Then a young FBI agent showed up

    When Leah Marx began visiting Men’s Central Jail in downtown Los Angeles in 2010, it did not immediately raise alarm among the people who ran it. Most of the time, jailers just looked at her federal ID and let her in without asking why she was there. If they did, she said she was investigating a human trafficking case. It was a good-sounding story. Believable. Perfect to deter further questions.

    Marx was in her late 20s, just beyond her rookie year at the FBI. She had been sitting at her desk when her supervisor handed her a letter from an inmate alleging jailers were brutalizing people in their custody. It was different from other letters. It had details.

    Now she and her FBI colleagues were at the jail conducting secret interviews, trying to separate fact from rumor. The L.A. County Sheriff’s Department ran the jails. With a daily population of 14,000 inmates or more, it was the nation’s largest jail system, and had been known for years as a cauldron of violence and dysfunction.

    An inmate at Men’s Central Jail in downtown Los Angeles.

    (Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)

    The agency was in the hands of a would-be reformer, Sheriff Lee Baca. He’d promised transparency. He’d won praise for his ambitious inmate education program. But stories persisted of violent and corrupt jailers, of deputy gangs, of an institutional culture so entrenched it resisted all efforts to root it out.

    Marx seemed an improbable federal agent (at first, even to herself). She had been getting a master’s degree in social work when someone suggested she try the FBI. She did not know they hired people like her.

    She was new to L.A., and living alone with her dog. As she gathered inmate stories, she made it a point to emphasize that their charges were irrelevant to her.

    “I think they started to believe that I was there to actually hear what was going on,” she told The Times.

    Inmates were telling her versions of the same story. A jailer would assault an inmate while yelling “Stop resisting,” then charge the inmate with assault on a police officer.

    Then-Sheriff Lee Baca meets with inmates at Men's Central Jail in Los Angeles in October 2011.

    Then-Sheriff Lee Baca meets with inmates at Men’s Central Jail in Los Angeles in October 2011 to listen to their complains and issues about the jail.

    (Los Angeles Times)

    As she weighed the credibility of inmates against jailers, Marx was informed by a painful episode in her family history. Growing up in Wisconsin, she knew only the outlines of a tragedy too painful for the family to discuss — her grandmother and uncle had long ago died in a house fire in California.

    In high school, she learned that the fire had been intentionally set, that the suspected arsonist worked at the local police department. He’d benefited from the air of impunity his position afforded.

    “Someone’s position doesn’t dictate whether they are more truthful or less truthful than anyone else,” Marx would recall. “You don’t get instant credibility due to your position or your role.”

    In this series, Christopher Goffard revisits old crimes in Los Angeles and beyond, from the famous to the forgotten, the consequential to the obscure, diving into archives and the memories of those who were there.

    At the jail, she found an inmate eager to help — Anthony Brown, a bank robber waiting to be transported to state prison on a 423-year prison sentence.

    He told her about a jailer who had offered to bring him a contraband cellphone for the right price, and she orchestrated a sting in summer 2011. An undercover agent handed over the money, and the jailer delivered the phone to Brown.

    The phone was supposed to help Brown document what he saw. And it gave the FBI leverage to launch an ambitious operation. The FBI would rent out a warehouse said to be full of drugs, and use the compromised jailer to recruit corrupt colleagues to moonlight as guards.

    But the plan was dead before it could even get off the ground. Nor did Brown get anything useful with his phone during the week and a half that he had it. On Aug. 8, 2011, deputies found the phone in his cell, stashed in a Doritos bag.

    Baca shakes hands with a trainee.

    Baca shakes hands with a trainee at a 2022 graduation ceremony at the Sheriff’s Training Academy and Regional Services Center in Whittier.

    (Los Angeles Times)

    Baca did not talk like other lawmen. He often sounded like a social worker, or a panelist at a self-improvement seminar. “I tend to be one that says, ‘All right, constant growth, constant creativity,’” he would say. “All humanity matters.”

    Baca had been raised by his grandparents in a Mexican American family in L.A. He dug ditches, washed cars and hauled barley sacks. He joined the Sheriff’s Department at age 23 in 1965, got a PhD from USC and worked his way up to become one of the state’s highest-ranking Latino law officers.

    When he took over the Sheriff’s Department in 1998, he promised a new age of law enforcement at the vast, scandal-plagued agency. By the summer of 2011, he was almost 70 and had run the department for 13 years. Voters had reelected him three times.

    Baca celebrates with supporters at a Pasadena hotel in November 1998 after hearing he leads the sheriff's race.

    Baca celebrates with supporters at a Pasadena hotel in November 1998 after hearing he leads the sheriff’s race.

    (Carolyn Cole / Los Angeles Times)

    When it became clear that the FBI had been secretly investigating his jails for a long time, the man who preached reform and accountability faced an unprecedented test. He could cooperate fully with the federal investigation. Instead, he decided to go to war.

    His department turned Marx’s informant into a ghost, shuttling him between facilities under a series of fake names, as Marx tried doggedly to find him. Even a federal writ failed to produce him. When Marx finally found him 18 days later, at Lancaster State Prison, he met her with hostile silence — he believed the FBI had left him for dead.

    Baca, furious about the intrusion onto his turf, told the local FOX 11 morning show “Good Day L.A.” that the feds had broken the law by planting a phone on one of his inmates.

    “Who polices the police?” a host asked.

    “We police ourselves,” Baca replied.

    Even as he spoke, his department had a surveillance team on Marx. That afternoon in September 2011, as she approached her apartment, two sheriff’s sergeants were waiting for her.

    “I’m in the process of swearing out a declaration for an arrest warrant for you,” said Sgt. Scott Craig. He had his jacket off, and his gun was showing.

    Marx interpreted it as an attempt to intimidate her. She told him to call the FBI.

    “And the first thought I had is if they were willing to come to my house and do this, what else are they capable of?” she said.

    U.S. Atty. Andre Birotte Jr. announces indictments of Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department officials in 2013.

    U.S. Atty. Andre Birotte Jr. announces indictments of Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department officials in 2013.

    (Los Angeles Times)

    Baca confronted U.S. Atty. Andre Birotte, who had approved the jail investigation. According to Birotte’s trial testimony later, Baca erupted angrily, “I’m the goddamn sheriff. These are my goddamn jails. You want to gun up in here? Is that what you want?” Birotte took the phrase to mean, “Do you want our agencies to go to war?”

    Inside the FBI, there was an ongoing debate about whether to include Baca in the jail investigation. He was a valuable law enforcement ally. His deputies worked with the feds on many task forces. But the incident outside Marx’s apartment largely ended that debate.

    “If that isn’t a clear indication that we cannot work with them, I don’t know what is,” said Carlos Narro, who was the FBI’s public corruption supervisor in L.A. at the time.

    The sheriff had catastrophically misjudged his adversary. Instead of quashing the probe, his heavy-handed tactics had only fueled it. Was it possible to expand the case beyond civil rights violations to an obstruction of justice case? How exactly was Brown made to vanish inside the jail system?

    James Sexton had some answers. The son of a Southern sheriff, he had joined the LASD hoping to make his name. He was only a few months into his job as a custody deputy at the downtown jail in 2009 when he learned the price of nonconformity. A robbery suspect sucker-punched him, he says, and his colleagues ostracized him for failing to retaliate with a beating.

    Still, Sexton’s tech prowess and other skills began to win him some attention, and ultimately earned him a job with an elite intelligence unit. In August 2011, his expertise with the jail computer system made him useful. The brass had an unusual request. They wanted him to make an informant disappear.

    “We were going to make it difficult for other law enforcement agencies to find him on the computer,” he said. “And then they all looked at me.”

    Sexton had learned the price of defiance. He helped to change Brown’s name. The aliases included John Rodriguez, Kevin King, Chris Johnson and Robin Banks.

    When sheriff’s officials decided to unload Brown on the state prison system, Sexton wrote an email notifying his bosses.

    “Gents,” Sexton wrote, “I’m going to handle booking our friend back under his true alias.”

    The email would become a crucial piece of evidence. In it, Sexton coined the term that would become inseparable from the whole scheme. The subject line: Operation Pandora’s Box.

    Sexton thought the Brown episode was behind him. But in early 2012, he said, he was scared. He had reported misconduct on an unrelated case, involving another jailer’s possible association with a skinhead gang.

    He knew he would never be trusted again. Co-workers were calling him a rat.

    He decided to become an informant for Leah Marx. He was surprised at how little she acted like a cop. “I got a social worker,” he said. “You gotta love the calculation of the FBI. She is easy to talk to. I should have been smarter.”

    The main exercise yard on the roof of Men's Central Jail.

    The main exercise yard on the roof of Men’s Central Jail.

    (Los Angeles Times)

    Sexton talked to the FBI dozens of times. He told a federal grand jury how he had manipulated the jail computers to hide Brown from his federal handlers. This admission would hurt him severely. In December 2013, he was indicted, one of 18 current or former sworn members charged with civil rights violations, corruption, inmate abuse or obstruction. Among them were the two sergeants who had confronted Marx outside her home.

    At trial, Sexton’s attorney portrayed him as an “overeager kid” trying to help the FBI, a low-ranking jailer who exaggerated his importance in the scheme. The attorney compared him to Walter Mitty, the character with the boring office job who escapes into elaborate imaginative worlds — a defense Sexton hated. He was convicted and received an 18-month term. He was thrown into solitary confinement. He counted the days by plucking teeth off a comb.

    After four months in prison, Sexton appeared before a federal judge and said, “I stand before you as a broken man.” The prosecutor agreed to let him go home.

    The sheriff was not an easy man to pin down. As he sat down to face questions from the feds, his sentences traveled winding paths through vague precincts to fog-filled destinations.

    He bragged about the thousands of inmates who were getting an education in his jails, thanks to programs he had established. “No one is a greater believer in inmate rights than I am,” he said.

    His answers were frequently long-winded, muddled and incoherent. Again and again, he denied having advance knowledge of what his department had done — from making Brown disappear, to threatening Marx with arrest.

    The FBI had not asked his permission to infiltrate his jails because it had not trusted him, but Baca seemed to find this fact intolerable, if not incomprehensible. He seemed personally hurt by it.

    “There’s no evidence of a malicious intent on my part to undermine the mission of the FBI,” Baca said. “You wanna catch all the crooked deputies I have; in fact, it’s helpful because I don’t have enough budget to do it all myself.”

    For Baca, this interview — which prosecutors would portray as a web of falsehoods — represented the culmination of a long series of misjudgments and self-inflicted wounds.

    Baca announcing in January 2014 that he would not seek a fifth term.

    Baca announcing in January 2014 that he would not seek a fifth term.

    (Los Angeles Times)

    Baca had once told the ACLU, “I will never, ever resign. I intend to be sheriff as long as I live.” He had run unopposed at the last election, his fourth. But in January 2014, he stood outside the department’s Monterey Park headquarters, fighting emotion as he announced his resignation. He had been sheriff for 15 years and had worked at the department for nearly half a century.

    In late 2016, the 74-year-old Baca went to trial. His supporters wore lapel pins in the shape of a badge. His defense: He had been in the dark about what his subordinates were doing to foil the feds. Some of Baca’s prominent friends, including two former L.A. County district attorneys, testified to his law-abiding reputation. The jury deadlocked.

    At the retrial, prosecutors called convicted high-ranking co-conspirators to the stand. A former captain said Baca had personally approved the plan to send sergeants to Marx’s house, adding: “his advice to us was just not to put handcuffs on her.”

    In March 2017, Baca became the 10th and highest-ranking participant in the obstruction scheme to be convicted. His lawyer pleaded with the judge, saying Baca had Alzheimer’s disease that amounted to its own terrible punishment, “a sentence that will leave him a mere shell of his former self.” But the judge gave Baca three years, excoriating him for abusing the public trust.

    Baca leaves federal court in August 2016 after arraignment.

    Baca, flanked by attorneys David and Nathan Hochman, leaves federal court in Los Angeles after he was arraigned on charges of obstructing justice, and lying to the federal government. Nathan Hochman is now L.A. County district attorney.

    (Los Angeles Times)

    At 77, Baca turned himself into a low-security facility outside El Paso. According to a friendly biography, he reorganized the prison library and renovated the prison pond, and cleared brush from the grounds. He inspired other inmates by his example. He made friends, he gave advice. He told people to make use of their time.

    He went home in 2021. Three years later, at age 82, he wandered away from home in San Marino. He turned up six miles away at a Denny’s, badly confused.

    If not for Baca’s decision to “gun up” against the feds, they probably would have brought a handful of civil rights cases against jailers — and Baca would have won reelection.

    “All the big prosecutions we did was because of how they reacted,” says Brandon Fox, the former prosecutor. “This was an existential threat to the Sheriff’s Department, but it was of their own making because of what they did.”

    Brown is in state prison serving his 423 years. He filed suit claiming the Sheriff’s Department had effectively kidnapped him during those 18 days, and the L.A. County Board of Supervisors approved a $1-million payout to settle the claim. Among the ironies: He got nothing of value on the cellphone that so enraged the sheriff, and prosecutors never called him to testify at trial, knowing the defense was likely to eviscerate him.

    In the end, 22 members of the Sheriff’s Department were convicted as a result of the probe initiated by special agent Leah Marx. It seems likely her youth and inexperience helped her, that veteran agents would have weighed the odds and decided it wasn’t worth pursuing.

    “We don’t know how many more civil rights cases we could have brought because the department came in and disrupted our investigation,” Marx says. “They tried to intentionally stop what we were doing. And so, sadly, we don’t know where it would’ve gone. And that’s a little frustrating.”
    The podcast “Crimes of the Times,” featuring “Pandora’s Box: The Fall of L.A.’s Sheriff,” is now available wherever you get your podcasts.

    Christopher Goffard

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  • Texas man executed for 2001 abduction and killing of 18-year-old woman

    Texas man executed for 2001 abduction and killing of 18-year-old woman

    A Texas man who admitted he kidnapped, sexually assaulted and fatally shot an 18-year-old woman in 2001 was executed Wednesday evening.Ramiro Gonzales, 41, was pronounced dead at 6:50 p.m. following a chemical injection at the state penitentiary in Huntsville for the January 2001 killing of Bridget Townsend.Gonzales was repeatedly apologetic to the victim’s relatives in his last statement from the execution chamber.“I can’t put into words the pain I have caused y’all, the hurt, what I took away that I cannot give back. I hope this apology is enough,” he said.“I never stopped praying that you would forgive me and that one day I would have this opportunity to apologize. I owe all of you my life and I hope one day you will forgive me,” he added, just before the lethal dose of the sedative pentobarbital began flowing.As the drug took effect, he took seven breaths, then began sounds like snores. Within less than a minute, all movement had stopped.Gonzales kidnapped Townsend, who would have turned 41 on Wednesday, from a rural home in Bandera County, northwest of San Antonio. He later took her to his family’s ranch in neighboring Medina County, where he sexually assaulted her before killing her. Her body wasn’t found until October 2002, when Gonzales led authorities to her remains in southwest Texas after he had received two life sentences for kidnapping and raping another woman.“We have finally witnessed justice be being served,” Townsend’s brother, David, said after watching the execution. “This day marks the end of a long and painful journey for our family. For over two decades we have endured unimaginable pain and heartache.”He said Gonzales’ death “provides us a little bit of peace. I do want to say we are not joyous. We are not happy. This is a very, very sad day for everyone all the way around.”The U.S. Supreme Court declined a defense plea to intervene about 1 and 1/2 hours before the execution’s scheduled start time. The high court rejected arguments by Gonzales’ lawyers that he had taken responsibility for what he did and that a prosecution expert witness now says he was wrong in testifying that Gonzales would be a future danger to society, a legal finding needed to impose a death sentence.“He has earnestly devoted himself to self-improvement, contemplation, and prayer, and has grown into a mature, peaceful, kind, loving, and deeply religious adult. He acknowledges his responsibility for his crimes and has sought to atone for them and to seek redemption through his actions,” Gonzales’ lawyers had written Monday in their unsuccessful request to the Supreme Court for a stay of execution. After re-evaluating Gonzales in 2022, Gripon said his prediction was wrong.Earlier this month, a group of 11 evangelical leaders from Texas and around the country asked the parole board and Gov. Greg Abbott to halt the execution and grant clemency. They had said Gonzalez was helping other death row inmates through a faith-based program.In video submitted as part of his clemency request to the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles, Gonzales admitted responsibility.“I just want (Townsend’s mother) to know how sorry I really am. I took everything that was valuable from a mother,” said Gonzales, who was 18 years old at the time. “So, every day it’s a continual task to do everything that I can to feel that responsibility for the life that I took.”On Monday, the parole board voted 7-0 against commuting Gonzales’ death sentence to a lesser penalty. Members also rejected granting him a six-month reprieve.Prosecutors described Gonzales as a sexual predator who told police he ignored Townsend’s pleas to spare her life. They argued that jurors reached the right decision on a death sentence because he had a long criminal history and showed no remorse.“The State’s punishment case was overwhelming,” the Texas Attorney General’s Office said. “Even if Dr. Gripon’s testimony were wiped from the punishment slate, it would not have mattered.”Gonzales’ execution was the second this year in Texas and the eighth in the U.S. On Thursday, Oklahoma is scheduled to execute Richard Rojem for the 1984 abduction, rape and killing of a 7-year-old girl.

    A Texas man who admitted he kidnapped, sexually assaulted and fatally shot an 18-year-old woman in 2001 was executed Wednesday evening.

    Ramiro Gonzales, 41, was pronounced dead at 6:50 p.m. following a chemical injection at the state penitentiary in Huntsville for the January 2001 killing of Bridget Townsend.

    Gonzales was repeatedly apologetic to the victim’s relatives in his last statement from the execution chamber.

    “I can’t put into words the pain I have caused y’all, the hurt, what I took away that I cannot give back. I hope this apology is enough,” he said.

    “I never stopped praying that you would forgive me and that one day I would have this opportunity to apologize. I owe all of you my life and I hope one day you will forgive me,” he added, just before the lethal dose of the sedative pentobarbital began flowing.

    As the drug took effect, he took seven breaths, then began sounds like snores. Within less than a minute, all movement had stopped.

    Gonzales kidnapped Townsend, who would have turned 41 on Wednesday, from a rural home in Bandera County, northwest of San Antonio. He later took her to his family’s ranch in neighboring Medina County, where he sexually assaulted her before killing her. Her body wasn’t found until October 2002, when Gonzales led authorities to her remains in southwest Texas after he had received two life sentences for kidnapping and raping another woman.

    “We have finally witnessed justice be being served,” Townsend’s brother, David, said after watching the execution. “This day marks the end of a long and painful journey for our family. For over two decades we have endured unimaginable pain and heartache.”

    He said Gonzales’ death “provides us a little bit of peace. I do want to say we are not joyous. We are not happy. This is a very, very sad day for everyone all the way around.”

    The U.S. Supreme Court declined a defense plea to intervene about 1 and 1/2 hours before the execution’s scheduled start time. The high court rejected arguments by Gonzales’ lawyers that he had taken responsibility for what he did and that a prosecution expert witness now says he was wrong in testifying that Gonzales would be a future danger to society, a legal finding needed to impose a death sentence.

    “He has earnestly devoted himself to self-improvement, contemplation, and prayer, and has grown into a mature, peaceful, kind, loving, and deeply religious adult. He acknowledges his responsibility for his crimes and has sought to atone for them and to seek redemption through his actions,” Gonzales’ lawyers had written Monday in their unsuccessful request to the Supreme Court for a stay of execution. After re-evaluating Gonzales in 2022, Gripon said his prediction was wrong.

    Earlier this month, a group of 11 evangelical leaders from Texas and around the country asked the parole board and Gov. Greg Abbott to halt the execution and grant clemency. They had said Gonzalez was helping other death row inmates through a faith-based program.

    In video submitted as part of his clemency request to the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles, Gonzales admitted responsibility.

    “I just want (Townsend’s mother) to know how sorry I really am. I took everything that was valuable from a mother,” said Gonzales, who was 18 years old at the time. “So, every day it’s a continual task to do everything that I can to feel that responsibility for the life that I took.”

    On Monday, the parole board voted 7-0 against commuting Gonzales’ death sentence to a lesser penalty. Members also rejected granting him a six-month reprieve.

    Prosecutors described Gonzales as a sexual predator who told police he ignored Townsend’s pleas to spare her life. They argued that jurors reached the right decision on a death sentence because he had a long criminal history and showed no remorse.

    “The State’s punishment case was overwhelming,” the Texas Attorney General’s Office said. “Even if Dr. Gripon’s testimony were wiped from the punishment slate, it would not have mattered.”

    Gonzales’ execution was the second this year in Texas and the eighth in the U.S. On Thursday, Oklahoma is scheduled to execute Richard Rojem for the 1984 abduction, rape and killing of a 7-year-old girl.

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  • 6 inmates, 2 jailers hospitalized after ‘toxic substance’ exposure at women’s jail in Lynwood

    6 inmates, 2 jailers hospitalized after ‘toxic substance’ exposure at women’s jail in Lynwood

    Eight people at the women’s jail in Lynwood were hospitalized Tuesday afternoon after they were exposed to a “toxic substance,” according to the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department.

    Just before 5 p.m., deputies at Century Regional Detention Facility responded to a medical emergency involving several incarcerated women, the department said in a news release.

    Deputies “provided lifesaving measures” before Los Angeles County Fire Department personnel transported six inmates and two employees to the hospital, officials told The Times.

    “All the females were conscious and breathing at the time of being transported,” the Sheriff’s Department said Tuesday evening. On Wednesday morning, an official said all eight people were in stable condition.

    The department did not provide any information about the ages of the affected inmates or whether they were all housed in the same unit.

    Officials did not say what substance the inmates and staff may have been exposed to or whether it was believed to be an illicit drug or other type of toxic chemical.

    Keri Blakinger

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  • Tarrant County inmate dies after being pepper sprayed in fight during contraband check

    Tarrant County inmate dies after being pepper sprayed in fight during contraband check

    The Tarrant County Jail on Tuesday, October 11, 2022.

    The Tarrant County Jail on Tuesday, October 11, 2022.

    amccoy@star-telegram.com

    An inmate died after he was pepper sprayed while fighting with detention officers at the Tarrant County Jail during a check for contraband, the Tarrant County Sheriff’s Office said in a news release.

    Anthony Johnson, 31, died just before 10 a.m. Sunday, according to the Tarrant County Medical Examiner’s Office.

    Jailers were conducting what the sheriff’s office called routine contraband checks in cells just before 9 a.m. Sunday morning when Johnson refused to exit his cell so it could be searched, according to the release. He began fighting with detention officers and they used the pepper spray “to assist in bringing the inmate under control,” the sheriff’s office said.

    After he was pepper sprayed, Johnson was examined by John Peter Smith Hospital medical staff working at the jail and was not responsive, the release said.

    Medical staff peformed CPR and Johnson was taken to JPS, where he died.

    Johnson was arrested Friday by Saginaw police on charges of possession of a controlled substance in penalty group 1, tampering /fabricating physical evidence with intent to impair and evading arrest or detention and was taken to the Tarrant County Jail on Saturday, according to the release.

    The sheriff’s office said Johnson was arrested after police responded to a call about a man standing in an intersection wielding a knife at a driver. When officers arrived, the sheriff’s office said he attempted to flee on foot.

    A detention officer was also injured and was taken to the hospital with non-life threatening injuries. The Texas Rangers will be leading the investigation.

    The medical examiner’s office will determine the cause of death.

    Related stories from Fort Worth Star-Telegram

    James Hartley is a breaking news reporter with awards including features, breaking news and deadline writing. A North Texas native, he joined the Fort Worth Star-Telegram in 2019. He has a passion for true stories, understated movies, good tea and scotch that’s out of his budget.

    James Hartley

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  • Opinion: A deadly but curable disease is thriving in L.A.’s jails. That’s unacceptable

    Opinion: A deadly but curable disease is thriving in L.A.’s jails. That’s unacceptable

    During my five years as a doctor in Los Angeles County’s jail system, I personally saw hundreds of patients with hepatitis C who were not being treated for the potentially deadly but curable disease. While hepatitis C treatment improved incrementally during my tenure, the system continues to fall woefully short of the sort of concerted effort that could dramatically reduce the toll of the infection within and beyond the jails.

    Hepatitis C, a viral, blood-borne liver disease, is very common in the jails. More than a third of inmates tested are positive. That suggests the number of people living with the virus in the nation’s largest jail system is likely in the thousands.

    Hepatitis C is new enough to medical science that until the 1980s, it had yet to be formally identified and was known only as “non-A, non-B hepatitis.” Thanks to the marvels of modern molecular biology, it’s now well described, and the available medicines cure almost every patient who takes them.

    Untreated hepatitis C nevertheless continues to claim the lives of about 14,000 Americans every year, a higher toll than that of HIV. Because these deaths are preventable, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommends universal screening of adults for the infection.

    In this context, one might expect medical providers in jail to test for the disease broadly and treat it promptly. Monitoring and managing contagion is important in any correctional medical system, and it’s routine in ours for other diseases, such as tuberculosis and COVID-19.

    Unfortunately, this wasn’t what I encountered in practice. All those taken into custody at the jail undergo a medical screening. But it’s usually cursory and doesn’t include an offer to screen for hepatitis C.

    When I started treating inmates in 2018, doctors rarely screened for the disease partly because known cases were almost never treated. The protocol was to consider treating patients only if their disease had progressed to a state of advanced liver fibrosis.

    What’s more, getting medication for a patient meant arranging a special police escort for an appointment at the county hospital and then waiting several more weeks for the antiviral pills to be delivered. The entire process took many months and generally discouraged treatment.

    I believe the deeper reason for the reluctance to treat hepatitis C in the jails has to do with inertia and finances. The medicines are under patent and expensive.

    Nonetheless, the cost has come down rapidly, and poorer states and countries such as Louisiana and Egypt have found it in their budgets to procure the drugs and use them widely. What’s more, treating the disease is cost-effective given the resulting reduction in cirrhosis, liver cancer, heart disease, kidney disease, arthritis and diabetes. In the long run, decreasing the spread of infection will save both dollars and lives.

    The county jail system has made some significant strides in recent years. Patients now can qualify for hepatitis C treatment without liver fibrosis. One of the two medications needed to treat the disease has been added to the system’s list of approved drugs, eliminating the need for an outside medical appointment.

    Even with these improvements, however, I saw the number of patients being treated increase from close to none to dozens as of last year in a system where hepatitis C cases probably number in the thousands. Screening remains haphazard, and most of the clinicians on staff still are not allowed to initiate treatment even though the drugs are easy to use.

    Meanwhile, illicit intravenous drug use and unsterile tattooing remain ubiquitous among inmates, helping the virus readily find new hosts. These conditions mean that the hepatitis C virus continues to thrive behind bars, more likely to spread in L.A.’s jails than be cured there — a shameful state of affairs in 2024.

    Once in a generation, a major pathogen finds itself on history’s chopping block. My parents remember the polio scares of the 1940s and ’50s. Smallpox plagued humankind for millennia before it was eradicated in the 1970s. Now it should be hepatitis C’s turn.

    Any campaign to eliminate hepatitis C from Los Angeles would be wise to concentrate on our jails. A strategic, coordinated plan of testing and treatment would lower infection levels rapidly in months, reducing disease inside and outside the jails. The continuing failure to undertake such an effort is deadly and unconscionable.

    Mark Bunin Benor is a family physician who worked in the Los Angeles County jail system from 2018 to 2023.

    Mark Bunin Benor

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  • 'Every woman's worst nightmare': Lawsuit alleges widespread sexual abuse at California prisons for women

    'Every woman's worst nightmare': Lawsuit alleges widespread sexual abuse at California prisons for women

    Warning: This article contains graphic descriptions of sexual abuse.

    It was after the daily 9 p.m. head count at the California Institution for Women in Chino when she was taken out of her cell by a correctional officer she thought was her friend.

    She was 21 and not even 100 pounds and the officer, who stood about 6-foot-7, was twice her size. “It was unheard of to be popped after the head count. I knew something was up,” she said. “He told me the lieutenant wanted to see me.”

    But when she got to the office, it was dark. “He started to kiss me and put his tongue in my mouth,” the woman said, recalling the 2014 incident. The Times is not naming her as she is a sex crime victim. “He put his hand in my pants. I tried to pull back, but he was persistent. Then he put his fingers inside me.” The next day, she said, he acted as if nothing had happened.

    The woman is one of 130 former inmates at California’s women’s prisons at Chino and Chowchilla, suing the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation and more than 30 current and ex-correctional officers who they say abused them in prison. They are seeking unspecified damages for sexual assault, battery, negligence, infliction of emotional distress and violations of civil rights.

    Correctional officers at the California Institution for Women in Chino and Central California Women’s Facility committed widespread sexual abuse against the female detainees whom they guarded, according to a lawsuit filed last month. In many cases, the officers targeted and allegedly isolated the inmates and forced them to perform sexual acts, the lawsuit said.

    The lawsuit documents graphic incidents of sexual abuse stretching back a decade and reveals that the women, when they were at their most vulnerable, were punished and sometimes the victim of further abuse and punitive actions if they reported their assailants.

    “Every woman’s worst nightmare is being locked inside a facility filled with sexual predators with no means of escape,” said Doug Rochen, an attorney at ACTS Law who is representing the women. “And that’s exactly what each of these women, and likely thousands more, were subjected to for decades. California paid no attention to their well-being, left them to suffer at the hands of the worst kinds of sexual deviants, and made them relive their pain daily while being locked behind bars.”

    The lawsuit accused one sergeant at the Chino prison of more than 40 rapes — incidents of violence that often caused bleeding — and sexual misconduct involving a female inmate in 2015. Out of fear of retaliation and further confinement, one plaintiff, identified only as Jane CL-1 25 Roe, never reported the sexual misconduct, assuming the complaints would be “unanswered, dismissed, ignored, and buried without investigation or redress, thereby allowing the sexual misconduct to continue.”

    One of the women is a victim of an accused serial-rapist correctional officer, Gregory Rodriguez, who is charged with 96 counts of sex crimes involving nearly a dozen women at the Chowchilla prison during his tenure, the lawsuit alleges. The 27-year-old woman in 2014 was allegedly forced to perform oral sex acts on the guard at a time she was pregnant, according to the lawsuit.

    Another woman alleges she was sexually abused by then-correctional officer Israel Trevino in 2014 when she was 25. Trevino was terminated in 2018 after other allegations of sexual abuse. Several pending lawsuits accuse Trevino of abusing numerous victims. Trevino has since died.

    That same former inmate, identified as Jane MS0 8 Roe, alleges she was also victimized by two other correctional officers, one who groped her and another who groped her and penetrated her vagina, according to the lawsuit.

    Sexual abuse would occur in areas throughout the prisons, including cells, closets and storage rooms, the lawsuit alleges. In one alleged victim’s case, she was sexually abused in a cleaning supplies cupboard five times and eventually reported it to another correctional officer, who declined to take action. Rochen said it was part of a pattern of prison officials who systematically ignored complaints of sexual abuse.

    California prison officials didn’t reply to a request for comment on the litigation.

    Sexual abuse of incarcerated women is a widespread problem in facilities nationwide, with government surveys suggesting that more than 3,500 women are sexually abused by prison and jail workers annually.

    In addition to the sexual misconduct by prison workers, the lawsuit alleged the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation had inadequate hiring practices, procedures and training to prevent the sexual abuse and conduct.

    The lawsuit is the latest in a series targeting sexual abuse in California’s female prisons. Last summer, another law firm filed litigation involving more than 100 other plaintiffs, including victims of Rodriguez.

    State law gives victims of sexual assault by police and correctional officers up to 10 years after their assailants have been convicted of sexual assault or a crime in which sexual assault was initially alleged to sue. Victims can also sue up to 10 years after their assailants left the law enforcement agency they were working at when the assault occurred.

    Richard Winton

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  • L.A. County sheriff’s deputy arrested on suspicion of on-duty sexual assault of inmate

    L.A. County sheriff’s deputy arrested on suspicion of on-duty sexual assault of inmate

    A Los Angeles County sheriff’s deputy was arrested this week on suspicion of sexually assaulting an inmate while on duty at the women’s jail in Lynwood, authorities said Wednesday.

    The investigation into 27-year-old Jonathan Tejada Paredes began Tuesday, when Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department officials learned of a sexual assault allegation involving a woman incarcerated at the Century Regional Detention Facility.

    Detectives opened an investigation and arrested Paredes a day later, the department said. The department did not offer additional details about what happened.

    Officials said he was booked at a sheriff’s station around 1 p.m. and his bail set at $100,000. It was not immediately clear whether he had retained an attorney.

    Late Wednesday, the union that represents deputies condemned the alleged actions while calling for a thorough investigation of the claims.

    “The allegations in this case, if true, are nothing shy of appalling,” said Richard Pippin, president of the Assn. of Los Angeles Deputy Sheriffs. “ALADS takes allegations of this nature very seriously, and we know the sheriff’s department does as well. We expect the department will conduct a thorough investigation into this matter and we’ll look forward to the outcome of that investigation.”

    Over the last five years, more than half a dozen women have accused Lynwood jailers of sexually assaulting them, allegations that led to at least two criminal convictions and one multimillion-dollar legal payout.

    In 2017, then-deputy Giancarlo Scotti was arrested after inmates told a teacher he’d attacked them. Scotti was initially charged with two counts of rape and two counts of oral copulation under color of authority.

    “It’s disgusting to all of us, to anyone who wears a badge,” former Sheriff Jim McDonnell said at the time.

    After Scotti’s arrest, more women came forward with similar claims. A 10-year veteran of the department, Scotti was charged with six felonies and two misdemeanors. He was sentenced to two years in prison, less than a third of the maximum possible sentence.

    “When he’s putting on his street clothes … I’ll be waking in a cold sweat,” one victim tearfully told a judge when Scotti was sentenced in 2019.

    Several of Scotti’s accusers filed lawsuits or legal claims, and the county agreed to pay $3.9 million in settlements. One woman, who was pregnant at the time, alleged that the jailer had ordered her to her knees and directed her to perform oral sex. Another said Scotti had sexually assaulted her in a jail shower one day before his arrest. She saved some of his semen on a piece of tissue paper, which she provided to investigators, according to her lawsuit.

    Then in 2020, Roy’ce Bass, a custody assistant, was arrested on suspicion of engaging in sexual activity with two detainees at the Lynwood lockup. He was charged with four counts of having sex with an adult confined in a detention facility. Two of the charges were linked to a July 2017 encounter in an inmate’s cell, and the other two were tied to a January 2018 incident.

    Bass eventually pleaded no contest and was sentenced to 180 days in jail and two years of probation, according to records from the district attorney’s office.

    Inmates cannot legally consent to sexual intercourse with deputies under state and federal law.

    Keri Blakinger

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  • California prisoners could get higher wages under new plan — but still less than $1 an hour

    California prisoners could get higher wages under new plan — but still less than $1 an hour

    For the first time in 30 years, the California prison system plans to nearly double most hourly wages for incarcerated workers, a proposal that comes amid a broader debate over prison labor and a push by progressive activists to prohibit forced labor as a form of criminal punishment.

    The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation’s proposal calls for eliminating all unpaid work assignments and reducing hours for most prison workers from full-time jobs to half time. Prison officials argue that higher wages will have several benefits, including making it easier for inmates to pay back the money they owe for damage from their crimes. Fifty-five percent of inmates’ wages go toward restitution costs, according to the Department of Corrections.

    “Increased pay will provide a stronger incentive for incarcerated people to accept and retain jobs,” department spokesperson Tessa Outhyse said in an email. “New wages will also help workers meet restitution payments for crime victims and save more money in preparation for release.”

    Approximately 40% of California’s 96,000 prisoners have jobs while they serve out their sentences, according to the department spokesperson, doing laundry and janitorial work, as well as clerking and construction. Their wages generally range from 8 cents an hour to 37 cents an hour, depending on the skill level required for the job. The proposal calls for doubling the wage range, from 16 cents an hour to 74 cents an hour.

    Although prison reform advocates have long argued that wages for incarcerated workers are insufficient, some are dubious about the proposed pay increase. They say the changes will only boost hourly wages by a few nickels and dimes, and the overall daily pay by just a few dollars.

    “We are not asking for a liveable wage, we are asking for a respectable wage,” said state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena).

    “It has made it increasingly difficult for incarcerated people just to provide for their basic needs in prison, be it deodorant or toothpaste, to help pay down their restitution that is owed to victims, helping their families or even staying in contact with their families using the phone.”

    Bradford is a member of California’s Reparations Task Force, which recommended paying fair market value for prison labor and eliminating forced labor as a criminal punishment from the state Constitution. Lawmakers considered a measure this year known as the “End Slavery in California Act” that would eliminate a provision in the state Constitution that allows for involuntary servitude as punishment for crime. It passed the Assembly in September and may be heard in the Senate next year. If passed by two-thirds of the Senate, the change would then have to be approved by voters.

    Prison officials did not respond to questions about whether the proposal to increase wages is related to the discussion about removing involuntary servitude from the constitution. But their concerns helped kill an earlier effort to pass a constitutional ban on involuntary servitude as a punishment for crime. In 2022, the Corrections Department told lawmakers that it would cost billions of dollars to pay prisoners minimum wage.

    The cost to taxpayers was one reason state Sen. Steve Glazer (D-Orinda) voted against the measure last year.

    “I was concerned about eliminating the word ‘slavery’ in the constitution without any detail on how it would be implemented in our prisons and would take power from legislatures to courts,” Glazer said in an interview.

    He said he supports raising wages for prison workers. “But at the heart of it, it’s a budget priority choice issue,” Glazer said.

    Budget projections show California is likely to face a shortfall of at least several billion dollars each of the next three years. The Corrections Department’s current plan to raise wages would not require additional funding from the state budget, spokesperson Outhyse said, because hours would be reduced while wages are increased. She said the budget allocates approximately $10 million a year for incarcerated wages and the proposed regulations “will maximize utilization of that fund.”

    State Sen. Steven Bradford is on the California Reparations Task Force, which recommended paying fair market value for prison labor and eliminating forced labor as a criminal punishment from the California Constitution.

    (Carolyn Cole / Los Angeles Times)

    Assemblyman Ash Kalra (D-San Jose) said he plans to push the state to consider even higher wages when lawmakers return to Sacramento in January.

    “It always sounds dramatic when you say something is being doubled,” Kalra said. “But going from 8 cents to 16 cents doesn’t really move the needle or give incarcerated workers the dignity they deserve.”

    He plans to revive Assembly Bill 1516, which stalled last year. It calls for the state to study the socioeconomic benefits of ending wages below the federal minimum wage of $7.25 per hour for incarcerated workers.

    “To simply raise the wages a few pennies, certainly acknowledges the fact that there is an agreement that incarcerated workers are being grossly underpaid,” Kalra added. “But I think there is a long way to go.”

    A portion of inmates who work in fire crews — and are based in separate conservation camps that provide intensive wildfire training — would see the greatest income hike under the prison system’s proposal, with some going from earning $3.34 per day to $6.68 per day and others from $5.12 to $10.24 per day.

    One category of workers would not receive a pay increase under the plan: About 5,700 inmates hired by the California Prison Industry Authority, a separate employer within CDCR, who are paid on a different wage scale. They work manufacturing jobs that create products such as eyeglasses, office furniture, shoes and license plates that are then sold to state departments. At the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic, some of these workers churned out face masks for the general population.

    At a news conference Nov. 16, hosted by the Living Wage for All Coalition — a nonprofit group focused on ending sub-minimum wages — advocates and lawmakers criticized the Corrections Department’s wage increases, arguing that the changes are “unethical” and “unjust” because they do not meet rising inflation or ensure living wages.

    Shone Robinson, who was incarcerated for 22 years, said at the news conference that paying restitution while incarcerated was “a large hurdle.” Robinson was convicted in Riverside County of second-degree murder and testified that she acted in self-defense, the Press-Enterprise reported in 1997. Released from prison in 2017, she now works as a life coach at the Anti-Recidivism Coalition.

    “Not only did I pay restitution, but I also had to start my life beyond prison walls. Being locked up at a very young age did not prepare me for what I had to face,” Robinson said.

    The wage increase was proposed as a new regulation of the state prison system and can be approved after a period of public review that ended last week.

    Jeronimo Aguilar, a policy analyst for Legal Services for Prisoners with Children, told The Times that he questions whether inmates will just earn the same amount, or even less, as a result of the changes from full-time to half-time work. He also speculates that the state might end up saving money.

    Ultimately, however, he said he doesn’t want to “just blindly oppose this new regulation.”

    “We don’t want folks inside to think we’re opposing it because we want more,” he said. “We might kill an opportunity for them. Going from 8 cents to 16 cents may not be a lot for us, but for an indigent [worker] that’s huge.”

    Anabel Sosa

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  • Woman visiting inmate left overnight in Orange County jail

    Woman visiting inmate left overnight in Orange County jail

    A woman visiting an inmate at an Orange County jail was forgotten and left overnight in the visitor’s area of the lockup, authorities said.

    The woman, described only as being in her 30s, went to visit a person incarcerated at the Theo Lacy Facility, a maximum security jail, on Saturday, according to the Orange County Sheriff’s Department.

    The person she was there to visit was not immediately available, so she was asked to wait in the visiting area, the department said.

    While waiting, the visitor fell asleep in a booth. Visiting hours came and went, but no one noticed the woman, the sheriff said. It was not clear if the woman was locked inside or not.

    She was left there overnight and was found the next morning with a minor laceration to her hand, according to a department press officer. It was not immediately clear how she was injured.

    After the incident, sheriff’s officials launched an internal investigation and made two quick alterations to department protocol.

    Supervisors are now required to physically check the visiting area after visiting hours end for the day. The jail is also planning to install an emergency phone in the area.

    “This unfortunate incident should never have occurred. The department is committed to fully investigate and ensure this never happens again,” said Sgt. Frank Gonzalez, a spokesman for the department.

    Noah Goldberg

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  • Unsealed surveillance videos show violence against inmates inside L.A. County jails

    Unsealed surveillance videos show violence against inmates inside L.A. County jails

    In one video, a jailer kneels on an inmate’s neck. In another, two deputies slam a man’s head into a wall. In yet another, two jailers punch a handcuffed inmate repeatedly — even after he’s fallen to the ground.

    A new trove of surveillance videos from inside the Los Angeles County jails offers a rare view of the culture of violence that has persisted behind bars despite a decades-long federal lawsuit and years of jail oversight.

    The release of the six videos comes months after The Times and independent news site Witness LA asked a federal judge to make them public. Lawyers for the county fought to keep the footage confidential, but after a hearing this fall, U.S. District Court Judge Dean Pregerson ordered the material to be released.

    Such visual documentation of use-of-force against inmates typically remains unseen by the public, as most jail videos are protected from disclosure.

    Before turning over the videos, the county blurred the footage to conceal the identities of staff and inmates. All but one of the clips are silent. Most are short, and it is impossible to know what came before or after the incidents shown. The shortest is 14 seconds. The longest is just over 15 minutes.

    What is visible are several incidents in which deputies overpower men who are restrained. In only one instance does an inmate — in handcuffs — appear to kick at two deputies who are behind him. They punch him in the head, wrestle him to the ground and continue punching.

    Though federal court filings show that county jailers kick and punch inmates less frequently than they used to, the videos indicate the department has not fully reined in the use of force that spurred a lawsuit more than a decade ago.

    In a lengthy statement, the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department said it was aware of Pregerson’s decision to unseal the videos and called their disclosure “an opportunity to build further trust within the community it serves.”

    The incidents in the videos “are not representative of interactions between deputies and inmates in the Los Angeles County Jail system,” the largest in the U.S., the statement said. “The videos that have been unsealed represent six of the millions of interactions that occurred over a more than two and one-half year period between October 24, 2019 (the date of the earliest use of force incident depicted) and July 4, 2022 (the date of the most recent use of force incident depicted).”

    Peter Eliasberg, chief counsel for the American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California, said the videos show “unnecessary force in a variety of different guises.” The “most brutal,” he said, was a 14-second clip in which “two deputies take an incarcerated person out of his cell and then proceed to throw him headlong into either a concrete wall or a plexiglass wall.”

    He said that video — previously obtained by The Times — depicts an “absolutely unnecessary” use of force for which “there’s clearly no justification.” The inmate “does not do anything to them. And frankly, even if he had, it’s almost impossible to justify that kind of force.”

    Dated July, 2022, it is the most recent video released. According to the Sheriff’s Department statement, in that video, “the actions of the deputies are currently being scrutinized by the Los Angeles County District Attorney’s Office at the request of the Department for possible criminal prosecution.”

    Another video that raised red flags for ACLU attorneys shows a deputy kneeling on an inmate’s neck. The deputy later wrote in a report that he acted “inadvertently” — a description Eliasberg disputed, asserting that an inadvertent action does not last nearly a minute.

    Videos showing staff using force against inmates in Los Angeles County were released as part of a court case. A correctional officer kneels on a jailed man’s neck.

    “This gentleman did get disciplined for putting knee to neck,” Eliasberg said. “He did not get disciplined for dishonest reporting. … Dishonest reporting is cancer to the operation of a law enforcement agency.”

    A Sheriff’s Department spokeswoman said “appropriate administrative action was taken” after the incident but would offer no further detail.

    In four of the six videos, Eliasberg said, he did not believe the deputies involved were disciplined. Sheriff’s Department officials did not offer clarification, and the department statement did not address that.

    The statement did point out that deputies in the county’s jails work under difficult circumstances and often deal with people who have been accused of violent crimes.

    “There has been a complete cultural shift away from the days when such abuses were tolerated,” the statement said. “Sheriff Luna is intent on building on that progress comprehensively, and at a more rapid pace than his predecessors.”

    The videos came to light as part of a long-standing lawsuit over use of force against inmates in the Los Angeles County jails. The suit, now known as Rosas vs. Luna, began in 2012 when inmates accused deputies of “degrading, cruel and sadistic” attacks. Many of the incidents, the suit alleged, were “far more severe than the infamous 1991 beating of Rodney King.”

    After three years of legal wrangling, the inmates, represented by the ACLU, and the county came to an agreement about specific changes the department would make to cut down on the number of beatings behind bars. Though records show there has been some progress toward that goal — including a 20% reduction in use-of-force from 2021 to 2022 — outside experts and ACLU lawyers say the department has yet to fulfill the requirements of the 2015 settlement.

    Deputies still punch inmates in the face at a rate of just under once a week, according to court records. And jailers have been making use of a controversial full-body restraint known as the WRAP, which encases inmates in a blanket-like device from their ankles to their shoulders. Last year, an investigation by the news outlet Capital & Main found that the device had led to several lawsuits, and that safety claims about its use were based on anecdotes.

    Given those and other ongoing concerns, earlier this year the inmates’ lawyers asked the county to make some changes to its plan to reduce use-of-force behind bars. These included the creation of a revised WRAP policy, mandatory-minimum punishments for deputies who violate certain use-of-force policies and a ban on deputies punching inmates in the head except in situations that could require deadly force.

    To show why they believed those changes were needed, ACLU lawyers submitted several videos of jail violence, along with internal department reports.

    Aside from footage of the punching and kneeling incidents, one of the videos shows a person bleeding on the ground and moaning and deputies employing the WRAP device to subdue him. ACLU attorneys raised concerns about the fact that deputies covered the man’s face in a spit mask — used to prevent people from spitting — while he was bleeding heavily. Medical exams later found that he had sustained an orbital bone fracture.

    Because most of the videos — except for one that was previously reported on by The Times — had been given to the ACLU under a protective order as part of the lawsuit, the civil rights group wasn’t allowed to share them publicly.

    When the organization’s lawyers decided to attach them to their filing as evidence, they did so under seal.

    The Times and Witness LA filed a motion to have the videos made public, arguing in a September federal court hearing that they merited different consideration than other material the Sheriff’s Department gives the ACLU because they’d been filed as evidence of troubling allegations about ongoing violence behind bars.

    The county said releasing the videos could create security problems, such as revealing where cameras are located inside the jails. But when the judge questioned whether the cameras were concealed, attorneys for the county admitted they were plainly visible.

    The attorneys went on to say that releasing the videos could endanger the privacy of deputies who work in the jails. They also raised concerns about whether the videos would be taken out of context. Ultimately the judge decided to order the videos blurred and to allow the parties to provide written context for the released footage.

    Since the ACLU submitted the videos to the court several months ago, the inmates’ lawyers have continued to negotiate with the county over changing some Sheriff’s Department policies inside its jails. During a hearing in October, the two sides said they had agreed on a new WRAP policy to curb use of the device.

    But Eliasberg told the court he was still worried about the department’s “continued pattern” of finding uses of force — including punches to the head — to be justified and within policy even when court-appointed monitors who reviewed the incidents did not.

    The county and the ACLU have still not come to agreement on an updated policy restricting how often deputies can punch inmates in the face. The ACLU has pushed for banning such “head strikes” except when deadly force is necessary. Lawyers for the county have advocated for keeping in place a policy allowing head strikes whenever a deputy faces the threat of serious injury.

    At a hearing in September, the county’s lawyers stressed that such blows only make up about 2% of all use-of- force incidents in the jails.

    “The videos and the monitors’ continued reporting make clear that there is need for a more restrictive head strike policy to make sure that head strikes are used only in the most exceptional circumstances and to make sure that staff are disciplined appropriately,” Eliasberg said. “There is still a major problem.”

    Keri Blakinger, Maria L. La Ganga

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  • California prison guards are dying too young. How Norway (yes, Norway) can help

    California prison guards are dying too young. How Norway (yes, Norway) can help

    Inside Halden Fengsel, a high-security prison in Norway, inmates choose their own clothing. Knockoff track suits from designer brands such as Karl Lagerfeld are favored.

    They buy fresh produce from their well-stocked grocery store and chop onions with knives from their shared kitchens.

    They play in bands and walk in the woods and pray in a graceful holy room where clerestory windows beam sunlight down onto slate floors and a compass shows the direction of Mecca.

    But what surprised California corrections officer Steve “Bull” Durham most on a recent visit to Halden wasn’t the prisoners but the guards — how relaxed and happy his Norwegian counterparts were, and how casually they interacted with the inmates.

    Members of the California Correctional Peace Officers Assn. visited prisons in Norway in September to better understand the Scandinavian model of incarceration.

    (Javad Parsa / For The Times)

    “I am blown away by it,” he said.

    Durham has been a California corrections officer for 25 years, much of it in the remote reaches of Tehachapi, east of Bakersfield. He looks like the kind of guy you’d nickname Bull. Big and bald, he leans forward when he walks, like he’s battling the wind, or the world.

    I met him on the sidewalk in front of the elegant Grand Hotel in Oslo, just down the street from the stately Royal Palace of King Harald V.

    Durham was one of about a dozen members of the California Correctional Peace Officers Assn., or CCPOA, the union that represents the women and men who work in our prisons, who let me tag along with them to Norway recently.

    They were there to see firsthand what all the hype is when it comes to the so-called Scandinavian model of incarceration, which California hopes to import in coming months.

    Gov. Gavin Newsom is in the process of converting San Quentin into an institution — via the “Scandinavian method”— that is focused on rehabilitation, not punishment.

    Tiny, rich, predominantly white and with a population roughly half that of Los Angeles County, Norway doesn’t seem like a good model for anything in California. But Newsom isn’t trying to replicate what Norway does, just adapt the basic premise to create a shift in how and why we incarcerate.

    The Scandinavian method acknowledges that people rarely go to prison for life. Instead, it focuses on the reality that most people who go into prison are going to come outagain, and it’s safer for all of us if they have a plan and the skills for a future that doesn’t include more crime. That credo demands that prison is made to be more humane, and more normalized, turning the guards into at least part-time social workers.

    “It’s radical,” Durham said, but he’s all for it.

    An inmate surrounded by shelves of books and DVDs

    An inmate at Halden prison in Norway visits the facility’s library, where books and DVDs are available to borrow.

    (Javad Parsa / For The Times)

    The CCPOA has long supported Newsom. But it is also one of the toughest and most powerful unions in the state and is not known for soft-on-crime stances. So it may surprise some that the union supports the Scandinavian model, even as fentanyl, homelessness and a misguided fear of rising crime have combined to swing the political pendulum back toward more incarceration.

    Durham, a CCPOA vice president, said corrections officers in California are literally sick and tired from being cogs in a machine that doesn’t work — for society, for those incarcerated or for guards who want a career that doesn’t kill them.

    “We are tired of seeing our partners in a casket,” Durham said. “The stuff that we see is not good.”

    Being a U.S. corrections officer is not a great gig, union benefits aside. It comes with levels of anxiety, depression and post-traumatic stress disorder that far outpace other professions, even in law enforcement.

    Corrections officers are quick to tell any listener that the psychological stress and constant threat of violence eat at their health, leaving them vulnerable to ailments including heart attacks, ulcers and fallen arches. They drink too much, get divorced often and die by suicide at a rate 39% higher than the rest of the working-age population, according to the Vera Institute of Justice. Their life expectancy is more than 15 years below the national average.

    Many people assume they are all abusive brutes, in dead-end jobs.

    “It comes down to the mental health and well-being of our staff,” Durham said. “We have to try to change.”

    Helge Valseth leads a group of U.S. visitors through Halden prison.

    Helge Valseth, center, the governor of Halden prison (comparable to a U.S. warden) leads a group of U.S. visitors through the facility, which houses about 250 inmates convicted of serious offenses including drug crimes and murder.

    (Javad Parsa / For The Times)

    Durham shared those depressing statistics as we rode in a bus to Halden, about two hours outside of Oslo, on an overcast day in September. The drive there took us through picturesque fields where cattle milled around sturdy barns, then up into hills covered in spruce and pine. It felt like traversing the back roads of Napa to Tahoe — all classy ruralism.

    Nothing about our arrival at Halden dispelled that, no armed guard towers or razor wire. The only clue this was a prison was the nearly milelong wall that surrounds it, 20 feet high and curving at the top with an elegance that Scandinavians seem able to put into everything they build, regardless of purpose. It was, as a certain former president might describe it, a big, beautiful wall.

    “Jeez, look at that wall,” one of the officers exclaimed as we stepped off the bus.

    Critics deride Halden as a luxury prison that coddles, but it is the star of the Norwegian system, opened in 2010 with a design and a mantra: Prison should not be defined by the agony of discomfort and fear. The punishment for those incarcerated at Halden is being removed from family and friends — being behind the wall. Not the experience inside it.

    Before Norway embraced this new model of incarceration in the 1990s, its prisons looked much like ours do today and recidivism rates were stubbornly high, hovering near 70% for some crimes. Now, though not as low as many had hoped, those rates have fallen to about 20% of people re-offending within five years of release — one of the lowest recidivism rates in the world.

    In California, about 45% of those released are convicted of a new crime within three years; about 20% return to prison.

    Helge Valseth shows off the prison grocery store.

    Helge Valseth, left, the governor of Halden prison, shows off the prison grocery store to visiting California correctional officers. The inmates at Halden largely live in dorm-like apartments with a shared kitchen where they cook meals.

    (Javad Parsa / For The Times)

    The prison population in Norway is vastly smaller than ours — Halden holds about 250 men, fewer than your average county jail — but there are similarities with the U.S., starting with racial diversity. Forty percent of prisoners in Norway are not citizens by birth — they come from more than 25 countries, many of them migrants from places including Sudan and Pakistan.

    Ninety percent of inmates have been diagnosed with a mental illness, and about 70% have a personality disorder. More than half have only a primary school education.

    Gangs, said Helge Valseth, the governor of Halden (our version of a warden), are a big problem, inside of prisons and out.

    What is different at Halden isn’t the prisoners but the guards, Valseth said.

    Two young prisoners at Halden Fengsel in Norway.

    People incarcerated in Norway wear their own clothes and have more freedoms than in U.S. prisons.

    (Javad Parsa / For The Times)

    In Norway, corrections is a profession that has pathways into other branches of law enforcement. Officers start off in a two-year college program, paid as they go, and must continue their education, Valseth said. The Norwegian guards union has a partnership with management that allows officers to have a say in how a facility is run, who is hired and what the policies are.

    In all, said Tor Erik Larsen, a leader of the Union of Norwegian Correctional Services Employees, it’s a good job — one that comes with respect and provides work that feels meaningful. Under the Scandinavian system, expectations of and from corrections officers extend far beyond maintaining control.

    “I need to know what makes a man tick,” Larsen said. “And he needs to know what makes me tick.”

    That philosophy is called dynamic security. In the United States, we use static security: lockdowns, body armor, mace. Rehabilitation is largely left up to inmates to figure out on their own through a hodgepodge of programs — some good, some questionable.

    The Norwegians depend on relationships to maintain control and highly trained corrections officers to be deeply involved in rehabilitation.

    An inmate uses a knife while working

    An inmate at Halden prison uses a knife while working in a shop. In Norway, incarcerated people are governed by “dynamic security,” which relies on relationships with guards to maintain order and safety.

    (Javad Parsa / For The Times)

    Therapy, job skills, addiction treatment — corrections officers in Norway are responsible for facilitating all of it, and for building the trust and mutual respect needed for inmates to feel like someone is on their side when it comes to changing, no matter what crime they committed.

    Durham knows there will be many California officers who are not just skeptical, but downright hostile to that idea — he’s cognizant that it sounds like telling officers, “Hey, from now on you have to hug every inmate on your unit.”

    But Durham believes the current system leaves inmates without enough autonomy to learn how to be different. Everything is done for them or to them. He uses the grocery store inside Halden as an example. In the U.S., meals come and go on a tray, no effort required. In Norway, many facilities only provide one pre-made meal a day. Prisoners are encouraged to buy groceries, make food for themselves, share meals with officers and fellow inmates and clean up afterward.

    U.S. prisons “are not teaching [inmates] any life lessons,” Durham said. In Norway, “they give them the ability to function in life.”

    The same goes for officers, Durham said. Right now, U.S. corrections officers have few opportunities to interact with inmates other than keeping order and imposing discipline in part because rules often forbid getting too close. U.S. officers, Durham said, have to be trusted to act as mentors — like their Norwegian counterparts.

    It’s that mutual respect that makes the Scandinavian model work. And it does work. Violence is rare at Halden.

    I met an inmate named Roger (I am not using his last name for privacy reasons) in a prison auto shop. Roger was incarcerated for sexually abusing his daughter, he said.

    A round-faced, bespectacled man, he was changing the oil on an Audi — largely unsupervised by officers — surrounded by tools that in the United States would be considered weapons: a hefty hammer, socket wrenches, saws, a drill. In the next room, other inmates were using power tools to cut wood.

    An inmate works under a car

    An inmate at Halden prison works in an auto shop, largely unsupervised by correctional officers.

    (Javad Parsa / For The Times)

    As a child molester, Roger is the type of prisoner who typically would not be safe in a U.S. prison — always under threat of attack from other inmates and often looked down on by officers.

    He’s the kind of guy that most of us have a hard time feeling empathy for. But one day in the not too distant future, Roger is getting out — as are most people who go to prison in the U.S.

    At Halden, Roger said, he is learning “how to not think about my child like an abuser” would.

    Norway, like much of Scandinavia, has a reputation for allowing the common good to frequently outweigh individual desires and demands. That philosophy presumably makes it easier to create a system that helps someone like Roger.

    But U.S. culture prizes vengeance. How many times has some variation of “I hope you rot in prison” been uttered with righteousness in film and television?

    Our culture wants wrongdoers to suffer, even at the expense of public safety. But as uncomfortable as it is to hear Roger talk about the help he is receiving, isn’t that what we should want? For criminals to stop seeing the rest of us as prey?

    “It’s been a real good program,” Roger said. “I am starting on the ground floor and building up.”

    Down a hallway I met David, who was from Lithuania and serving time for selling drugs. The lack of fear, of guards and other inmates, he said, took away much of the stress of being in prison. It allowed him the space to think about his future.

    A cell inside Halden prison in Norway includes a window and a private bathroom.

    A cell inside Halden prison includes a window and a private bathroom. Though the door locks, the Norwegian model of incarceration seeks to normalize life inside prisons so that inmates can focus on rehabilitation.

    (Javad Parsa / For The Times)

    “I don’t need to be afraid that something will happen,” he said. “I don’t think I will come out a worse person. I feel I could come out better.”

    Tiffanie Thomas, a San Quentin corrections officer who was on the tour, told me bringing this system to California “seems realistic.”

    As a female officer who is often alone and outnumbered at San Quentin, she has long depended on relationships with inmates for her safety and theirs.

    “We do a lot of this already,” Thomas said. “We just didn’t have the words to put to it.”

    But, she added, relationships take time. If the state brings the Scandinavian model to California, it is going to require something that will, even if they support the model, make both prison officials and reformers unhappy:

    More corrections officers.

    A correctional officer checks out the ice cream freezer in the grocery store inside the prison.

    A correctional officer checks out the ice cream freezer in the grocery store at Halden prison. The inmates are able to purchase their own groceries, including ice cream.

    (Javad Parsa / For The Times)

    Right now, there are too few officers on duty to spend any meaningful time with their charges. The California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has 21,220 correctional officers and a statewide prison population of 93,649 — though that is expected to drop by nearly 10,000 in coming years. At San Quentin, there are 833 rank-and-file corrections officers and 3,504 incarcerated people, according to CDCR.

    Often, there are two officers assigned to more than 120 inmates, Durham said, and that can jump to 160 depending on the facility and the time of day.

    Thomas said she has been in charge of up to 200 inmates at once. In Norway, each guard is responsible for a few dozen inmates at most — a number that has increased because of budget cuts, much to the consternation of both guards and management.

    But to the officers I was traveling with, it was still unimaginably low.

    Durham never dreamed of spending his life inside prisons. Who does?

    A Central Valley kid, he joined the Navy to escape the expectation that he would follow his father into construction. At 18, he found himself married, with a son and getting ready to deploy. But his wife at the time was diagnosed with a mental illness — bipolar disorder, he said — in an era when such things were barely understood, much less talked about.

    One day, she took too many muscle relaxers. While he was trying to help her, his baby son, crawling around their waterbed, swallowed a penny. Durham scooped everyone up and made it to the hospital, but it was a breaking point.

    California correctional officers at Halden prison

    California correctional officers visit Halden prison. Gov. Gavin Newsom is planning to turn San Quentin prison into a model facility using Scandinavian principles.

    (Javad Parsa / For The Times)

    He left the military and moved back home and soon found himself a single father. He needed help and stability and a job in a place without many options. So he became a prison guard.

    No regrets, he said. But “if it was me, alone, I probably wouldn’t do it. But I had to support him.”

    The job has taken its toll. His first week, he witnessed a stabbing. His old-school partner barely said a word about it, he said. But then, that partner rarely said anything useful at all. He was left to figure out a foreign and brutal world largely on his own.

    Over the years, there has been an endless flow of trauma. The first time Durham had to help lower a hanged man, he remembers the legs in his face, and being grateful for the strength to hold the man up, even though it was too late. More than 20 years later, he remembers that inmate’s name. Beale.

    An inmate sits at a table at Halden prison.

    An inmate sits at a table at Halden prison.

    (Javad Parsa / For The Times)

    He knows there are “bad apples” in the profession and there are certainly too many instances of officers committing crimes and abusing their power. He’s also heard the criticism that it doesn’t matter if corrections officers like their job or not, because unlike inmates, they can leave whenever they want.

    Even as we rightfully shrink our prison population and rethink policies that turned incarceration into an industry, the reality remains that prisons will continue to exist because society does demand accountability for committing crimes.

    The Scandinavian model doesn’t promise to end crime or fix society’s problems. But it has answered an obvious if ignored question: If guards have no hope, how can prisoners?

    Walking out of Halden down a gravel path at the edge of the forest, Durham told me it was “weird” to see corrections officers smiling and laughing at work. The visit gave him hope, though he knows that as it did in Norway, change will take decades in California.

    Rain started to fall and the air took on the vibrant scent of moisture hitting earth.

    Ahead of us, a man with a scooter walked with a man pushing a wheelchair, oblivious to our approach. I couldn’t tell if either or neither were inmates, but it didn’t seem to matter, to us or them.

    For the first time, maybe in his life, Durham was relaxed inside a prison wall.

    Two people walk down a path at Halden prison

    Inmates walk down a path. The natural setting of Halden prison, located outside of Oslo, is part of its rehabilitative ethos.

    (Javad Parsa / For The Times)

    Anita Chabria

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  • ‘His calls for help fell on deaf ears’: Family of slain inmate speaks out

    ‘His calls for help fell on deaf ears’: Family of slain inmate speaks out

    ANDALUSIA, Ala. (WSFA) – A family is outraged after an inmate died inside the Donaldson Correctional Facility in Jefferson County.

    The Alabama Department of Corrections reported that Denarieya Smith was serving a life sentence for attempted murder out of Covington County when he was beaten and stabbed by another inmate on Oct. 1.

    Hazel Bryant, president of the Covington County NAACP Chapter, described Smith’s death as unjustified.

    “The fact that (he) could get murdered, supposedly in the safe keep of the government, just as outrageous,” Bryant said.

    Smith’s family attorney Joel Caldwell said in a press conference Friday morning they were notified of his death via text message from a fellow inmate.

    “Guards failed to arrive and respond in a timely manner, despite numerous attempts by inmates shouting for help, while DL (Denariyea) bled on the floor,” Caldwell said.

    The family says Smith indicated there were problems inside the prison the last time they contacted him.

    “His calls for help fell on deaf ears,” said Caldwell. “There are far too many unanswered questions at this point.”

    The attorney mentioned Smith’s marks 32 deaths at Donaldson for the year of 2022, calling it “deeply disturbing.”

    Bryant added the government should take a closer look at the prison system to make sure inmates are being treated humanely.

    Caldwell and other attorneys at Birmingham-based Corey Watson Attorneys are reviewing the caselaw on inmate-to-inmate violence to determine if the state or federal courts will hear the case.

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