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Tag: impoundment

  • Trump administration to cancel billions in funds for blue states. Is that legal?

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    The Trump administration is canceling billions in federal funds for blue states, like New York, Illinois and California. Is that legal?

    The Trump administration is canceling billions in federal funds for blue states, like New York, Illinois and California. Is that legal?

    Photo from Mike Valdivia, UnSplash

    The White House is withholding billions of dollars in federal funds for infrastructure and energy projects in blue states, a move legal experts say is likely unlawful.

    Russ Vought, director of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), announced on Oct. 1 that President Donald Trump’s administration is freezing about $18 billion in funds for New York City’s Second Ave. subway and the Hudson Tunnel Project, which will connect New Jersey and Manhattan.

    Later that day, he said the administration is canceling about $8 billion in funding for energy programs he described as part of “the Left’s climate agenda.” The cuts will impact 16 states, all of which voted for former Vice President Kamala Harris in the 2024 election, including California, Massachusetts and Hawaii.

    Then, on Oct. 3, Vought said $2.1 billion allocated for Chicago infrastructure projects would be paused “to ensure funding is not flowing via race-based contracting.”

    When asked by McClatchy News about the legal grounds for the funding pause, an OMB spokesperson did not respond.

    The moves come after Trump suggested he would use the government shutdown — which began on Oct. 1 — to slash funding for programs he opposes. He told reporters he can use the federal funding lapse to “get rid of a lot of things we didn’t want, and they’d be Democrat things.”

    Democrats have criticized the moves, claiming the administration is weaponizing federal funding.

    “It seems each morning, Russ Vought wakes up determined to abuse his authority to the detriment of working class families, middle class families, and vulnerable Americans,” Connecticut Rep. Rosa DeLauro said in a statement.

    Meanwhile, legal experts argue that the OMB director’s funding cuts likely run afoul of the law, though they note that the Supreme Court has not yet ruled on the matter, leaving the issue unresolved for the time being.

    What the law says

    “Until recently, it was basic constitutional law that Congress, not the President, has the power to appropriate money, including making cuts in spending,” Michael Gerhardt, a professor at the UNC School of Law, told McClatchy News.

    The Constitution repeatedly affirms that control over government spending — sometimes referred to as the power of the purse — resides with the legislative branch.

    Article 1 Section 8 states that Congress “shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States.” And Article 1 Section 9 adds that “No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law.”

    The executive branch asserting authority on spending power, therefore, “is certainly not consistent with how the Constitution has been interpreted for 238 years,” Eric Schickler, a political science professor at University of California, Berkeley, told McClatchy News.

    A more recent law also reinforces that the authority to control spending is vested in Congress.

    In 1974, Congress passed the Impoundment Control Act in response to President Richard Nixon’s withholding of congressionally appropriated funds.

    The act “purports to prevent the president from refusing to spend money that Congress has directed him to spend,” Vikram Amar, a constitutional law professor at the UC Davis School of Law, told McClatchy News.

    Still, the act grants the president limited authority to withhold funds, including for a 45-day period before Congress is required to respond. Vought previously indicated he may use provisions within the Impoundment Control Act to implement spending cuts.

    “The Supreme Court hasn’t spoken clearly to this impoundment question and it sounds like it’s going to have to do so,” Amar said. Until it does so, the subject of withholding federal funds remains “a grey area,” Schickler said.

    How the Supreme Court could rule

    It remains an open question how the Supreme Court will come down on the question of the president withholding congressionally appropriated funds, experts said.

    “Part of it depends on the particular statute and how mandatory congress styled the expenditure,” Amar said, noting there is a difference between saying “the president may spend money” versus “the president shall spend money.”

    He said that, if the case before the court revolves around the latter, there’s a good chance the justices will side against the president.

    Supporting this claim, Amar pointed to a 1990s era decision in which the court invalidated a statute by which Congress tried to confer line-item veto power to the president — which would have allowed him to decline to spend appropriated funds at his discretion.

    “If a line-item veto is not even something the president can agree to, I don’t think it’s something he can simply assert himself,” Amar said.

    Other experts, though, were less inclined to believe the court will rule against the president, pointing to recent court opinions.

    “The Supreme Court, in the last year, has been rewriting the constitutional distribution of power, so that the President has unprecedented authority to do things that Congress used to have the sole authority to do,” Gerhardt said.

    In late September preliminary ruling, the court allowed the Trump administration to withhold about $4 billion in foreign aid funding.

    “The Supreme Court is certainly moving us toward a situation where, when Congress appropriates money to spend, the president nonetheless retains considerable discretion to actually spend the money, and that’s just never been true before,” Schickler said.

    Practical implications

    If the high court allows the Trump administration to move forward with freezing and cutting congressionally appropriated funds, there will be some immediate impacts, experts said.

    “If it does become approved, it gives the president a lot more leverage than they ever had in the past,” Schickler said.

    It would also likely make Democrats in Congress less inclined to vote for spending bills given that the president could strip any Democratic initiatives he deems fit.

    “I think appropriations will have a much tougher time of ever taking place if the participants in congress can’t be sure the president will spend all the money and not just the money that one party seems to like,” he said.

    This suggests that Congress — already plagued by severe partisan gridlock — could face even greater degrees of paralysis.

    Brendan Rascius

    McClatchy DC

    Brendan Rascius is a McClatchy national real-time reporter covering politics and international news. He has a master’s in journalism from Columbia University and a bachelor’s in political science from Southern Connecticut State University.

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  • Trump administration to cancel billions in funds for blue states. Is that legal?

    [ad_1]

    The Trump administration is canceling billions in federal funds for blue states, like New York, Illinois and California. Is that legal?

    The Trump administration is canceling billions in federal funds for blue states, like New York, Illinois and California. Is that legal?

    Photo from Mike Valdivia, UnSplash

    The White House is withholding billions of dollars in federal funds for infrastructure and energy projects in blue states, a move legal experts say is likely unlawful.

    Russ Vought, director of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), announced on Oct. 1 that President Donald Trump’s administration is freezing about $18 billion in funds for New York City’s Second Ave. subway and the Hudson Tunnel Project, which will connect New Jersey and Manhattan.

    Later that day, he said the administration is canceling about $8 billion in funding for energy programs he described as part of “the Left’s climate agenda.” The cuts will impact 16 states, all of which voted for former Vice President Kamala Harris in the 2024 election, including California, Massachusetts and Hawaii.

    Then, on Oct. 3, Vought said $2.1 billion allocated for Chicago infrastructure projects would be paused “to ensure funding is not flowing via race-based contracting.”

    When asked by McClatchy News about the legal grounds for the funding pause, an OMB spokesperson did not respond.

    The moves come after Trump suggested he would use the government shutdown — which began on Oct. 1 — to slash funding for programs he opposes. He told reporters he can use the federal funding lapse to “get rid of a lot of things we didn’t want, and they’d be Democrat things.”

    Democrats have criticized the moves, claiming the administration is weaponizing federal funding.

    “It seems each morning, Russ Vought wakes up determined to abuse his authority to the detriment of working class families, middle class families, and vulnerable Americans,” Connecticut Rep. Rosa DeLauro said in a statement.

    Meanwhile, legal experts argue that the OMB director’s funding cuts likely run afoul of the law, though they note that the Supreme Court has not yet ruled on the matter, leaving the issue unresolved for the time being.

    What the law says

    “Until recently, it was basic constitutional law that Congress, not the President, has the power to appropriate money, including making cuts in spending,” Michael Gerhardt, a professor at the UNC School of Law, told McClatchy News.

    The Constitution repeatedly affirms that control over government spending — sometimes referred to as the power of the purse — resides with the legislative branch.

    Article 1 Section 8 states that Congress “shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States.” And Article 1 Section 9 adds that “No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law.”

    The executive branch asserting authority on spending power, therefore, “is certainly not consistent with how the Constitution has been interpreted for 238 years,” Eric Schickler, a political science professor at University of California, Berkeley, told McClatchy News.

    A more recent law also reinforces that the authority to control spending is vested in Congress.

    In 1974, Congress passed the Impoundment Control Act in response to President Richard Nixon’s withholding of congressionally appropriated funds.

    The act “purports to prevent the president from refusing to spend money that Congress has directed him to spend,” Vikram Amar, a constitutional law professor at the UC Davis School of Law, told McClatchy News.

    Still, the act grants the president limited authority to withhold funds, including for a 45-day period before Congress is required to respond. Vought previously indicated he may use provisions within the Impoundment Control Act to implement spending cuts.

    “The Supreme Court hasn’t spoken clearly to this impoundment question and it sounds like it’s going to have to do so,” Amar said. Until it does so, the subject of withholding federal funds remains “a grey area,” Schickler said.

    How the Supreme Court could rule

    It remains an open question how the Supreme Court will come down on the question of the president withholding congressionally appropriated funds, experts said.

    “Part of it depends on the particular statute and how mandatory congress styled the expenditure,” Amar said, noting there is a difference between saying “the president may spend money” versus “the president shall spend money.”

    He said that, if the case before the court revolves around the latter, there’s a good chance the justices will side against the president.

    Supporting this claim, Amar pointed to a 1990s era decision in which the court invalidated a statute by which Congress tried to confer line-item veto power to the president — which would have allowed him to decline to spend appropriated funds at his discretion.

    “If a line-item veto is not even something the president can agree to, I don’t think it’s something he can simply assert himself,” Amar said.

    Other experts, though, were less inclined to believe the court will rule against the president, pointing to recent court opinions.

    “The Supreme Court, in the last year, has been rewriting the constitutional distribution of power, so that the President has unprecedented authority to do things that Congress used to have the sole authority to do,” Gerhardt said.

    In late September preliminary ruling, the court allowed the Trump administration to withhold about $4 billion in foreign aid funding.

    “The Supreme Court is certainly moving us toward a situation where, when Congress appropriates money to spend, the president nonetheless retains considerable discretion to actually spend the money, and that’s just never been true before,” Schickler said.

    Practical implications

    If the high court allows the Trump administration to move forward with freezing and cutting congressionally appropriated funds, there will be some immediate impacts, experts said.

    “If it does become approved, it gives the president a lot more leverage than they ever had in the past,” Schickler said.

    It would also likely make Democrats in Congress less inclined to vote for spending bills given that the president could strip any Democratic initiatives he deems fit.

    “I think appropriations will have a much tougher time of ever taking place if the participants in congress can’t be sure the president will spend all the money and not just the money that one party seems to like,” he said.

    This suggests that Congress — already plagued by severe partisan gridlock — could face even greater degrees of paralysis.

    Brendan Rascius

    McClatchy DC

    Brendan Rascius is a McClatchy national real-time reporter covering politics and international news. He has a master’s in journalism from Columbia University and a bachelor’s in political science from Southern Connecticut State University.

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    Brendan Rascius

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  • Trump administration to cancel billions in funds for blue states. Is that legal?

    [ad_1]

    The Trump administration is canceling billions in federal funds for blue states, like New York, Illinois and California. Is that legal?

    The Trump administration is canceling billions in federal funds for blue states, like New York, Illinois and California. Is that legal?

    Photo from Mike Valdivia, UnSplash

    The White House is withholding billions of dollars in federal funds for infrastructure and energy projects in blue states, a move legal experts say is likely unlawful.

    Russ Vought, director of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), announced on Oct. 1 that President Donald Trump’s administration is freezing about $18 billion in funds for New York City’s Second Ave. subway and the Hudson Tunnel Project, which will connect New Jersey and Manhattan.

    Later that day, he said the administration is canceling about $8 billion in funding for energy programs he described as part of “the Left’s climate agenda.” The cuts will impact 16 states, all of which voted for former Vice President Kamala Harris in the 2024 election, including California, Massachusetts and Hawaii.

    Then, on Oct. 3, Vought said $2.1 billion allocated for Chicago infrastructure projects would be paused “to ensure funding is not flowing via race-based contracting.”

    When asked by McClatchy News about the legal grounds for the funding pause, an OMB spokesperson did not respond.

    The moves come after Trump suggested he would use the government shutdown — which began on Oct. 1 — to slash funding for programs he opposes. He told reporters he can use the federal funding lapse to “get rid of a lot of things we didn’t want, and they’d be Democrat things.”

    Democrats have criticized the moves, claiming the administration is weaponizing federal funding.

    “It seems each morning, Russ Vought wakes up determined to abuse his authority to the detriment of working class families, middle class families, and vulnerable Americans,” Connecticut Rep. Rosa DeLauro said in a statement.

    Meanwhile, legal experts argue that the OMB director’s funding cuts likely run afoul of the law, though they note that the Supreme Court has not yet ruled on the matter, leaving the issue unresolved for the time being.

    What the law says

    “Until recently, it was basic constitutional law that Congress, not the President, has the power to appropriate money, including making cuts in spending,” Michael Gerhardt, a professor at the UNC School of Law, told McClatchy News.

    The Constitution repeatedly affirms that control over government spending — sometimes referred to as the power of the purse — resides with the legislative branch.

    Article 1 Section 8 states that Congress “shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States.” And Article 1 Section 9 adds that “No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law.”

    The executive branch asserting authority on spending power, therefore, “is certainly not consistent with how the Constitution has been interpreted for 238 years,” Eric Schickler, a political science professor at University of California, Berkeley, told McClatchy News.

    A more recent law also reinforces that the authority to control spending is vested in Congress.

    In 1974, Congress passed the Impoundment Control Act in response to President Richard Nixon’s withholding of congressionally appropriated funds.

    The act “purports to prevent the president from refusing to spend money that Congress has directed him to spend,” Vikram Amar, a constitutional law professor at the UC Davis School of Law, told McClatchy News.

    Still, the act grants the president limited authority to withhold funds, including for a 45-day period before Congress is required to respond. Vought previously indicated he may use provisions within the Impoundment Control Act to implement spending cuts.

    “The Supreme Court hasn’t spoken clearly to this impoundment question and it sounds like it’s going to have to do so,” Amar said. Until it does so, the subject of withholding federal funds remains “a grey area,” Schickler said.

    How the Supreme Court could rule

    It remains an open question how the Supreme Court will come down on the question of the president withholding congressionally appropriated funds, experts said.

    “Part of it depends on the particular statute and how mandatory congress styled the expenditure,” Amar said, noting there is a difference between saying “the president may spend money” versus “the president shall spend money.”

    He said that, if the case before the court revolves around the latter, there’s a good chance the justices will side against the president.

    Supporting this claim, Amar pointed to a 1990s era decision in which the court invalidated a statute by which Congress tried to confer line-item veto power to the president — which would have allowed him to decline to spend appropriated funds at his discretion.

    “If a line-item veto is not even something the president can agree to, I don’t think it’s something he can simply assert himself,” Amar said.

    Other experts, though, were less inclined to believe the court will rule against the president, pointing to recent court opinions.

    “The Supreme Court, in the last year, has been rewriting the constitutional distribution of power, so that the President has unprecedented authority to do things that Congress used to have the sole authority to do,” Gerhardt said.

    In late September preliminary ruling, the court allowed the Trump administration to withhold about $4 billion in foreign aid funding.

    “The Supreme Court is certainly moving us toward a situation where, when Congress appropriates money to spend, the president nonetheless retains considerable discretion to actually spend the money, and that’s just never been true before,” Schickler said.

    Practical implications

    If the high court allows the Trump administration to move forward with freezing and cutting congressionally appropriated funds, there will be some immediate impacts, experts said.

    “If it does become approved, it gives the president a lot more leverage than they ever had in the past,” Schickler said.

    It would also likely make Democrats in Congress less inclined to vote for spending bills given that the president could strip any Democratic initiatives he deems fit.

    “I think appropriations will have a much tougher time of ever taking place if the participants in congress can’t be sure the president will spend all the money and not just the money that one party seems to like,” he said.

    This suggests that Congress — already plagued by severe partisan gridlock — could face even greater degrees of paralysis.

    Brendan Rascius

    McClatchy DC

    Brendan Rascius is a McClatchy national real-time reporter covering politics and international news. He has a master’s in journalism from Columbia University and a bachelor’s in political science from Southern Connecticut State University.

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    Brendan Rascius

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  • Trump Doubles Down on Plan for Huge Spending Power Grab

    Trump Doubles Down on Plan for Huge Spending Power Grab

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    Trump advisor Russ Vought wants to push the button.
    Photo: Samuel Corum/Getty Images

    When people tell horror stories about Donald Trump’s second-term agenda, they usually focus on his plans to seek vengeance against his political enemies via the Justice Department or perhaps special prosecutors. Others may fear the reactionary social policies he is likely to impose, or the sweeping destruction of climate change or workplace regulations. And the whole country may be shaken by the mass deportations of undocumented immigrants that Trump henchman Stephen Miller is planning.

    But arguably some of the most important second-term plans involve Team Trump’s dark designs on the so-called swamp of the federal bureaucracy. Their interest in tearing down the civil service system is well-known, along with a scheme to fill vacant positions created by mass firings of non-partisan professional employees and their replacement via a so-called Schedule F of political appointees chosen for all the top policy-making jobs in the executive branch. The purpose of placing these MAGA loyalists throughout the bureaucracy isn’t just to ride herd on such bureaucrats as remain in federal departments and agencies. These new commissars would also serve as Trojan Horses charged with advising the Trump high command on how to eliminate or disable executive branch functions the new order dislikes or can do without.

    A second Trump administration, you see, will be under a lot of pressure from Republicans in Congress and conservative ideologues to decimate non-defense discretionary programs, i.e., most of what the federal government does outside defense (which the GOP will definitely wish to expand) and the big middle-class entitlements like Social Security and Medicare (which Trump has repeatedly pledged to leave alone). Preserving or extending the 2017 Trump tax cuts will force major additional cuts. Non-defense discretionary programs are also where most of the social engineering and income redistribution that MAGA folk hate takes place, in areas ranging from education and environmental protection to health and human services functions. If Trump gets lucky and gets a workable Republican trifecta, perhaps he can go for deep cuts in all these disfavored areas via a vast budget reconciliation bill that Congress will be expected to approve on an up-or-down vote. Otherwise Team Trump plans to excavate a highly controversial device popularized by Richard M. Nixon called “presidential impoundment.”

    Impoundment involves a claim by the president of the power to override the spending authority consigned to Congress by Article I of the U.S. Constitution. In minor matters and in consultation with congressional appropriators, impoundment was used by most presidents to nip and tuck undesirable spending. But its aggressive deployment by Nixon was very much a leading feature of his “imperial presidency” that eventually led to his impeachment and resignation from office. Subsequently Congress enacted the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974, which governs the federal budget process even now, and that makes impoundment claims illegal (presidents do retain a limited power to propose “rescissions and deferrals” of some appropriations, but they are subject to approval by Congress). While presidents have invariably complained about the spending decisions of Congress, particularly when their party did not control it, Trump was the first president since Nixon to talk about impoundment as an inherent executive power that had been unconstitutionally usurped. And indeed, his effort to impound $400 million in money appropriated for aid to Ukraine is what led to his own impeachment in late 2019.

    Indeed, Trump’s budget director Russell Vought was complaining about limits on impoundment literally the day before he left office. That’s significant now because Vought, founder of the Center for Renewing America, is heavily involved in preparations for a second Trump administration, and is generally thought to be the front-runner to become White House Chief of Staff. As the Washington Post reports, the Trump team is planning to make an assertion of impoundment powers central to the MAGA takeover of the federal government, beginning on Day One:

    Trump and his advisers have prepared an attack on the limits on presidential spending authority. On his campaign website, Trump has said he will push Congress to repeal parts of the 1974 law that restricts the president’s authority to spend federal dollars without congressional approval. Trump has also said he will unilaterally challenge that law by cutting off funding for certain programs, promising on his first day in office to order every agency to identify “large chunks” of their budgets that would be halted by presidential edict.

    So in order to reassert impoundment powers Trump and his advisors will push their new set of MAGA appointees in the federal departments and agencies to tell them exactly where to make the draconian cuts they will need. It could all hit Washington like a jack-hammer.

    That impoundment has an unsavory association with Nixon does not bother Trump and his minions; there’s already a revisionist Nixon fan club among MAGA thinkers and writers, focused precisely on the 37th president’s efforts to expand presidential powers to the breaking point. And Vought, the likely architect and engineer of this quick 2025 Trump power grab, has few inhibitions, as the Washington Post explains:

    A battle-tested D.C. bureaucrat and self-described Christian nationalist is drawing up detailed plans for a sweeping expansion of presidential power in a second Trump administration. Russ Vought, who served as the former president’s budget chief, calls his political strategy for razing long-standing guardrails “radical constitutionalism….”

    [Steve] Bannon, the former Trump strategist ordered this week to serve a four-month prison term for contempt of Congress, touted Vought and his colleagues as “madmen” ready to upend the U.S. government at a recent Center for Renewing America event.

    “No institution set up within its first two years [has] had the impact of this organization,” Bannon said. “We’re going to rip and shred the federal government apart, and if you don’t like it, you can lump it.”

    That’s not a threat but a promise.


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    Ed Kilgore

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