ReportWire

Tag: immigration and customs enforcement (i.c.e.)

  • How Trump Is Still Deporting People Wherever He Wants

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    In March of 2025, the Trump Administration was widely criticized for sending more than two hundred Venezuelans to CECOT, a notoriously brutal mega-prison in El Salvador. Yet, over the past eleven months, the Administration has continued the practice of deporting large numbers of noncitizens to so-called third countries, or countries to which the deportee typically has no connection. This is often because many immigrants living in America have judicial orders that prevent the government from sending them to their home country owing to the risk of persecution. This third-country practice has continued, however, despite the fact that a number of deportees have been sent back to their home countries after arriving in the third country. (Others remain stuck in prisons.) Recently, the Administration sent nine people of various nationalities to Cameroon, where most of them are now being held in detention until they agree to return to their home countries.

    I recently spoke by phone with Ahilan Arulanantham, a law professor at U.C.L.A. and the faculty co-director of the Center for Immigration Law and Policy there. During our conversation, which has been edited for length and clarity, we discussed how judges have tried to limit the Trump Administration’s use of this third-country loophole by demanding that it bring wrongly deported immigrants home, the legal process that allows this type of deportation, and how the Supreme Court’s unwillingness to rein in the Trump Administration has strained federal courts.

    Early in Trump’s second term, there was a lot of concern about the degree to which immigration authorities would start removing people from America and sending them to third countries. A year later, how prevalent is this?

    I think it’s important to distinguish between third-country arrangements that result in the deportees being imprisoned in a foreign country, and other kinds of third-country arrangements, where, for example, Mexico has agreed to take in people who are not from Mexico and then, in some way or another, encourage those people to go back to their home countries. I would say that, in the case of the latter, the deportations to countries where people are just left at sea have happened on a massive, really unprecedented scale.

    The former, which are these deportation-to-prison arrangements, obviously happened with El Salvador, and then in other places like Ghana, and they’re also very troubling. But the total number of them is small. It’s probably less than a hundred, if you leave out the ones to El Salvador.

    In January, the Trump Administration secretly deported nine people to Cameroon, where none of them are from, according to the Times. It seems like when the Administration is legally prohibited from deporting people to a country where they may be persecuted, they send people to a third country, and then essentially throw up their hands and say, “Well, if the third country is going to send them to the country that they’re not supposed to be sent to, we can’t do anything.” Some legal observers argue that this workaround is just as illegal. How do you see it?

    I think it’s clearly illegal for two different reasons. The Administration’s recent arrangement with Cameroon resulted in the imprisonment of these nine people in Cameroon, and, at least in the reporting that I’ve read, most of them will be imprisoned unless they agree to go back to their home country. So that’s punishment. When you send somebody to a place to be imprisoned, that is imprisonment without trial. And so that, I think, is unquestionably illegal.

    Separate from that, even in cases where they’re being sent to these places, and it’s not necessarily resulting in imprisonment, but it’s resulting in a follow-on deportation, that is illegal—absent the person having had an opportunity to challenge that arrangement in the United States in immigration court. The law requires deportees to receive notice of the country to which they are going to be removed, and then an opportunity to raise any claims against that decision in court. This was challenged in Department of Homeland Security v. D.V.D. last year, a class-action lawsuit challenging the government’s practice of sending people to third countries without providing any notice or opportunity to challenge the legality of that arrangement. A lower court held a hearing, took evidence, and issued a ruling declaring that procedure unlawful and requiring the government to provide notice in such situations. But the Supreme Court then stayed that order in mid-April without real explanation. They didn’t say that the lower court was wrong. They just said that the government can keep doing third-country deportations while the case is pending.

    Is the Court going to come back and provide an explanation for why it stayed the order at some point?

    The way the Supreme Court handles stay orders requires that the case come back to the Supreme Court, and then the Court has to either agree to take it or not. And if they decide not to take it, then the stay expires at that point. So you’re right that every time the Supreme Court stays an order in these cases, it means that the case will return to the Supreme Court, but it’s not like that happens immediately. That can take months and months, and there is, in my view, a direct line from the Supreme Court’s stay order in the D.V.D. case to the months of third-country removals that we’ve been seeing without people having any opportunity to contest the legality of that practice.

    So is the lack of any opportunity for the deportees to have the Supreme Court rule on the challenge to third-country removal before they were flown away the reason that you think this was illegal?

    The law on this is that a noncitizen gets to elect the country to which they will be deported in the event of an order of removal after a deportation hearing. The immigration judge asks the person to elect which country they wish to be removed to. In that case, the government has to try to send the person to their requested country. But if they can’t, for whatever reason—and one reason might be because the immigration judge has said, “You’ll be tortured there,” and barred it—then the government has to go through a whole list of other possible places to which they can send the person, like places where the person transited through or any other place where the person held any residency status. If none of those places agree to take them, they can be deported to any other country that accepts the person. But in that case they have to tell the person, We’re going to send you to this country. And because that wasn’t the subject of the original removal proceeding, they have to be given the opportunity to challenge the removal to that country.

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    Isaac Chotiner

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  • Is ICE Leading Us Into a Constitutional Crisis?

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    So they do not want a constitutional crisis, but what is the alternative? You tiptoe around it and hope that the government comes into compliance by baby steps?

    That’s right. It’s a very sensitive interaction. And, in some of these cases, with the threats, the government has come into compliance. But, at a certain point, it does seem as though the courts are going to have to take that next step, which is civil or criminal contempt against individuals. They also have the capacity to refer individuals for disciplinary measures, and they can disqualify particular Justice Department attorneys from handling certain cases before their courts—reputational hits for some of these individuals. I think that will be the next escalation.

    There was a lot of discussion last year about the Trump Administration ignoring the courts. My own feeling from following the issue had been that they would walk up to the line in most instances, and then, in the rare cases where the Supreme Court ruled against them, they would comply. It seems like the Trump Administration wants to show that it can be uncompliant, but it doesn’t want to actually spark something that would create a huge drama or constitutional crisis, pitting it against the Supreme Court. Is that your understanding?

    I do think they are playing a game of pushing it as close to the line as they can. I also think, in some instances, it is actually just gross incompetence or internal miscommunications. For instance, the Department of Justice lawyers might tell D.H.S. not to transfer somebody to another jurisdiction, but the communication doesn’t reach them in a timely fashion.

    In the higher-stakes cases, the Justice Department is doing something more egregious. They do appear to be defying court orders to effectuate a policy. The key case for that is the Alien Enemies Act case, which came before Judge Boasberg. This happened within the first several hours of the President’s invocation of the Alien Enemies Act, in March. It’s about the flights that took off to El Salvador to bring those people alleged to be Venezuelan gang members to the CECOT torture prison.

    Erez Reuveni, a D.O.J. lawyer and whistle-blower, revealed what happened behind the scenes, including text messages that corroborate his account. He alleges, with strong evidence, that it was a deliberate policy to, no matter what, get those people to El Salvador, even if there were court orders preventing their deportation. According to Reuveni, Emil Bove, a Trump loyalist at the D.O.J., had said in a meeting before the hearings that they would have to consider telling the courts, “Fuck you.” And then there’s contemporaneous text messaging between the D.O.J. attorneys during the oral hearing, in which they say that this is the “fuck you” moment. [Bove has testified that he does not recall saying this.] It’s just very clear, based on these allegations, what happened there. So I think that, to me, that would be the constitutional-crisis moment, that a case would get to the Supreme Court and they would do that to a Supreme Court order. They think they can get away with it more when it’s in district courts.

    This feels like one area among many where, even if we aren’t yet in a worst-case scenario, or we convince ourselves that we are not, if you told someone ten years ago what was going on, they would think, Oh, well, that is a worst-case scenario.

    Absolutely, yes, I think that’s right. Coming into this Administration, I was worried about some of the things that this Administration could do that would constitute crossing the red line. That would include open defiance of a court order. And here we are in the dozens. So I do think we’re in a new normal, and I do worry that the public has been desensitized to how concerning this is. But, going back to the subject of immigration, the defiance of these court orders is creating a lawless situation that I think judges are rightly concerned about. Another district court judge in Minnesota, Michael Davis, accused the government of attempting to undermine the regulatory and statutory authority of the immigration courts to coerce perpetual, infinite detention. So I think it really is setting up a parallel system of immigration detention that exists in defiance of the courts.

    Do you mean that they’re essentially normalizing a practice where detainees do not get their time in court?

    I’m definitely concerned about that. I think the reason the system is still holding is that we have instances in which the courts, by threatening civil and criminal contempt, are able to bring the government back into line. [The Times reported last weekend that hundreds of detainees have now been released from immigration detention after habeas petitions began filling up the federal-court dockets.] We have a court concluding that a government’s in flagrant violation of its orders, while still being able to coerce the government back into place. That’s the kind of knife’s edge we’re on right now.

    What’s happening in the courtroom is part of a broader slide towards lawlessness, because defiance of court orders is connected to another ICE policy: the agency repeatedly states that its entire system of arrest is based on reasonable suspicion. And that is legally invalid because arrests have to be based on probable cause. A D.C. district-court judge, Beryl Howell, chastised the agency for this in December, summarizing several instances in which D.H.S. had repeatedly said that ICE arrests were based on reasonable suspicion, and they continue to do it. They’ve done it as recently as the past couple of weeks.

    What’s the difference between reasonable suspicion and probable cause?

    Reasonable suspicion is similar to stop-and-frisk policies, in which a law-enforcement officer can stop somebody very briefly and ask them questions on the basis of a low threshold of evidence. But actually arresting somebody and putting them in custody requires a much higher level of proof, which is probable cause. In the immigration context, to apprehend and detain someone for a long time, they’d need to have more than a reasonable suspicion, meaning much greater evidence indicating that the person is in the country unlawfully. So, for them to state and restate again and again that they’re basing their arrests on reasonable suspicion is like a failing answer on the bar exam. And they’re doing that continually, despite the court calling them out for it.

    It is also important to note that D.H.S. has authorized ICE agents to enter homes without a judicial warrant. To me, these two policies are putting ICE operations on the road to a very different form of legal system than the one we’re used to. They’re breaking rules.

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    Isaac Chotiner

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  • A Theology of Immigration

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    When I was working with refugees in Lebanon and Turkey and the Iraqi crisis, Rwanda, other places—you know, when everything’s taken away from you, God is all you have left. So we need a way to speak about who God is and who we are before God, and I think theology gives us a way of doing that.

    I’ve noticed something similar in debates around homelessness and immigration: the church does enormous amounts of work on the ground, but theological questions seem to have been pushed out of the broader public discourse.

    I did my graduate work at Berkeley, so when I was in California, I can remember one day I woke up and, literally, on the other side of the bed where I slept, outside the window, was a homeless person. And for me that began a long journey of trying to understand theology from the other side of the wall—not just from the perspective of a library or a room but from the streets and from the people who are living on the edge.

    What you see in the church’s teachings called the seamless garment of life runs through homelessness, runs through immigration, runs through the elderly, runs through all other life issues. When I spend time speaking to migrants at borders around the world, I often ask them, What is it that you would want people to hear? Or if you could preach on Sunday, what would you want people to know? And often it’s about dignity. It’s about saying, We’re human beings here, and you’re treating us like we’re dogs.

    The issue is these people have become nonpersons. I mean, they’re just not even seen. And I think part of the work of the church is saying, Actually, these people belong in a human community, and they belong to be seen, and therefore they belong in the discourse as well.

    You make this core argument that all people are created in the image of God, Imago Dei. That’s something that many people would say they believe. But when you see the news right now, the horrific videos coming out, the responses to them—do you feel that idea is in crisis?

    What we’ve also included in that understanding is that in the fall, we lost the likeness, but we never lose the image. There’s a deep core within us that’s indestructible—our worth and our value before God.

    One of the things I often say is that if we can’t see in the immigrant or in the homeless or in people who are considered different from us something of ourselves, we’ve lost touch with our humanity. So I think that’s what’s at stake. We’ve deported our own soul, if we’ve really lost touch with our own humanity.

    You argue that every person should have everything necessary for living a truly human life. What does that look like in practice if it’s not simply open borders?

    The church recognizes that nations have the right to control their borders, but it’s not an absolute right. It’s subjugated to a larger sense of what’s called the universal destination of all goods. And what does the church mean by that? In practice, that everything belongs to God, and when we die, we’re gonna have to give up everything anyway. So there’s a way in which we’re, at best, stewards in this life, not owners of anything in an absolute way. And even our nationalities and our national identities have only a relative importance in light of a larger vision of what the kingdom of God is about.

    The question is, what’s the narrative that shapes our consciousness on this? If the narrative is, This is my stuff, this is my country, this is where I belong, this is what I own, and I have to defend it and protect it—that’s one way of understanding it. But if the narrative is, Everything I have is a gift, and when I die, I’m going to give everything up, that I’m a steward and not an owner, and I can be judged by how I use what I’ve been given—that’s a different way of inhabiting the world. If the narrative is about how do we move closer to communion with God, and in closer connection with each other, with a life and a faith that does justice, in terms of caring for one another, that’s a very different way of inhabiting the world.

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    Jay Caspian Kang

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  • What We Expect Athletes to Say Now

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    Just a few years ago, what athletes had to say about social issues reverberated beyond sports. Under some pressure—not only from events of the day but, it appeared, from the dominant culture—athletes were talking more and more about using their “platform” to fight injustice. Until this month, the last time a game had been postponed for reasons that intersected so directly with politics was in 2020, inside the N.B.A.’s bubble during the coronavirus pandemic, when members of the Milwaukee Bucks led a wildcat strike to protest police violence. That interruption had felt bold and clarifying—an extraordinary disruption of ordinary rituals, which seemed certain to have some effect. But that didn’t turn out to be the case. If anything changed, it was the perceived risk in making, and not making, political statements.

    These days, many athletes are slower to talk about politics, and leagues are more circumspect. Social media, it turns out, does not represent the views of the larger public, and it has become increasingly toxic. The platforms are mostly for performance. Even many progressives now seem to feel that professional athletes—who tend to be young, devote themselves single-mindedly to their sports, and as a rule loathe public distractions—don’t have any special authority or obligation to weigh in on world events. Anthony Edwards is a charismatic, hyper-talented basketball player who once posted a blatantly homophobic video on Instagram. He has been accused of pressuring a woman he impregnated to get an abortion. (In a subsequent statement, Edwards said, “I made comments in the heat of a moment that are not me, and are not aligned with what I believe and who I want to be as a man.”) He is not the person to look to for civic leadership or a discussion of federal policies.

    In some sense, athletes are freer to say what they really think—though, given the current government and corporate climate, there may be real costs to saying what’s on their minds. There are basketball players who spoke out about the killings in Minneapolis. Victor Wembanyama gave a passionate answer about how horrified he was by the news. Tyrese Haliburton plainly labelled Pretti’s death a murder. Larry Nance, Jr., wore an anti-ICE T-shirt, and the Players Association put out a statement in defense of civil liberties. Breanna Stewart carried an “Abolish ICE” sign during player introductions before an Unrivaled game (and many other women’s basketball players, as usual, waded more directly into political matters than their male counterparts did). But these were exceptions. The N.B.A. was silent, and so were many of its stars. At the end of last week, LeBron James, who once took a lead among athletes in decrying injustice, spoke out for the first time, sort of: he posted a new song by Bruce Springsteen, called “Streets of Minneapolis,” on Instagram. Despite his huge following, and however he feels, whether he denounces the actions of ICE or not probably makes little practical difference on the streets of Minneapolis. James knows, like the rest of us, that Donald Trump made it back to the White House even after James labelled him a clown.

    None of this means, of course, that the players and staff weren’t affected by what was happening in their city. On Sunday, Minnesota’s head coach, Chris Finch, talked about how heartbroken the team was, and said he was glad that they hadn’t played on the night of Pretti’s death. The N.B.A. did not present the postponement of the game as an act of protest; the league said it was done “to prioritize the security and safety of the Minnesota community.” Either way, Finch said, “playing basketball just didn’t feel like the right thing to do.” Sports seemed beside the point.

    In times of turmoil, what is the point of sports? I know plenty of people who would say there’s none—that professional sports are a bloated form of entertainment, a waste of time. An excuse to eat nachos and gamble. Are they merely an escape? Maybe. People want distractions from bad news. They want rituals. They want an occasion to drink beer and argue with strangers and friends. They want the reassuring rhythms of a long baseball season. They want examples of excellence. Some of them even want to watch the New York Jets. Of course, they don’t necessarily think about these things in terms of wanting. They don’t need sports to have a point. They care because they cared when they were young.

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    Louisa Thomas

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  • What ICE Should Have Learned from the Fugitive Slave Act

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    During the tumultuous period that preceded the Civil War, the United States passed a series of bills that came to be collectively known as the Compromise of 1850. The Compromise allowed for California’s entry into the Union as a free state, and outlawed the slave trade (but not slavery itself) in the District of Columbia. The most controversial element of the legislation, however, was the Fugitive Slave Act. Article IV of the Constitution already required that an enslaved person who escaped into a free state be returned to bondage, but the 1850 law created a federal bureaucracy to facilitate it. As the historian Andrew Delbanco notes in his book “The War Before the War,” a history of the national conflict over fugitive slaves, the Compromise “was meant to be a remedy and a salve, but it turned out to be an incendiary event that lit the fuse that led to civil war.”

    The law was heavily weighted, in that it offered a fee of ten dollars to magistrates who ruled that an individual should be returned to slavery, but only five to those who ruled that the person should remain free. Even more controversially, it charged federal commissioners with enforcing the law, and they worked with loosely regulated agents, who made it their own business to track down fugitives and return them to slavery. These so-deemed slave catchers had a long reputation for conducting rogue operations. As Delbanco notes, “Even free black people in the North—including those who had never been enslaved—found their lives infused with the terror of being seized and deported on the pretext that they had once belonged to someone in the South.” Given that as many as a hundred thousand people escaped slavery and found refuge in free states in the nineteenth century, fugitives represented a population residing illegally within largely sympathetic communities—a fact that incensed hard-liners on the slavery issue. Seeking a middle ground, Senator Henry Clay, of Kentucky, who introduced the Compromise, imagined that the law would placate irate Southerners who fumed at the monetary losses that escaped slaves represented, but few lawmakers foresaw the impact that it would have in the North.

    Even in the free states, attitudes toward slavery were complicated. A raft of economic, social, and religious dynamics had resulted in the abolition or prohibition of slavery, but that did not automatically mean that the entire population favored racial equality or abolition in general. (When Northern states began abolishing slavery after the American Revolution, many slaveholders opted to sell their chattel to buyers in the South rather than manumit them.) At the same time, the Fugitive Slave Act replaced the more complicated questions about the institution with a single, less complicated one: Were Northerners prepared to watch their neighbors, many of whom had lived in their communities for years, be violently removed from their homes or grabbed off the streets? For many, the answer was no.

    Attempted enforcement of the law met with immediate resistance. In 1851, an armed mob surrounded a group of agents led by a slaveholder, Edward Gorsuch, in Christiana, Pennsylvania, who were attempting to return four fugitives to his farm, in Maryland; Gorsuch was shot and killed. The four, along with others who participated in the standoff, escaped, and some reached Canada with the assistance of Frederick Douglass. In Syracuse, New York, Oberlin, Ohio, and other cities, crowds swarmed jails where captured fugitives were held in other successful efforts to free them, at the risk of their own prosecution. (In 1854, fifty thousand people filled the streets of Boston, a center of abolitionist resistance, to protest against returning Anthony Burns, a Black man who had escaped from slavery in Virginia, to that state. (When that effort failed, a group privately purchased Burns’s freedom and facilitated his return to Massachusetts.)

    The significance of this history is twofold. The Fugitive Slave Act was rhetorically useful for a certain element of the political class, but for most people it took an issue that they may have felt ambivalent about—or hadn’t much thought about at all—and gave them a direct, visceral reason to feel very strongly about it. Slavery might have been an abstract national concern, but the fate of a neighbor, whom people may have depended upon as a part of their community, was very much a personal one. Something akin to that reaction is occurring in communities across the U.S. now, as social-media feeds fill with images of children being harassed by ICE agents as they leave school and of a five-year-old boy being detained, and of adults being shoved to the ground and pepper-sprayed or pulled from their cars after agents smash the windows. The Fugitive Slave Act is remembered by historians for its ironic effect: designed as a means of cooling the simmering regional tensions over slavery, the law effectively made it the most contentious issue facing the nation. It pushed Americans toward the realization that the nation was bound in what William Seward later termed an “irrepressible conflict.”

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    Jelani Cobb

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  • Operation Trump Rehab

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    The politics today, I’m sorry to say, do not so far reflect a world in which Trump’s authoritarian overreach in Minneapolis has irrevocably poisoned his Presidency. It’s true that he is a deeply unpopular leader, and that immigration, previously a political advantage for Trump and his party, is now a clear liability. Independents, minority voters, young voters—they are all fleeing in droves from a President whom many of them helped elect a little more than a year ago. And yet, despite the tenor of much political commentary right now, the bottom has not yet fallen out of his Presidency. And maybe it never will. According to CNN’s polling average, Trump’s approval rating is currently thirty-nine per cent and his disapproval rating is fifty-nine per cent, almost exactly what they were in December, before Pretti and Good were killed. This is the case in other surveys as well. A new Fox News poll out this week, for example, had Trump’s approval at forty-four per cent and his disapproval at fifty-six per cent—also unchanged since December.

    The point is that Trump’s numbers are bad, but they have been consistently bad, through years of ups and downs and scandals that would have destroyed the careers of any other politician of our lifetime. Americans, by and large, think what they think about Trump, and that’s why history strongly suggests that he can and will muscle his way through this controversy, too. Years from now, long after Trump has forgotten what actually happened in Operation Metro Surge, as his Administration calls the unprecedented surge of immigration agents in Minnesota, will you be shocked if he’s bragging about how he sent in the Feds to knock heads in Minneapolis and what a great job they did cleaning up the place?

    There is a Trump playbook for a moment such as this. He’s run it many times before: distraction, disinformation, denial, delay. He’s following it almost to the letter once again. So, before you buy into the idea that the President has been pushed into what Politico on Thursday morning called a “stunning reverse-gear on immigration,” spend a few minutes considering what he and his advisers have actually done and said since Pretti was shot and killed on Saturday.

    For starters, Trump himself has stated that he is not pulling back from Minnesota—just making “a little bit of a change” in personnel, by removing the thuggish commander Greg Bovino from the state—and that he neither wants nor needs any restrictions on his national immigration crackdown. “Guardrails would hurt us,” he told Fox News on Tuesday. Despite days of uproar, including from some Republicans, Trump has also stood by the architects of his policy—his deputy chief of staff Stephen Miller and the embattled Homeland Security Secretary, Kristi Noem. Not only has he not fired Noem but, after two Republican senators demanded that he do so, the President called them “losers.” In Minnesota, there is not yet a clear sign of any withdrawal of federal agents, though Homan has floated the possibility of a “redeployment” if state and local officials coöperate with his demands. It’s the tone that’s shifted so far, not the policy. I’m sure they’re breathing sighs of relief in the White House, now that words like “calming” and “de-escalation” are being thrown about in press coverage.

    Trump himself has reverted to his favorite role: distractor-in-chief. At a Cabinet meeting on Thursday, it was as if Minnesota did not exist. Instead, Trump talked about Putin, about Venezuela, about Iran, about housing policy and drug prices and why he had the best first year in the history of the American Presidency. Anything but the topic that has consumed the country—and cratered the Administration’s poll numbers on its most reliable issue—throughout this cold, sad week.

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    Susan B. Glasser

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  • The Battle for Minneapolis

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    “Is that the one we were following before?” Sam asked.

    “No, that was an Expedition. This is a Suburban,” John, who was driving, replied. He took out a pair of binoculars and looked at the license plate, which was out of state.

    “Oh, yeah, this is the intimidator guy,” he said, without elaboration.

    A license-plate check with other observers in their chat confirmed that the car was a known ICE vehicle. Maintaining about a block of distance between them, John and Sam began following the S.U.V. (The A.C.L.U. has said that following law enforcement vehicles at a safe distance is legal as long as active operations aren’t obstructed and traffic laws are obeyed.) The Suburban’s driver soon became cognizant that he was being followed, and a game of cat and mouse began. At one point, the S.U.V. made a U-turn and drove past us. The driver, who wore glasses and no mask, gave a little wave.

    “That was the first unmasked one I’ve seen,” John said.

    Later, after temporarily parting ways with the S.U.V., the observers met it at a right angle at an intersection. John reversed, backing up and then stopping along the side of the street to avoid the impression that he was seeking an active confrontation. The S.U.V. turned into the oncoming traffic lane so that it now directly blocked us. For a minute, nothing happened. Then the S.U.V. pulled up alongside us, and its passengers rolled down their windows. This time they wore face coverings. In the back seat, one of the men held his phone camera out. (ICE uses facial-recognition technology to identify people.) The driver of the S.U.V. made a pointing gesture at John, then drove on.

    “It probably already was, but now your car is, like, completely made,” Sam said.

    “I’ve had them film it so many times,” John said.

    They decided not to continue following the S.U.V.

    The volunteer observation system has the flaws common to any vigilante system. Observers can get overzealous, and have misidentified ordinary people as federal agents. But John and Sam clearly felt that, without their observation, nobody would be holding ICE accountable. Local law-enforcement agencies, for the most part, have not intervened in ICE actions.

    “We have a paramilitary force in our city acting beyond the Constitution consistently,” Sam said. “Clearly, they are just racially profiling people straight up, right? Complete violations of the Fourth Amendment, everywhere.”

    “I just worry, like, what does it get us? I agree with you, but how do you enforce the Constitution?” John said.

    They sat for a minute.

    “You drive around,” John said.

    “You drive around the neighborhood with a friend and make the best decisions you can,” Sam agreed.

    Some restaurants in Minneapolis now keep their doors locked. The owners of a small neighborhood restaurant in South Minneapolis, a married couple who asked to stay anonymous because they feared retribution from the government, told me that they have started driving their nonwhite employees to and from work to try to protect them. (They submitted the necessary I-9 forms to the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services for all of their employees on hiring, they said, although the wife added, “We’re not document experts.”) When I met the couple at their restaurant one morning before lunch service, they both started to cry. The husband, who is a person of color, described how he now carries his passport card with him at all times, as does their son; the wife, who is white, feels less threatened. They listed several restaurants in the area that have made the decision to close, either to protect their staff or because their workers were too afraid to come in.

    “It feels like there’s a really broad swath of people that they are going after that has less to do with their, like, actual status and more to do with just vibes—you know, do you have an accent? What color is your skin? Are you going to culturally relevant grocery stores or restaurants or churches?” Athena Hollins, a state representative from a district in St. Paul, told me. “That’s reflected across the Twin Cities, because we’ve had so many people who have been detained who are U.S. citizens.”

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    Emily Witt

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  • A D.H.S. Shooting Puts Portland Back Under the Microscope

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    Word in Hazelwood spread quickly. When Andrea Valderrama, who represents Outer East Portland in the Oregon State Legislature and lives in the neighborhood, saw her elementary-school-aged daughter an hour later, she was horrified to learn that her child was already aware of an incident. “It was not the standard, ‘How was your day at school?’ conversation,” Valderrama told me. “It was an indication, as a mom, of the impact these ICE enforcement actions are having on our kiddos.”

    The district Valderrama represents is forty-eight per cent nonwhite, and seventeen per cent identify as Hispanic, including Valderrama, whose parents are Peruvian. “East Portland has a significant number of immigrants, refugees, and families of color,” she said, “more so than other parts of the city.” The community had been besieged by D.H.S. raids since Trump retook office. Valderrama described “ICE agents breaking down doors” and “causing property damage, drawing guns regularly.” This has affected the disposition of the neighborhood. “There has been increased fear and concern because there’s been an increased use of excessive force and violence and traumatic separation of families,” she told me.

    Now, just a day after the fatal shooting of Good, in Minneapolis, two people had been shot down the street from Valderrama’s home. That night, she joined Mayor Wilson and other community leaders to address the public. “My family came to this country fleeing really the same type of violent tactics that we’re seeing in my neighborhood and in this city and across this country,” Valderrama said from the podium. The mayor, after questioning D.H.S’s version of events, had a message for the Feds. “We are calling on ICE to halt all operations in Portland,” he said, “until a full and independent investigation can take place.”

    Nearly all the questions at the press conference were for Bob Day, Portland’s chief of police. A ginger-haired former aspiring pastor, Day seemed visibly troubled by the shooting. Did he expect the Feds to involve his department in the investigation? “I’m not exactly sure,” he said. “Frankly, there’s a lot of competing interests, as we know.” Just before the briefing, D.H.S. alleged the two shooting victims had ties to Tren de Aragua, a Venezuelan transnational organization accused of crimes including kidnapping, human trafficking, and contract killings. Is the gang active in Portland? “I don’t have any information that would link that at this time,” Day said. He didn’t even know the victims’ names yet.

    Throughout the night and into the next morning, the story ran through the maw of cable news and social media, following the same patterns as the story of Good’s killing earlier in the week. Observers were either on the side of the shooting victims, who were recovering in the hospital, or on the side of the federal agents, who had reportedly been assaulted with a vehicle. Except in this case, with no video footage, the online and talk-show combatants had less to draw from.

    On Friday, just before 8 A.M. local time, D.H.S. announced new details on X, writing that Nino-Moncada “is a criminal illegal alien from Venezuela and suspected Tren de Aragua gang member” and was “arrested for D.U.I. and unauthorized use of a vehicle.” The post also accused Zambrano-Contreras of playing “an active role in a Tren de Aragua prostitution ring” and being “involved with a prior shooting in Portland.”

    Hours later, Day held another press conference. Standing at the same podium, he was even more solemn than before. He recapped the events of the prior night, when hundreds of people outside City Hall and outside the ICE facility protested the shootings in Portland and Minneapolis. Six people had been arrested for disorderly conduct. And he announced that, after doing some digging into the department’s backlog of cases, there was “a nexus” between the shooting victims and Tren de Aragua. A shooting in the area, in July, 2025, had ties to one of the victims, he said. But he couldn’t say which victim, Nino-Moncada or Zambrano-Contreras, was connected to the prior shooting, or what exactly those ties were, although he noted that they were not identified as suspects. He could only say that, in the aftermath of the July shooting, a victim in that incident had told police that Tren de Aragua was involved. (An attorney for Nino-Moncada characterized accusations of his connection to Tren de Aragua as “without evidence,” while an attorney for Zambrano-Contreras said that the federal government “has a well-documented history of making false and inflammatory statements about immigrants, Venezuelans in particular.”) Day also said that Zambrano-Contreras had once been arrested for prostitution. (It was unclear if she was charged with a crime, or if Nino-Moncada was charged after his D.U.I. arrest. But earlier this week, Nino-Moncada was charged with aggravated assault of a federal officer, in connection with the Border Patrol shooting. He pleaded not guilty.)

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    James Ross Gardner

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  • The Minnesota War Zone Is Trump’s Most Trumpian Accomplishment

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    The President and his advisers have called those opposing them in Minnesota radical lunatics, domestic terrorists, and outright insurrectionists. Do they expect us to have already forgotten that, on Trump’s first day back in the White House, he pardoned more than a thousand actual insurrectionists who violently stormed the U.S. Capitol on his behalf, in a vain effort to block his 2020 electoral defeat? On Tuesday, barely an hour after urging demonstrators in Tehran to “KEEP PROTESTING – TAKE OVER YOUR INSTITUTIONS!,” Trump issued a call for retribution against the “anarchists and professional agitators” protesting him in Minnesota. By Wednesday, he’d walked back his pledge of assistance to the protesters in Iran. “Help is on its way,” he’d said. But it wasn’t. The violent confrontation that Trump craves most is the war at home, against the enemy within.

    It’s not his only goal, though. Trump himself has told us another: “RETRIBUTION.” I know it doesn’t make any sense; it’s hard to see why the President would bear a grudge against an entire state. But grievances drive Trump, and he has one against Minnesota. “I feel that I won Minnesota. I think I won it all three times,” he said last week. “I won it all three times, in my opinion, and it’s a corrupt state—a corrupt voting state.” The fact that these claims are ridiculous—Trump never even won as much as a full forty-seven per cent of the vote there, in any of the three Presidential elections in which he ran—does not make this any less of a grave threat. Is the President capable of exacting revenge over a lie? Of course he is.

    Late last year, Reuters documented at least four hundred and seventy targets of retribution whom Trump has singled out since returning to office. Nearly a hundred prosecutors and F.B.I. agents have been fired or forced out for working on cases against Trump or his allies, or because they were alleged to be too woke. Roughly fifty people, businesses, or other entities have been threatened with investigations or penalties for opposing Trump. The White House itself has directly issued at least thirty-six orders, decrees, and directives targeting at least a hundred specific individuals and entities with punitive actions. More than a hundred security clearances have been revoked from those on his enemies list. And all that was only by the end of November.

    A year ago, there were still those who believed—or at least hoped—that Trump’s explicitly stated vow of a second-term Presidency focussed on revenge and retribution was just more bluster. How wrong they were.

    In a speech on Wednesday night, Minnesota’s governor, Tim Walz, argued that what is happening in his state right now is “a campaign of organized brutality against the people of Minnesota by our own federal government.” The state has sued to stop it, but a federal judge has not yet granted an injunction, and legal experts are skeptical that the case will succeed. In the meantime, Walz described a situation that is both dystopian and almost without modern precedent:

    Armed, masked, undertrained ICE agents are going door to door, ordering people to point out where their neighbors of color live. They’re pulling over people indiscriminately, including U.S. citizens, and demanding to see their papers. And at grocery stores, at bus stops, even at schools, they’re breaking windows, dragging pregnant women down the street, just plain grabbing Minnesotans and shoving them into unmarked vans, kidnapping innocent people with no warning and no due process.

    Listening to this tragic accounting, I found it hard not to think of all the dark fantasies about America that Trump has trafficked in over the years. Next Tuesday will mark one year since he returned to office. Trump may have started out by trash-talking America; now he is simply trashing it. Minnesota is his legacy. It is American carnage made real. ♦

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    Susan B. Glasser

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  • What Comes After the Protests

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    But many Minnesotans might also no longer be sure if protests today will lead to change. If this is the case, their hesitancy is likely shared by many of their fellow-Americans who, in the past year, have dutifully shown up to large-scale marches around the country, such as “No Kings” day, but who do not appear to expect anything more from these mass gatherings than an opportunity to vent and to feel camaraderie and kinship.

    The truth is that, thanks to the two-party system, relative economic comfort, and basic stability, many of us in America do not have much in the way of political imagination. Nostalgia certainly plays a role in our limited view—we are always re-creating the marches we learned about in history class—but it’s increasingly clear that the internet and social media also have a diluting effect on dissent, creating the illusion of strength through volume while somehow watering down everything in the process. We can tweet, go protest, and vote. That’s about it.

    During the past fifteen or so years, we have seen a handful of revolutions-that-weren’t, from the Arab Spring to the summer of George Floyd to the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong. Today, we are watching yet another insurrectionary moment in the streets of Iran. The ceding of nearly all communication to the internet might be generating a pattern of online flareups followed by enormous, stirring street protests. What remains unclear, as chronicled by Vincent Bevins in his excellent book “If We Burn: The Mass Protest Decade and the Missing Revolution,” is what happens after the streets empty and people go back to their phones. Bevins, who published the book in 2023, argued that what we have seen so far, at least, is that the protests fail to achieve much in terms of material or political goals and are followed by periods of intense backlash and repression.

    Before Good was killed in Minneapolis, I was already thinking about Bevins’s book, as the sabres rattled after the capture of the Venezuelan President, Nicolás Maduro. The Trump Administration, through some cockeyed revision of the Monroe Doctrine, seems eager to stake a claim to the entire Western Hemisphere. After Maduro’s capture, the Trump War Room account on X posted a cartoon of the President straddling North and South America with a big stick reading “Donroe Doctrine” in his hand. A litany of possible military targets emerged throughout the week, communicated via leaks, press conferences, and statements from the Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, and from Donald Trump himself. Greenland, Colombia, and Cuba have all been named as places that should be on high alert for some measure of American military expedition. (Mexico’s President, Claudia Sheinbaum, said this week that, after speaking with Trump, the U.S. would not be invading her country.) A year ago, the invasion of Greenland felt like a joke, or, at worst, a sign of Trump’s deteriorating grip on reality. Today, it seems inevitable that America will seize Greenland from Denmark and will then turn its eye back to Central and South America. Congress appears utterly incapable of restraining the Administration’s adventurism, and condemnation from foreign leaders seems only to add new names to the list of America’s enemies.

    The public, according to polls, does not support the President’s expansionism. Only a third of respondents in a recent poll approved of the operation to capture Maduro; around nine in ten said that the Venezuelan people, not the United States, should control who governs them. On a broader level, Trump and Rubio’s imperialist aims cut against the priorities of the vast majority of their constituents: only twenty-seven per cent of respondents polled in September wanted the U.S. to take a “more active role” to “solve the world’s problems.” Readers of this column know that I’m skeptical of opinion polling—except when results are more or less uniform and conform to a coherent picture of the electorate. In this case, a country that endured seemingly unending wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and that has watched the wars in Ukraine and Gaza extract incalculable humanitarian and financial tolls might be wary of military interventionism.

    ICE is not popular, either. A few hours before Good was killed, YouGov released a poll showing that only thirty-nine per cent of Americans approved of how the agency was doing its job. Regardless of what you think about the laws concerning justifiable force—which, in any case, have been muddied by ICE’s wanton disregard for due process and for normal law-enforcement procedures—there was no reason for an agent to fire multiple times into a car that was travelling at a modest speed and seemed to be trying to move out of the agents’ way. The attempt by Kristi Noem, the head of the Department of Homeland Security, to smear Good as a “domestic terrorist” has only fuelled public indignation. Lies will not convince Americans who watched an ordinary person get executed by a panicked federal agent in a mask. Even those who believe that Good should not have been impeding law enforcement are unlikely to support what Noem seemed to be doing, which was celebrating the death of a supposed terrorist.

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    Jay Caspian Kang

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  • An ICE Killing Puts Minneapolis on the Brink

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    Five years ago, a Minneapolis police officer, Derek Chauvin, killed a man named George Floyd. The Twin Cities, then the rest of the country, exploded in Black Lives Matter protests: daily marches, traffic blockades, calls to defund the police, and public destruction that matched the turmoil so many Americans were experiencing. In response to the burning of a police precinct, the governor of Minnesota, Tim Walz, called up more than seven thousand National Guard troops and airmen to enforce a curfew. For protestors, there was a blurring of the local and federal; all officers inspired fear.

    One arm of the federal government, though, was later welcomed. In 2021, the Civil Rights Division of the U.S. Department of Justice—the standard-bearer in anti-discrimination enforcement—opened a “pattern and practice” investigation into the use of force by the Minneapolis Police Department. Before Floyd, there had been other victims whose names weren’t shouted in the streets.

    The Justice Department found that the M.P.D. had used excessive force, especially against protesters, Black people, Native Americans, and people with disabilities. Minneapolis has since banned choke holds and no-knock warrants. The current police chief, Brian O’Hara, has a reputation for fair-mindedness. Problems with local law enforcement persisted, but officers knew that they were being watched—by the people and by the federal government.

    For the past few months, federal officials have again been all over Minneapolis. As part of the Trump Administration’s mission to detain and deport a historic number of immigrants, more than two thousand officers with the Department of Homeland Security have swarmed Minnesota’s Twin Cities—St. Paul and Minneapolis, both sanctuary jurisdictions—and their suburbs. Masked, uniformed personnel from Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Border Patrol, and D.H.S. police have arrested hundreds of non-citizens at bus stops, homes, even a library. Agents have asked neighbors to become informants. In subzero temperatures last month, D.H.S. engaged in an hours-long standoff with two men who were atop a partially constructed suburban roof. (ICE said that the men fled from a car “to evade arrest.”)

    These operations have targeted Latino and, notably, Somali communities. Minnesota, which has a long Lutheran-inspired history of refugee resettlement, is home to more than a hundred thousand people of Somali descent, nearly all of whom are U.S. citizens. Recently, Trump referred to Somali people, including Ilhan Omar, who represents Minnesota in the U.S. House of Representatives, as “garbage.” The Administration has leveraged a series of social-services fraud schemes, allegedly perpetrated by some Somalis (among others) in Minnesota, as a reason to go “DOOR TO DOOR.”

    Earlier this week, Kristi Noem, the Secretary of Homeland Security, joined her agents in Minneapolis. She later posted video of the ride-along: she wears a tactical vest and strides past an armored vehicle, in a file of men outfitted for war, up the stairs of an apartment building. They surround and apprehend an unarmed man whom they describe, on X, as an “Ecuadorian illegal alien convicted of robbery and WANTED for MURDER and SEXUAL ASSAULT.” The next day, an ICE officer, identified in press reports as Jonathan Ross, shot and killed Renee Nicole Good—a white U.S. citizen, poet, and mother of three—in the same area of South Minneapolis where Floyd was murdered. Good was at the wheel of her S.U.V., on a snowy street of large houses and evergreen trees, where ICE was conducting a raid. (It’s unclear whether Good was there as an activist, with a local rapid-response network, or just passing through.) Bystander videos showed an officer grabbing at the door of Good’s vehicle, then Good trying to steer away. Ross walked toward her windshield and shot her multiple times. Trump and Noem have justified his actions as self-defense. The Vice-President, J. D. Vance, accused Good of “trying to ram this guy with her car.” The way the media was reporting the story was an “absolute disgrace,” he added.

    I went to a vigil for Good that night. What looked to be a few thousand people crowded into the neighborhood where she was killed. The ground was slushy with snow. One of the speakers, standing near a ring of tea candles and flowers, condemned Good’s death as a “modern-day lynching.” She blamed Trump for sending outsiders—ICE officers—“into our city, where we live, to criminalize us.” A community organizer who went by S.B. told me, “The fear has been daily since ICE has been in the streets.”

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    E. Tammy Kim

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  • J. B. Pritzker Sounds the Alarm

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    As the Illinois governor, J. B. Pritzker, begins a run for a third term and contemplates a campaign for President in 2028, he has fashioned himself as a pugnacious spokesman for the resistance to Donald Trump and the sweeping raids by government agents who are carrying out the Administration’s mass-deportation policy. He has called the President “the modern embodiment of tyranny” in jibes that have made him a target of Trump and his lieutenants, who have said that he should be thrown in jail. His response: “Come and get me.”

    Pritzker has confidence in his ability to deal with the onslaught. When I interviewed him a few weeks into the COVID pandemic, he was struggling to get help from the Trump Administration and feeling frustrated with the White House response. I pointed out that he was still pretty new to the business of governing. “I think I was built for this,” he replied. “I have been through crises and I have managed crises. I don’t get flustered.” One of those crises was the death of his father, when Pritzker was seven; another was the death of his mother, after years of severe alcoholism, when he was seventeen. Raised in a wealthy household, he is now a billionaire several times over. He spent most of his career devoted to investing before winning public office. He once reflected that grief “never stops stealing a piece of your joy in the moments when you deserve to be happiest.”

    When Pritzker lambastes ICE and Border Patrol officers moving with impunity through Chicago and its suburbs, arresting more than three thousand people, at last count, he speaks not just of his outrage at the tactics but of the pain and fear felt by individuals, families, and communities. In a detailed and forceful ruling on Thursday, the U.S. District Judge Sara Ellis said that the use of force by federal agents in Chicago “shocks the conscience.” Earlier in the week, a different federal judge called conditions in an ICE detention facility near Chicago “unnecessarily cruel.”

    As Trump’s camo-wearing agents intensified their raids last week, hauling more into detention, I spoke with Pritzker in a farmhouse dining room in downstate Illinois for The New Yorker Radio Hour. He had just filed paperwork to run for another term in 2026, and he spoke of his worries that the Trump Administration will try to steal the midterm elections. We talked about what he is seeing on the streets of Chicago, what he thinks everyone should do to “stop tyranny,” and whether he is prepared to be arrested on the orders of the President of the United States. Our conversation has been edited for clarity and length.

    What has been going on in these weeks since federal agents have shown up in Chicago, have shown up in the suburbs? What are you seeing, what are you hearing?

    I appreciate your recognizing that it isn’t just the city of Chicago that’s been invaded by ICE and by the Customs and Border Patrol, because they’ve also been in the suburbs and downstate—Urbana, for example. So, this is happening in more than just the city of Chicago.

    It has been a very trying time for the people of Illinois as a result of Donald Trump’s desire to cause mayhem on the ground, so that he can bring in National Guard or military troops into American cities. They’re trying to do it in Portland; already did it in Los Angeles and in Washington, D.C.; and are now talking about Memphis, New Orleans, and other places. But they seem to be trying out everything new in Chicago.

    We’ve seen C.B.P. and ICE agents dropping tear gas in communities where people are just standing on the sidewalk holding signs and protesting outside of an ICE facility—many people are yelling whatever it is they want to yell, they’re holding up signs, but they’re not doing anything illegal. And yet we’ve seen pepper pellets fired at people in the crowds, we’ve seen rubber bullets fired at people. And they’re getting hurt, injured. Then the ICE officials claim that, Oh, they were attacked somehow.

    But we have video. I’ve told all Chicago residents that if they have a phone in their pocket that has the capability of gathering video, they should turn on their phone and film everything. Because I think it’s a bit of a deterrent. If ICE knows that they’re being filmed, they might not perpetrate the kinds of activities that they are now, which are so offensive and illegal in many cases. And we are also capturing evidence so that we can take them to court, so that later, when perhaps there’ll be a Congress that might hold them accountable, we could actually do something to push back. Right now, they have federal immunity. It’s quite difficult for a state to hold people accountable because of that federal immunity.

    And, so far, the federal courts are helping us. I’ve been very pleased with that. We’ve got people who know their rights on the ground, so people are not getting dragged away if they stay in their own homes. ICE is not allowed to burst in your door and take you away if all they have is a detainer and not a judicial warrant.

    You’ve called it an invasion, and you’ve said that some of what they’re doing is illegal. You’ve referred to racial profiling. You’ve said that it is unconstitutional. In what ways is it those things? In which ways do you see it that way?

    Well, racial profiling is unconstitutional. You cannot do what they are currently doing. You’re not supposed to be allowed to do it. It is unconstitutional to just look at somebody and say, “Oh, they’re brown-skinned or black-skinned, and therefore we are now going to detain them or tackle them or throw them in the back of a car, and take them away and disappear them.”

    And that is what’s happening. And it’s happening to U.S. citizens, just to remind everybody. They’re not grabbing people that they know to be undocumented. They’re just looking at somebody and assuming that because you’re brown-skinned, there’s some likelihood that you might be undocumented. And they’re grabbing these people, they’re harassing them, they’re abusing them. And then later, after a couple of hours of being detained, they’re let go, oh, because they’re a U.S. citizen.

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    Peter Slevin

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  • Portland Prepares for Invasion

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    In early October, Keith Wilson, the mayor of Portland, Oregon, visited 4310 South Macadam Avenue, an address that has thrust his city back into the national spotlight—and into the crosshairs of President Donald Trump. Since June, this site, the local headquarters for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), had been the focus of daily protests, with activists rallying against the Trump Administration’s immigration policies, often clashing with MAGA counter-protesters. Although the demonstrations were colorful—a carnivalesque atmosphere, with people wearing inflatable frog suits and other costumes—the ICE facility itself, a former data-processing center for a regional bank, with boarded-up windows, was about as incognito as the masked, armed federal officers who guarded it from the rooftop.

    To the public, what was going on inside the building largely remained a mystery. No media, beyond Trump-friendly right-wing influencers, had been allowed in. But Wilson was “summoned” to the building, in his words, to meet with Kristi Noem, the Secretary of Homeland Security, who came to town after Trump announced, on Truth Social, that he was authorizing “all necessary Troops to protect War ravaged Portland.” Wilson hoped to persuade Noem that there was no need for federal intervention—that the city had its protests under control. But, after visiting the building, he reached the conclusion that ICE itself lacked any discipline or control. “It’s dishevelled,” he told me, of the conditions inside. “It’s unkempt. It’s disorganized.”

    It was a warm day, around eighty degrees, and the first thing Wilson noticed when he entered the facility was how hot it was inside. “The H.V.A.C. system was broken,” he said. During his visit, he saw overflowing dumpsters. He saw tired, agitated officers. In otherwise empty offices, he saw crowd-control munitions and body armor strewn about. “You can just see they’re making it up as they go,” Wilson, a former C.E.O. of a trucking company, said. “There’s no plan. And, if there’s no plan, you don’t know the objective. Without an objective, you’re just wasting time and money—and they’re wasting time and money.”

    Noem’s visit to Portland didn’t quite go as planned. The apparent purpose of the trip was to bolster the Administration’s case that the city was overrun by left-wing insurrectionists, but, during a rooftop photo op, Noem surveyed the site of the daily protests, presumably the most war-torn part of the city, only to find the street below empty. The Portland police, in accordance with its policy when dignitaries visit the city, had cordoned off the area. A smattering of demonstrators stood on the periphery, including a man in a chicken costume. Another protester blasted the theme from “The Benny Hill Show,” mocking Noem’s visit. In a video circulating online, Noem is expressionless—this probably wasn’t the war zone she’d come to capture. When she met with Wilson, he further shattered the plot, asking her to reconsider sending in troops. “She took issue with that,” he told me. “They’re trying to create a narrative. It’s a falsehood. It’s got no legs.”

    I’d seen this split screen before. When I covered the last wave of high-profile protests in Portland, back in 2020, I discovered that the Trump Administration’s characterization of the situation didn’t always match what was happening on the ground. This time, the contrast appeared even sharper. I arrived in Portland last Monday—the same day that a three-judge panel of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that the White House can federalize the Oregon National Guard to deploy in the city. Residents seemed on edge, the mayor included. Was there a sense of anxiety about potential troops on the streets, I asked Wilson. “Every day,” he said.

    Trump has been preoccupied with Portland since at least 2018, when he publicly scolded then Mayor Ted Wheeler for allowing “an angry mob of violent people” to confront federal agents. In 2020, in the wake of George Floyd’s murder, Trump referred to Black Lives Matter protesters as “radical anarchists” and deployed seven hundred and fifty-five D.H.S. officers to Portland to protect the city’s federal buildings, intensifying nightly clashes between protesters and law enforcement.

    In recent weeks, Trump has reignited his fight with the largest city in Oregon. “I don’t know what could be worse than Portland,” he said in October, during a White House roundtable on the supposed dominance of Antifa in America. “You don’t even have stores anymore.” (There are more than three thousand retail businesses in the city.) “When a store owner rebuilds a store,” he said at a news conference, “they build it out of plywood.” (In four days of driving around the city, I was unable to spot a store constructed of plywood.) “Portland is burning to the ground,” he claimed, on multiple occasions. (I couldn’t find any fires, either.)

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    James Ross Gardner

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  • Inside Donald Trump’s Attack on Immigration Court

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    Today, “I don’t think the immigration-court system is a court system,” a former senior EOIR official and military judge said. “What this Administration wants is a rubber stamp.”

    One humid evening, I went to the home of an immigration judge whom I’ll call K. We sipped iced tea in K.’s dining room, in the company of inch and spider plants and a wandering cat. K. is still employed, but more than a third of K.’s colleagues, across the three immigration courts in San Francisco and nearby Concord, have been fired. The loss was “palpable,” K. told me. “It’s just so demoralizing.”

    The courthouse had always been a stressful place—asylum cases involve testimony on extortion, starvation, war, rape, and child abuse. Now the scaffolding was collapsing. “A lot of attorneys, in addition to respondents, have been in tears,” K. told me. They were seeing their clients arrested; parents were handcuffed and yanked away from their children. In one waiting room, Homeland Security had posted bilingual flyers warning people “to self-deport.” The flyers were illustrated with a photo of Latino men, in gray prison sweats, being dragged toward an ICE van. Not long ago, an interpreter in K.’s courtroom became too distraught to finish a hearing. The interpreter couldn’t reach a family member in Los Angeles, and was worried that he’d been apprehended by ICE.

    “After the courthouse arrests started, the temperature at the court ratcheted up,” K. told me. Masked ICE officers stalked the hallways. Courtrooms emptied out: respondents were too afraid to show up for their appointments. Judges continued to be fired. K. started to carry a taser with a loud alarm. “I’m afraid of being arrested,” K. said. “I’m scared someone will come with an I.E.D. and detonate it.” (A D.H.S. spokesperson told me that ICE is placing certain “illegal aliens in expedited removal, as they always should have been. The average illegal alien gets far more due process than most Americans.”)

    K. told me about an incident, from early July, that seemed to encapsulate the sense of havoc. A man from El Salvador had appeared for a master-calendar hearing at one of the courthouses in San Francisco, on Montgomery Street, to press his claim for asylum. Homeland Security moved to dismiss his case; the judge denied the motion, but ICE arrested the man anyway. Officers led him, in handcuffs, out of the building. A group of protesters tried to wrest the man away, but ICE agents shoved him into a waiting van and shut the door. Protesters clung to the front of the van as it accelerated and fishtailed through a crowded downtown street. One slid off the hood and looked close to being run over. Another hung on a bit longer before being pulled down by ICE. K.’s colleagues watched it all unfold from their office windows.

    This year, a string of sharply worded policy memos arrived from the desk of Sirce Owen, the new acting head of EOIR. “EOIR’s values at the core of its mission are rooted in three ‘I’s’: integrity, impartiality, and the decisional independence of its adjudicators,” she wrote in January. “However, all three of these values have been severely eroded in recent years.” Many judges found such language menacing—and reminiscent of memos issued under the first Trump Administration by James McHenry, then the director of EOIR, and a close friend of Owen’s. During the Biden Presidency, McHenry was relegated to a minor section within the office, where he publicly complained of being the target of “a larger campaign of harassment.” He remained loyal to Trump, who, this year, made him acting Attorney General before Pam Bondi’s confirmation.

    In February, Owen sent a memo telling judges to complete asylum cases within six months—a statutory deadline, but one that was impossible to meet except by denying applications en masse. In April, she urged judges to toss out asylum applications that were “legally deficient” on paper, “without a hearing.” (The first Trump Administration attempted a version of this, but still required judges to bring in respondents for a master-calendar hearing.) In May, EOIR encouraged judges to grant the motions to dismiss filed by Homeland Security. Levine, the former San Francisco judge, saw this as an unprecedented overreach: “a directive on how to rule in a specific motion,” she said. (EOIR later retracted the instruction, citing a lawsuit.) Subsequent memos warned judges not to demonstrate “bias directed against DHS” or to be “adjudicatory outliers,” at risk of “close examination and potential action.” David Kim, a judge in New York, who was fired in September, told me, “When I read that, I thought, I know where this is going.”

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    E. Tammy Kim

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  • The Conflict on the Streets of Chicago

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    There is plenty of antagonism between ICE agents and anti-ICE protesters. But it is hard to conclude that the protesters’ resistance constitutes a rebellion or an insurrection. To many Chicagoans, the warlike atmosphere is the result of the increasing aggression of the federal government. Worthington, among others, has speculated that Trump is looking for a reason to put Chicago in an even tighter vise than it’s already in. “Sometimes I wonder if what the Trump Administration is doing is looking for cities that they know aren’t going to just take it lying down,” he said. “Part of me wonders if they’re not testing out, first, what they can get away with in different places, and, second, how they can provoke and escalate it to a point where we have a serious national crisis on our hands.”

    One day at Broadview, Worthington met Rachel Cohen, a Harvard-trained lawyer who, last March, quit her job at the prestigious firm Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom, just before its leaders cut a deal with the Trump Administration. Since March, Cohen has grown a sizable social-media following for posts that combine organizing rhetoric and legal and political analysis. In her videos, she argues passionately and clearly, with the occasional expletive. In a post about Illinois Attorney General Kwame Raoul’s filing against Trump, to block the deployment of the National Guard, she says, “This complaint is fucking incredible; let’s go through it.” In another, she describes Trump’s legal strategy this way: he “loves to just do whatever the fuck he wants as things are litigated.” Cohen agrees with Worthington that the Trump Administration is looking for a pretext. “ICE has come to Broadview and escalated very intentionally,” she told me. “I’ve been hit directly with pepper pellets. Everyone I know who has been there consistently has had some form of really dramatic brutality against them by ICE agents.”

    Conservatives and liberals alike have criticized certain tactics used by protesters—who, in some cases, have taunted officers, tried to block federal vehicles from exiting the Broadview facility, or chased federal agents in their own vehicles, honking their horns to warn that ICE is present. In an interview on NewsNation, the conservative anchor Leland Vittert asked Cohen, “Just from a political standpoint, do you really think that everybody wearing pink painters masks and trying to throw themselves on police cars and standing out there chanting is gonna help your cause?” (Cohen shot back that his question implied he was fine with federal agents tear-gassing protesters.) An editorial in the Chicago Tribune criticized protesters who have physically prevented ICE agents from doing their jobs, saying, “These militant activists are imperiling the far greater number of peaceful protesters striving mightily to make their voices heard without breaking the law.” Cohen told me, “It seems that many people are really determined to dismiss protest tactics that are disruptive, and I think that’s a real shame, because disruptive protest tactics and working within the system need to go hand in hand. I do know that if you give up entirely on working within the system, you guarantee that work within the system will fail.”

    At the U.S. District Court in downtown Chicago, immigration attorneys like Jennifer Peyton and Khiabett Osuna, of Kriezelman Burton & Associates, work within the system to vigorously defend the rights of their clients. They both told me that they’re spending “one thousand per cent” of their time these days representing immigrants who’ve been detained during the current operation. Peyton was, until recently, a judge for the Chicago Immigration Court; Bondi fired her in early July. The termination e-mail that Peyton received didn’t provide a reason for her firing, but she has speculated that it could be because she was on a conservative-watchdog list for opposing Trump’s agenda. After her firing, Peyton accepted a position as partner at Kriezelman Burton. She has since been suing Bondi and Noem for unlawfully initiating the removal of her clients. “To be able to name Kristi Noem and Pam Bondi as defendants, it’s the best fucking feeling in the world,” she told me.

    Osuna is Peyton’s junior colleague, and the daughter of Mexican immigrants. She said that many migrants who call her don’t have a case, and it’s painful to tell them that. “Yes, of course it’s about trying to get them legal relief,” she told me, but it’s also about saying to them, “I’m sorry this is happening to you. You should not be treated this way. You might not be granted asylum, but you have a right to tell your story. I’m gonna walk with you every damn step of the way.” She can successfully intervene in some cases where her clients have been unlawfully detained, and she can help them remain in the Chicago area instead of getting sent somewhere such as Texas. She told me that, these days, she’s focussed on trying to buy her clients time—time to be with their families, to sleep in their own beds, and to get their documents together, and time for either their life circumstances or American immigration policy to change.

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    Geraldo Cadava

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  • The Volunteers Tracking ICE in Los Angeles

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    On a crisp September morning in Los Angeles, Elijah Chiland, Victor Maldonado, and four other volunteers of the Harbor Area Peace Patrol gathered at Wilmington Waterfront Park, just outside the city’s port. “If you would have told me at the beginning of the summer that, three months into this, we would be waking up at ungodly hours to fight fascism, I wouldn’t have believed you,” Maldonado said.

    At 6 A.M., they piled into two cars and drove over Vincent Thomas Bridge onto Terminal Island, a bulk of reclaimed land in the middle of the harbor, passing vast shipping-container yards and small ramshackle buildings left over from the port’s cannery days. From there, they turned onto Seaside Avenue, a narrow road that leads to a memorial of Furusato—the Japanese American fishing village that was destroyed during the period of Japanese internment—near the island’s southern tip. About a hundred yards past the monument, a manned checkpoint marks the entrance to a small peninsula of federal land that houses a U.S. Coast Guard base and a prison. Seaside Avenue is its sole access point. The unique location of this complex makes it ideal for federal agents looking for a protected staging ground out of public view, while also allowing anyone to monitor the movements of those agents as they enter and exit the facility.

    Back in June, Chiland, a Los Angeles public-school teacher, heard rumors that National Guard troops were being marshalled on Terminal Island in preparation to arrest anti-ICE demonstrators across the city. This inspired Chiland and his wife, Maya Suzuki Daniels, to co-found the Harbor Area Peace Patrol, a group of community activists that track the movements of immigration authorities around Los Angeles. “I came down here to check on that, because we wanted to let people know,” Chiland told me. He didn’t find any National Guard members that day, but “what I did see was a convoy of eleven vehicles”—some labelled Border Patrol, others unmarked, with tinted windows—leaving the federal complex and heading for the city. The next morning, another member of the newly established Peace Patrol returned to check if the Border Patrol convoys were back. They were. “We’ve been seeing them every day since,” he said. Today was day ninety-one.

    By six-thirty, the Peace Patrollers were standing along the shoulder of Seaside Avenue. Maldonado, a Los Angeles-area workers-compensation hearing representative, distributed green reflective vests (“so they can’t say they didn’t see us”), and the group got to work. Four of the Patrollers whipped out their cellphones to photograph each passing vehicle, while Chiland managed the Peace Patrol’s Instagram account—a vital tool for broadcasting information and communicating with the public. Maldonado held tally clickers in each hand (one for inbound traffic to the federal complex, one for outbound) and counted the flow of vehicles. “We’ll get around a hundred to a hundred and thirty cars per day,” he told me. An S.U.V. and a sedan drove by. Click. Click. “If we get an influx of cars, that lets me know that there’s a lot of activity going on in L.A.” The busiest day since the Patrol started recording was in August, when three hundred and five vehicles passed through. He laughed: “We’ll tell our grandkids that we defeated fascism with six-dollar clickers.”

    With the images they capture at Terminal Island, the Peace Patrol and Unión del Barrio, an affiliated community-activist organization, compare vehicles with those that appear at immigration raids throughout the region. Some vehicles logged at Terminal Island by the group have been spotted as far away as Ventura, and even Sacramento. Once a license plate has been confirmed as that of a federal agent by appearing both at Terminal Island and at an immigration-enforcement raid, the Peace Patrol will post an image of the plate and the vehicle to the group’s Instagram account. In a few instances, “we’ve seen one license plate on two different vehicles,” Maldonado said. Other times, a temporary paper license plate has been used to obscure known plates.

    “Exposure is not something that ICE wants,” Tim McOsker, a Los Angeles City Council member whose district covers Terminal Island, explained to me in a phone call. McOsker has been a valuable resource for the Patrollers, and his wife has volunteered with the group. “When you are engaged in a systematic, unconstitutional activity where you’re trying to grab as many people in your net as possible, you do not want cameras.” The agents flowing through Terminal Island seem to agree. According to the Peace Patrol, after three months and dozens of confirmed vehicles and plates, certain cars are known to the Patrollers and have nicknames, like Christopher Columbus, Big Red, and Jammer. The federal agents have become aware of the Patrollers, too. Some agents will attempt to hide their faces as they pass—what the patrollers have dubbed the shy shoulder. Others will try to disguise their unmarked cars with things like a “COEXIST” bumper sticker (nickname: “Captain Coexist”) or Teddy bears on the dashboard. Still others will get aggressive. “We’ve been swerved at, we’ve had cars rip down the street at seventy, eighty miles per hour,” said Cait Bartlett, another former L.A. public-school teacher. Not long after, a large pickup truck known to the group rolled by, its horn blaring at the patrollers as the driver flashed his middle finger. “They’re trying to be intimidating,” Bartlett continued. “So, there is a little bit of nervousness attached to it, but I know the work that we’re doing is important.”

    A month earlier, that intimidation had boiled over. On the morning of August 8th, two masked men leaving the federal complex exited their vehicle and targeted one of the Patrollers, Amanda Trebach, who was photographing cars and holding a protest sign. She was pinned to the ground, handcuffed, and thrown into a van. Then, as Trebach recounts, the agents drove her into the complex, where she was detained for several hours. Later, she was moved into a second vehicle by masked, armed men (including one of the men who had arrested her), where a special agent from the Department of Homeland Security questioned her. From there, Trebach was moved to a federal detention facility in downtown Los Angeles, where she was held until later the next day.

    When reached for comment, Tricia McLaughlin, the D.H.S. Assistant Secretary for public affairs, alleged that Trebach jumped in front of a Border Patrol vehicle leaving the federal complex, causing the driver to swerve, then “hit the car with her signs and fists while yelling obscenities at agents.” McLaughlin further alleged that Trebach blocked agents of Customs and Border Protection from carrying out their duties, and that led to her arrest. (Trebach has not been charged with a crime.)

    “None of that happened,” Trebach told me, when reached by phone. D.H.S. is “very frustrated and angry that we’re out there filming them, but we’re standing on public property.” She also said that her cellphone was confiscated while in detention, and it remains in the possession of D.H.S. As a result, Trebach, an I.C.U. nurse, worries about the additional personal information that agents may have accessed and could use to continue targeting her. “I’m scared every night when I come home that they’re going to take me away,” she said.

    For Suzuki Daniels, the Peace Patrol co-founder, video of Trebach’s arrest is still challenging to watch. “I have a physical reaction to it,” she said. “The only reason that it’s not getting national outcry is that, right now, we’re being inundated with so many crimes in our communities and across the United States. I think we’re kind of stunned, and in a freeze-trauma response.”

    Roughly two hours after Trebach was taken away, a group of masked agents returned to her unlocked car, rummaged through her belongings, “and held three of our Patrollers at gunpoint,” Maldonado, who was present that morning, recalled. In the Peace Patrol’s video of the confrontation, a Port Police cruiser is visible passing by, twice. Maldonado still doesn’t understand why they didn’t stop and intervene: “The federal agents never identified themselves. They’re masked. You don’t know if they’re vigilantes. You don’t know who they are. Port Police just cruised by and pretended they didn’t see it at all.”

    I reached out to Thomas Gazsi, the chief of the Los Angeles Port Police, about the incident, and about the role of his department in upholding the rights of the Peace Patrollers to assemble on a public road. Gazsi confirmed that someone from his department was present the morning Trebach was detained, but clarified that it was a port-security civilian officer, not a police officer. Still, should the security officer have, at the very least, stopped to witness the incident with the gunmen, and called it in to the department? “She reported to her supervisors, which was reported to our department,” Gazsi responded. “By the time our police officers arrived out there, everybody was gone.”

    The incident highlights the hollowness of the anti-Trump rhetoric of local politicians in Los Angeles. The city’s mayor, Karen Bass, has repeatedly decried the federal government’s incursion into the city (calling it an “assault” and “un-American”), and saying ICE’s relentless immigration raids are a “reign of terror” that must end. In July, she issued an executive directive that bolstered a 2017 city ordinance prohibiting city resources, including the L.A.P.D., from being used in immigration-enforcement activities, “unless required by federal or state law.” Yet, in multiple videos supplied to me by Unión del Barrio, the L.A.P.D. is present at immigration-enforcement activities, not impeding the federal agents but in what appears to be an accessory role.

    In a video from June 24th, immigration agents are seen actively detaining individuals on the street, while L.A.P.D. officers stand in front of them, hands perched over their gun holsters or wielding batons, as they push back a crowd that has formed to intervene. In another video, from August 13th, an L.A.P.D. officer stands a few yards from an active Homeland Security Investigations operation as a person off camera asks “why L.A.P.D. is working with Homeland Security.” The officer responds that L.A.P.D. “provides security” for the agency, and that the department has worked with H.S.I. on “many occasions.”

    This difference between what politicians promise and what actually happens has become more pronounced, of late, for anyone aligned with the Democratic Party. For Suzuki Daniels, the failure of Democrats to stand up against rising right-wing authoritarianism has left her feeling jaded about the entire political system. “No politician is going to save us,” she said. After years of canvassing for political candidates, signing petitions, and making phone calls for campaigns, “everything I do for the next four years is going to be direct action and mutual aid,” she said. “I am not pleading with politicians to save me or save the people I care about. There are masked men riding around my town trying to kidnap people.”

    This ethos harks back to another era of resistance in the Los Angeles harbor. Back on Terminal Island, a little after 7 A.M., Gina, another member of the group, who declined to give her last name, asked if she could show me the statue in the middle of the Japanese fishing-village memorial. She told me that her grandfather had been a Sicilian immigrant who fished in San Pedro Bay, and that he had learned how to catch tuna with longline poles—a technique introduced by Japanese immigrants, many of whom had lived on Terminal Island. During the Second World War, as the U.S. government razed Furusato, “there was a lot of protection” from the non-Japanese community, Gina, said. “There was a lot of backlash, because what [the government] did was such a dirty thing.” She choked up as she continued, “This is white supremacy, once again, trying to take a foothold—it’s full fascism. Just like what happened to the Japanese Americans.” She turned to show me the statue of two Japanese fishermen, one looking out at Los Angeles, the other staring back at the federal complex, “watching them come and go,” as if they were part of their own peace patrol. ♦

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    Oren Peleg

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  • Can Donald Trump Police the United States?

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    The Tenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution is so short and self-evident that you don’t need a law degree to understand it, or a judge to explain it to you: “The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.” That language had real teeth during Donald Trump’s first Presidency, as states, cities, and localities invoked it to stop his abuse of immigration laws, of the purse strings that belong to Congress, and of their own authority over their affairs and general welfare. This fight against government overreach has continued well into Trump’s second term. “Here we are again,” William Orrick, a senior federal-district judge in San Francisco, wrote in a recent opinion barring the Trump Administration from withholding funding that Congress had already allocated to state and local authorities for policing and other prerogatives. (He made a similar ruling during the first Trump Presidency.) The Administration’s actions, Orrick wrote, in April, “violate the Tenth Amendment because they impose coercive condition[s] intended to commandeer local officials into enforcing federal immigration practices and law.”

    For the past two months, in a courtroom not far from Orrick’s, another senior U.S. district judge, Charles Breyer, has been grappling with whether the Tenth Amendment and federal law provide “a limiting principle” to a President who wills local problems into national ones. In June, as Los Angeles residents protested how Immigration and Customs Enforcement was disrupting people’s lives and work, Trump’s response was to send in backup from California’s National Guard, the largest such force in the country. “To the extent that protests or acts of violence directly inhibit the execution of the laws, they constitute a form of rebellion against the authority of the Government of the United States,” a Presidential memorandum to Pete Hegseth, the Defense Secretary, said. Governor Gavin Newsom and the state of California sued almost immediately, leading to the case known as Newsom v. Trump.

    Judge Breyer, the younger brother of the retired Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer, has a problem with the word “rebellion”; he underlined it in his first opinion in the case. The word appears in the Constitution five times—four of them in the Fourteenth Amendment, the centerpiece of Reconstruction and Black equality after a real rebellion of states that wanted neither. The other appearance is in Article I, which grants Congress alone the power to suspend the writ of habeas corpus—the very mechanism that Stephen Miller and Kristi Noem have claimed grants the Administration power to detain and disappear people from this country. The word also shows up in the law that Trump invoked to federalize the California Guard. “Is it a ‘rebellion’ because the President says it is a ‘rebellion’?” Breyer asked during the trial for Newsom v. Trump, which lasted three days and ended last week.

    At the outset of the case, and less than a week after Trump’s deployment of the California National Guard, Breyer had written an opinion declaring Trump’s actions illegal—“both exceeding the scope of his statutory authority and violating the Tenth Amendment to the United States Constitution.” Trump, he wrote, “must therefore return control of the California National Guard to the Governor of the State of California forthwith.” Yet almost as quickly as he ruled, a panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals of the Ninth Circuit, which included two judges appointed by Trump during his first term, pumped the brakes on Breyer’s constitutional pronouncement and ruled for the President on a different ground—namely, that his federalization of the California National Guard complied with a statute that allows him to do just that.

    Indeed, in Section 12406 of Title 10, which governs the armed forces, Congress decided to delegate to the President its own constitutional authority to call on “the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions.” Under this statute, if the President “is unable with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States”—or to quell imminent foreign invasions or domestic rebellions—he may federalize any one state’s National Guard to aid him in those efforts. But can the President trigger the statute whenever he feels like it, and for however long? Rather than drawing a line in the sand, the appeals court leaned on precedents establishing that the President remains “the sole and exclusive judge” of facts on the ground—the precondition for calling in the military on a state’s own citizens. As the Ninth Circuit explained, “our review of that decision must be highly deferential.”

    Must be? If that’s true, then there’s no stopping Trump from federalizing the National Guard in all fifty states. In the District of Columbia, where federal law gives the President significant leeway, Trump has already mobilized the D.C. National Guard, after declaring an “epidemic of crime in our Nation’s capital.” Newsom v. Trump matters because the case, even as limited by Trump’s own judges to a statutory dispute, may yet seal the fate of the delicate compact the Constitution sets out between the national government, the states, and the rest of us. Can a President break that compact, without consequence, usurping police powers that were never his to begin with?

    In bench trials, which happen without a jury, judges act as finders of fact and law. At the beginning of the bench trial in Newsom v. Trump, Breyer announced that the “single factual issue” before him was one that the Ninth Circuit did not address, and that California had also raised in its lawsuit: whether the Trump Administration had violated the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878. In other words, was there sufficient evidence that the federal government had relied on the California National Guard as a “posse,” for the purpose of executing domestic laws, much as local police would? The Posse Comitatus Act, last updated in 2021 for reasons that will become immediately clear, is one sentence: “Whoever, except in cases and under circumstances expressly authorized by the Constitution or Act of Congress, willfully uses any part of the Army, the Navy, the Marine Corps, the Air Force, or the Space Force as a posse comitatus or otherwise to execute the laws shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than two years, or both.”

    Traditionally understood as a ban against standing armies’ engaging in civilian law enforcement, one of the concerns expressed in the Declaration of Independence, the Posse Comitatus Act has taken on a life of its own within the military, becoming embedded in many policies and practices. Informing basic training, various directives, and even legal advice, the act serves as a sort of compass guiding military behavior. Because the act is written as a criminal prohibition, and only the federal government can prosecute violations of federal criminal law, the statute poses a few legal hurdles for Breyer: Can California sue under a statute that only the U.S. government can enforce? And, since the remedy for violations of this criminal law is a fine or imprisonment, can you invoke the statute in a civil suit to enjoin the Administration from the unlawful domestic deployment of troops? And, finally, didn’t Congress, in allowing the President to federalize the National Guard “to execute the laws of the United States,” give the executive branch an exception from the ban on engaging in general law-enforcement activities?

    These are all legal, not factual, questions that Breyer will have to resolve in due course. (He has yet to issue a ruling.) But the facts that he elicited during the trial, some of which unfolded in real time, may help him reach a conclusion. William Harrington—an Army deputy chief of staff who wrote reports on the activities of Task Force 51, the four-thousand-person unit, plus seven hundred Marines, deployed to the Los Angeles area—testified that the Posse Comitatus Act was on his mind on June 7th, the day Trump directed Hegseth to mobilize the National Guard. During a briefing with task-force leadership that day, Harrington said he brought up the act, and that everyone in the room understood that it applied, and thus that the California National Guard, once federalized and deployed, could not engage in law-enforcement activities.

    During the trial, the California attorney general’s office tried to create, as one Politico reporter put it, a split-screen moment with the federal takeover playing out in Washington, D.C. Jane Reilley, the California lawyer examining Harrington, pulled a question straight from the day’s headlines: Are you aware that the Secretary of Defense announced the deployment of National Guard troops in Washington, D.C.? Federal prosecutors objected loudly, citing irrelevance. But Breyer allowed the question. After all, part of his job, if he finds that the Posse Comitatus Act was violated, is to craft injunctive relief—a remedy to prevent future violations, he explained. And, surely, understanding how the Administration is using the National Guard in other places would help the judge with his fact-finding. “No, I was not aware,” Harrington replied.

    Over the government’s objections, a statement from Hegseth from that same morning, during the deployment of troops in D.C. was played in open court. “This is nothing new for D.O.D.,” Hegseth said from the White House briefing room, flanked by Trump, Attorney General Pam Bondi, and the newly minted top federal prosecutor in the District of Columbia, the former Fox News personality Jeanine Pirro. “In Los Angeles, we did the same thing—working with the California National Guard, working with ICE officers.” (Also admitted into court was a video of Trump, from the same briefing, suggesting that other cities, including Baltimore and Oakland, were up next.)

    Even more dramatic was the testimony of Major General Scott M. Sherman, who was in command during the Los Angeles mobilization. In one episode in July that drew widespread condemnation from Angelenos, immigration agents, riding in armored vehicles and on horseback, accompanied by the National Guard, descended on MacArthur Park—an ostentatious show of force that the Los Angeles Times likened to “a Hollywood movie.” Sherman confirmed that the scene, code-named Operation Excalibur, was entirely rehearsed—and that, although it had originally been planned for Father’s Day weekend, he had expressed concern that the park would be too crowded, and so it was moved to July 7th. “We assessed that there could be a large amount of people in the park, which could quickly overwhelm Border Patrol,” Sherman testified. Hegseth himself approved the stunt; there have been no reports of any arrests that day.

    One moment during Sherman’s testimony illustrated the rift that exists between how the military perceives its deployment, and how immigration agents, who are more closely aligned with Trump’s goals, perceive theirs. During testimony about the MacArthur Park operation, Sherman was asked whether Gregory Bovino, a brash Customs and Border Protection sector chief, questioned Sherman’s loyalty to the United States because of his raising concerns about timing. The Justice Department objected, but, once again, it was overruled, with Breyer suggesting that calling out a leader’s exercise of “military judgment” as disloyal is entirely relevant to the main question in the case: whether troops were respecting the civil-military divide embodied in the Posse Comitatus Act. Once cleared to answer, Sherman gave a muted yes.

    Bovino, for his part, has continued to play for the cameras in downtown Los Angeles. Last Thursday, he and other federal immigration agents showed up outside a news conference by Newsom, during which the governor hoped to lay out a plan to counteract another Trump power grab—his push for new congressional maps in Texas. Los Angeles’s mayor, Karen Bass, called this unannounced show of force, not unlike others that have rattled L.A. communities, “a provocative act”; it claimed one casualty, an unsuspecting delivery driver whom immigration authorities arrested at the scene. “We’re glad to be here,” Bovino told a local television reporter. “We’re not going anywhere.”

    It is hard to divorce the technical legal questions in Newsom v. Trump from the sights and sounds, all admitted into evidence, confirming that the President’s commandeering of civilian and military personnel for immigration enforcement was designed to strike fear in migrant workers and their communities. Much of the Administration’s crackdown in California has also been trained on people who simply look like they might be immigrants, who live and work in areas where employing immigrants is commonplace, who speak Spanish, or who congregate where immigrants seek out work. A separate legal battle, waged by immigrants’-rights advocates and day laborers, now pending at the Supreme Court, will soon determine whether immigration agents can be prevented, as they were by one judge last month, from racially profiling and sweeping up immigrant workers simply going about their daily lives in seven counties in the federal district that includes Los Angeles.

    Many of those sweeps haven’t required the assistance of the California Guard. But the state’s case against the Trump Administration rests on three discrete operations, each of them more than fifty miles from Los Angeles, where the Guard was involved, and where they were not merely providing “protective activities” to agents being stymied from enforcing immigration laws, nor protecting federal buildings—the original rationale for their mobilization. Rather, as California argued, they were called on to add to immigration agents’ numbers—to act as a “force multiplier” in situations where the threat to federal personnel or property was minimal or nonexistent, and where the targets, much as they were in the city proper, were workers who posed no risk of harm to anyone.

    In all three operations, in the localities of Mecca, Camarillo, and Carpinteria, hundreds of troops were called in to support D.H.S. agents conducting highly targeted, planned raids aimed at cannabis farms and farmworkers. These raids had all the hallmarks of a law-enforcement operation: federal agents had obtained search warrants to enter the premises; troops set up security perimeters around the sites and on public roads, which had the effect of preventing the movement of civilian traffic; and hundreds of migrant workers, some of whom left children behind, were arrested. (One farmworker, Jaime Alanís García, died after he fell from the roof of a greenhouse at one of the raided farms.) Sherman, who, during the trial for Newsom v. Trump, was shown images taken during one of the operations, could not explain what his own service members were doing. At times, he and other government witnesses could hardly tell U.S. troops apart from federal law enforcement.

    After California rested its case, on the first day of trial, Sherman returned to the stand on the second day, this time as the Justice Department’s only witness, largely to clean up his prior testimony and to try to persuade Judge Breyer that Task Force 51 was doing everything by the book. Sherman may have muddied things more when he testified that his force operated under a “constitutional exception” allowing them to undertake run-of-the-mill law-enforcement activities—which would violate the Posse Comitatus Act—because Trump’s federalization order assumes that the President can’t enforce the law in the usual way, and thus needs the military to help him do it. “That’s the legal advice I received,” Sherman said.

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    Cristian Farias

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