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Tag: homeless shelters

  • Homelessness deaths dropped a second time, but few are celebrating

    Kimberly Miller has worked with people on Denver’s streets for years, so she was ready for a somber evening when she arrived at the City and County Building Sunday night. It was the winter solstice — the longest night of the year — when the Colorado Coalition for the Homeless (CCH) held its 36th-annual vigil for people who died this year without stable housing.

    She did not expect that it would feel so personal. Before the program began, she spied the name of someone she knew written on one of the 276 luminaries glowing on the stone steps. It was a woman she’d once helped, then lost touch with. She was crushed to find out like this that the woman had died.

    “Oh my God. Trena. Trena’s gone,” she remembered thinking. “These are our people. These are our neighbors. And it makes my heart so heavy.”

    Each solstice, service providers read the names of people who died in homelessness over the last year.

    The Coalition’s list for 2025’s remembrance was shorter than the last, marking a second decline since the nonprofit recorded a record 311 deaths in 2023. It’s a positive sign for a city that has struggled to address visible poverty for decades. Still, many are worried that momentum might run out next year.

    A luminary for Trena Rossman sits on the steps of Denver’s City and County Building during the Colorado Coalition for the Homeless’ 36th-annual vigil for people who died in housing insecurity. Dec. 21, 2025.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite
    Pastor Libbie Reinking, of Wheat Ridge’s Holy Cross Lutheran Church, kneels before a luminary made for man she knew, during the Colorado Coalition for the Homeless’ 36th-annual vigil for people who died in homelessness. Dec. 21, 2025.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    The trend was a silver lining around a somber event.

    As each name was read Sunday night, the crowd responded together: “We will remember.”

    Cathy Alderman, spokesperson and policy lead for CCH, said the event has always been about providing last rites to people who didn’t get them.

    “Many of these people won’t otherwise have a ceremony in their honor, and so we do it together as a community,” she said.

    Data Source: Colorado Coalition for the Homeless

    Alderman said CCH generates its numbers each year with help from Denver’s Office of the Medical Examiner, which cross references names with a database of services for homelessness. Then, CCH canvasses other service providers to find cases that didn’t make the medical examiner’s list. CCH’s numbers are always higher than the city’s official count.

    Though this second drop in recorded deaths was good news, numbers are still well above pre-COVID levels.

    But Alderman said Mayor Mike Johnston’s work to address visible poverty, namely opening hotels as shelters, likely played into the reversal.

    “The non-congregate shelter sites have brought more people inside, and that is a good thing. And I do think that that has contributed to fewer deaths outside,” she said. “But what I think that also screams to us is that we can’t now stop providing those spaces, or roll back the ability to provide those spaces, by not providing the funding and the support to the providers.”

    The city has been touting successes this year, but many are uneasy about the future.

    Early this year, Mayor Johnston took credit for numbers that claimed an unprecedented drop in unsheltered homelessness, even though housing insecurity grew overall. His administration celebrated the completion of new affordable apartments. They said nobody died “as a result of cold weather exposure” last winter, which spokesperson Jon Ewing said was the first time that’s been recorded in Denver.

    Then again, Alderman said on Sunday: “Look at all the names here.”

    Cold weather was likely a contributing factor to the deaths remembered here, she said, even if it wasn’t listed as the official cause. And though the city has made strides in a positive direction, economic pressures are sure to complicate things next year.

    People gather at Denver’s City and County Building for the Colorado Coalition for the Homeless’ 36th-annual vigil for people who died in homelessness. Dec. 21, 2025.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite
    People gather at Denver’s City and County Building for the Colorado Coalition for the Homeless’ 36th-annual vigil for people who died in homelessness. Dec. 21, 2025.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    She worries proposed Medicaid cuts could force more people into homelessness. Federal threats to slash spending on “housing-first” services means cities could have fewer resources to work with. Denver has already begun to rely more heavily on short-term, locally-funded housing vouchers instead of permanent funding provided by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. Denver’s own budget crisis has eroded programs meant to keep people housed.

    “We’re also very concerned about the state budget, because there are going to be significant gaps,” Alderman added.

    Jessica Ehinger, CEO of the Colorado Village Collaborative, whose tiny home villages inspired Johnston’s plans, said her organization is preparing for less capacity next year. One of her villages will close next spring because of cuts in Denver’s budget. Her concerns about the future have tempered her perspective on any positive progress.

    “It is absolutely very frustrating. I think that’s the message that we’ve really been trying to relay to the city, to funders, that I don’t think we’re at a point to make a victory lap,” she said before the vigil began on Sunday. “I would love to imagine that we’re going to put ourselves out of business the next few years, but again, with everything that’s happening, especially at a federal level, it’s really hard to imagine that happening.”

    Meanwhile, Johnston’s critics are growing louder.

    Kimberly Miller met Trena, the woman whose name was read into the dusk on Sunday, two years ago in a blizzard. Trena and her partner, Ray, were struggling to find somewhere warm to sleep when Miller and other volunteers arrived with a van.

    Miller said police showed up next and arrested Ray.

    “They have him in the cop car, and he’s her caregiver. She’s in a wheelchair. Meanwhile it’s a snowstorm and I have her in my car,” she remembered. “What am I going to do?”

    Hundreds of quilts line Bannock Street in front of Denver’s City and County Building, organized by the Homeless Remembrance Blanket Project. Dec. 21, 2025.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite
    Hundreds of quilts line Bannock Street in front of Denver’s City and County Building, organized by the Homeless Remembrance Blanket Project. Dec. 21, 2025.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Police intervention has long been a controversial part of Denver’s response to homelessness, and Mayor Johnston has signaled he will lean more on law enforcement in the future.

    Miller is a volunteer with Mutual Aid Monday, which feeds people outside of city hall each week. As the city works to prevent tent encampments from appearing, she said advocates like her have seen people scatter instead to darker corners of the city. People are hiding, she said, and she worries that will cause more outdoor deaths.

    “They’re dispersed and driven more into the margins and the shadows. And then with that comes a full on hardcore enforcement of the camping ban, so that people can not even be on the sidewalk with a blanket or a tarp, let alone a tent,” she said. “I feel like it’s almost back to square one, where we were with Mayor Hancock in some ways.”

    So there was some irony when Colorado Coalition for the Homeless CEO Britta Fisher invited anyone who needed warmth to grab a free blanket on Sunday night. CCH partnered with the Homeless Remembrance Blanket Project this year, who laid out over 600 hand-made quilts on Bannock Street as a symbol of the country’s ongoing housing crisis.

    “They’re just going to get taken away,” someone in the crowd said.

    When Fisher thanked the city for its partnership in helping to address homelessness, there were audible groans and boos from the crowd.

    A sign left at the foot of Denver’s City and County Building, during the Colorado Coalition for the Homeless’ 36th-annual vigil for people who died in homelessness, reads, “They didn’t die — they were failed.” Dec. 21, 2025.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Someone dropped protest signs in front of the luminaries. One read, “They didn’t die — they were failed.”

    Still, when it came time to read the names, everyone in the crowd joined in to repeat “we will remember” together. As the city reckons with existential pressures and internal division, Miller said it’s as important as ever to center the humanity embedded in these debates.

    “Behind every name is a life and a story,” she said. “It makes me more determined than ever to fight for justice for people that are forced to be on the streets.”

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  • Adams County nonprofit Almost Home faces $2M shortfall, turns to community for support

    THORNTON, Colo. — Almost Home, an Adams County nonprofit serving unhoused people and families at risk of homelessness in north metro Denver, is raising money through a 5K race on Saturday after the organization said federal funding cuts have forced it to stop some programs.

    Federal support enables Almost Home to provide low-barrier emergency housing, financial assistance, and vital resources for families and individuals in Adams, Broomfield, and southern Weld counties. Executive Director Jessica Fiedler said significant recent funding cuts have sharply limited the number of people they can serve.

    On Saturday morning, dozens of people and families dressed up in their Halloween costumes for the organization’s first-ever Spooky Sprint 5K at Margaret Carpenter Park in Thornton. Almost Home said it raised around $12,000 from the race, which will support programs for two families.

    Erick Valenzuela

    Runners line up at the start of Almost Home’s Spooky Sprint 5K at Margaret Carpenter Park in Thornton on Saturday morning.

    “There’s nothing better than helping people out. And for a great cause? It’s the perfect thing to do on a Saturday morning,” said runner Lynette Day.

    Fiedler said the nonprofit received $1 million from TANF in Fiscal Year 2025, dropping to $290,000 for July–December 2025, with no TANF funds in 2026.

    “We believe that if people are housed, that allows them to focus then on other things, such as being employed and perhaps addressing some issues that they may have with mental health or with addiction,” said Fiedler.

    The nonprofit faces $2 million in funding cuts this fiscal year due to more competitive grants, leading to a 25% reduction in services for families and employee layoffs, Fielder said.

    Almost Home 5K Run

    Erick Valenzuela

    Joggers dressed in Halloween costumes hit the pavement at Margaret Carpenter Park in Thornton on Saturday morning to raise money for a local nonprofit through a 5K race.

    “We’re just trying to find new and creative ways to bring funding in to support our programs,” she said.

    “Just in general, I think this is a big issue that we need to fix and solve. People are dressing up, they’re running, wearing costumes, and then in the end we’re just spreading awareness about this,” said Kiley Haberstoh, who ran in the 5K with her sister and boyfriend.

    In FY25, Almost Home served over 3,500 people with homeless prevention and shelter, including 40 families with children and 10 families fleeing domestic violence.

    Denver7 reached out to Adams County to understand how the federal TANF cuts are impacting other nonprofits and whether the county is working on solutions to fill the gaps.

    Commissioner Lynn Baca, Chair of the Adams County Board of Commissioners, said federal TANF funding hasn’t increased in nearly 30 years, but the real value of the money received through the program has decreased by more than 50% due to inflation and lack of federal adjustments.

    Commissioner Baca also said a new state law increases the amount of direct cash assistance counties must provide to community members, reducing funds available to nonprofits. She said because of this, the county extended its TANF contracts with nonprofits through Dec. 31, 2025, but said they’re working to find a long-term solution.

    Adams County nonprofit Almost Home faces $2M shortfall, turns to community for support

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    Denver7

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  • New dorm-style housing project for DC’s homeless set to open next month – WTOP News

    The E Street Bridge Housing Program features dorm-style rooms fitting two per room in twin beds and is expected to house 190 homeless residents in D.C.

    The E Street Bridge Housing Program features dorm-style rooms fitting two per room in twin beds.
    (WTOP/Luke Lukert)

    WTOP/Luke Lukert

    A bedroom is seen at the opening of a new housing shelter for homeless adults in Washington, Thursday, August. 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana)
    A bedroom is seen at the opening of a new housing shelter for homeless adults in Washington, Thursday, August. 21, 2025.
    (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana)

    AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana

    A bedroom is seen at the opening of a new housing shelter for homeless adults in Washington, Thursday, August. 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana)
    A bedroom is seen at the opening of a new housing shelter for homeless adults in Washington, Thursday, August. 21, 2025.
    (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana)

    AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana

    A bathroom is seen at the opening of a new housing shelter for adults homeless people in Washington, Thursday, August. 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana)
    A bathroom is seen at the opening of a new housing shelter for adults homeless people in Washington, Thursday, August. 21, 2025.
    (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana)

    AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana

    A kitchen is seen at the opening of a new housing shelter for homeless adults in Washington, Thursday, August. 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana)
    A kitchen is seen at the opening of a new housing shelter for homeless adults in Washington, Thursday, August. 21, 2025.
    (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana)

    AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana

    A dinning area is seen at the opening of a new housing shelter for homeless adults in Washington, Thursday, August. 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana)
    A dinning area is seen at the opening of a new housing shelter for homeless adults in Washington, Thursday, August. 21, 2025.
    (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana)

    AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana

    A living room is seen at the opening of a new housing shelter for homeless adults in Washington, Thursday, August. 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana)
    A living room is seen at the opening of a new housing shelter for homeless adults in Washington, Thursday, August. 21, 2025.
    (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana)

    AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana

    The lobby area is seen at the opening of a new housing shelter for homeless adults in Washington, Thursday, August. 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana)
    The lobby area is seen at the opening of a new housing shelter for homeless adults in Washington, Thursday, August. 21, 2025.
    (AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana)

    AP Photo/Jose Luis Magana

    The federal emergency on crime and homelessness established by President Donald Trump continues, and as homeless encampments are being cleared in D.C., the city will be opening a new facility for people experiencing homelessness next month.

    “We want to use this facility as a way to make it easier to convert people to more permanent housing,” said Mayor Muriel Bowser, comparing the new E Street Bridge Housing Program to The Aston, which opened last year.

    “When we expand options, tailor our services, we can get … better outcomes and get more people to come inside. So, our message … is that there is shelter space available in Washington, D.C.,” she added.

    The housing complex, just blocks from the U.S. Capitol, features dorm-style rooms fitting two per room in twin beds. The hundred or so rooms are expected to house 190 homeless residents in D.C.

    Each room has a private bathroom, and the facility will even be able to host couples in a larger sized single bed.

    City Administrator Kevin Donahue said this will be a useful new tool in the fight against homelessness.

    “They don’t often want to come into low barrier shelter, but they may not be ready for a voucher. So, we needed to be able to have part of the portfolio be a building like this, that allows for someone who otherwise might turn away the opportunity to go inside,” Donahue said at the building’s preview last week.

    The E Street Bridge Housing Program will also provide grab-and-go food options as well as employment, mental health and substance abuse services.

    “We really will be focusing on getting people to come in to receive services, and then housing-focused case management to help them to get permit housing. So we are very excited with this collaboration,” said Rachel Pierre, acting director of the D.C. Department of Human Services.

    An additional 25 people will be able to be placed there during hypothermia season in the winter.

    While there is no time limit for people living at E Street, the target for residents’ stays are 90 to 120 days.

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    Luke Lukert

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  • 5 more takeaways from Denver’s 2025 city spending plan

    5 more takeaways from Denver’s 2025 city spending plan

    The big headline of Denver’s budget this year is that the city will have to tighten its belt, as consumer spending and softening sales tax revenue is slowing growth for cities across the country. 

    Mayor Mike Johnston released his 2025 budget Thursday. In case you don’t have time to read a nearly 800 page document, here are the key takeaways from the proposal. 

    The budget is tighter than usual this year.

    Denver’s 2025 budget will see its slowest growth since 2011 and the first reduction in full-time employees in a decade, not including the pandemic. 

    Next year’s budget is growing by just 0.6 percent. In comparison, the city projected 4 percent revenue growth for 2024, the current budget year.

    “Keeping our growth at this size involved several tough decisions,” said Nicole Doheny, chief financial officer for the city.

    There would not be furloughs or layoffs under this proposal. To save costs, the mayor’s office is leaving open vacant positions, reducing spending on supplies and making use of city reserves.

    Denver has about $14 million more in pandemic recovery money to spend as well.

    Other cities have also seen slowing growth. Seattle has a $260 million funding gap, and Los Angeles cut 1,700 vacant positions.

    Spending on homelessness and new immigrants is decreasing.

    The city is spending a lot less on homelessness programs, compared to last year. But 2024 was an unusual year for that spending, since the city made major one-time purchases of things like hotels to use as shelter. Those were paid for with a mix of federal and local money.. 

    Funding for Johnston’s homelessness program, All In Mile High, is decreasing from $141 million in 2024 to $57.7 million in 2025. Johnston said the focus will be on funding for the city’s programs, rather than on capital costs like buying property.

    In a press conference Thursday, Johnston called it “one of the lowest carrying costs for homelessness resolution in the country.”

    But some anti-homelessness programs are also seeing cuts. Funding for rental assistance is decreasing, from $30 million to $20 million, even as evictions reach record-breaking levels. Last year, nonprofits, advocates and a group of city council members made rental assistance one of the top sticking points of Johnston’s 2024 budget, securing an additional $13.5 million for renters facing eviction.

    As the number of new immigrants arriving in the city has decreased, that funding is dropping as well, from $90 million in 2024 to $12.5 million in 2025. That was one of Denver’s biggest unexpected costs in 2023 and early 2024. 

    Since new immigrants started arriving at the end of 2022, the city has received some state and federal reimbursements for supporting immigrants. But when Republicans in Congress killed a bipartisan immigration reform bill earlier this year, it left more of the cost to the city, and Johnston imposed budget cuts in response.

    Johnston is still focused on growing Denver’s police force.

    Similar to last year’s budget, the 2025 budget includes funding for 168 new police recruits, plus 24 new firefighters and 60 new sheriff’s deputies. And like last year, Johnston said the goal is for new police recruits to outpace retirements in order to grow the force. Denver Police has struggled with understaffing in the past few years.

    Denver’s police alternative, STAR, is getting a bump. The program, which sends mental health responders and paramedics to nonviolent calls, would get $6.9 million, up from $6.2 million in 2024. 

    Growing STAR is something some council members and advocates have asked for in the past. Last year, a group of council members tried to repurpose nearly $4 million of police funding for STAR, but that amendment failed amid questions about whether the program could spend all the money at its current capacity.

    STAR has room to grow. It responded to more than 7,000 calls in 2023, its highest response rate since it started in 2020. But staff said 15,000 calls were eligible for STAR responses — they just didn’t have the resources.

    City employees would get raises under the proposed budget.

    Johnston is proposing an average 4 percent merit raise for employees.

    Johnston said that’s in response to the many emergencies staff have responded to, including COVID-19, homelessness and the spike in new immigrants.

    “Our city employees over the last four years have seen more days of emergency operation than the city of Denver saw the previous 40 years before that,” Johnston said. “I think it’s important to both invest in those employees, support them and retain them.”

    The city didn’t immediately respond to a question about the cost of raises.

    City council and homeless advocates got a few wins.

    Johnston responded to calls from some city council members and homelessness advocates to improve the availability of emergency shelters during cold weather. Council members Shontel Lewis and Sarah Parady introduced legislation in November that got shelved at the time. But on Thursday, Johnston said he would implement a key change from their proposal. 

    The city is budgeting $1.2 million to open cold-weather shelters when the temperature drops to 25 degrees, instead of waiting for temperatures to go as low as 20 degrees, which is the current policy. The shelters will also stay open for 24 hours, rather than just 12-hour stints. The city expects that move will increase the number of days those shelters are open from 40 days to 80 days per season.

    To open the new cold-weather shelters, the city is shutting down and converting its immigrant shelters. The number of new immigrants arriving in the city has dropped sharply since last winter.

    Denver also will start an Office of Community Engagement at a cost of $200,000, something city council has been researching for the past few years and has proposed in past budgeting cycles. The office will specialize in neighborhood outreach.

    And businesses that will be affected by downtown construction will also get more money for support, with an added $2.5 million for businesses affected by 16th Street Mall and Colfax Avenue projects.

    Denver Health is still in trouble.

    One of Colorado’s only safety net hospitals is facing a major funding crisis. Costs of care for patients — many of whom lack insurance — have skyrocketed, while money from the city and private insurance has stayed relatively flat for many years.

    Supporters of the hospital are running a ballot measure that would add a 0.34 percent sales tax to raise about $64 million for Denver Health. Without it, CEO Donna Lynne has said the hospital might need to cut services. 

    We don’t yet know if the tax hike will pass this November.

    Meanwhile, the city is promising an increase to its own contribution. Johnston touted a 3 percent increase in the city’s budget for the hospital at his press conference Thursday. But Denver Health CEO Donna Lynne said that basically amounts to an adjustment for inflation. She was hoping for $30 million in emergency funding for the hospital in case the ballot measure doesn’t pass.

    “This is literally inflation for a minuscule part of our budget,” she said. “We lose money on almost all the services we provide to the city.”

    What’s next for the budget?

    Next, different departments will come to city council to explain their plans for the next budget year. That will happen between Sept. 16 and 20, and it’s a good chance to find out what different city agencies are up to — you can find that schedule here.

    In October, council will have a chance to make recommendations to the mayor, who must release his final budget draft by Oct. 21. 

    On Oct. 28, the public can weigh in on the budget at city council’s public hearing. Also, throughout October, city council can pass amendments to the budget. Those amendments must be approved by the mayor or overridden if Johnston chooses to veto them instead.

    City council must vote on the final budget by Nov. 12. Here’s the full schedule.

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  • Homelessness is up in Denver, but fewer people are sleeping outdoors

    Homelessness is up in Denver, but fewer people are sleeping outdoors

    Updated at 4:43 p.m. on Wednesday, Aug. 14, 2024

    Homelessness increased by 10 percent in the metro Denver area this year, according to Metro Denver Homeless Initiative’s annual Point-in-Time count data.

    The Point-in-Time count aims to capture the number of people experiencing homelessness in the metro area by counting people both on the street and in shelters during a single day in January each year. This year’s count, released on Wednesday, was done between sundown on Jan. 22 and sundown on Jan. 23. 

    The count includes Denver and its surrounding counties, while similar efforts take place nationwide in coordination with the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development.

    It’s an imperfect science, with weather and methodology changes affecting data year to year. But the information helps local and national nonprofits and government agencies respond to Denver’s homelessness crisis.

    This year, volunteers counted 9,977 people experiencing homelessness in the metro area, compared to 9,065 people during the 2023 count

    Data Source: Metro Denver Homelessness Initiative

    Homelessness has been rising for years. Between 2022 and 2023, the overall number of people counted increased by 31.7 percent.

    “Behind every data point lies the reality of individuals and families facing the hardship of homelessness,” said Rebecca Mayer, interim executive director at Metro Denver Homelessness Initiative in a statement Wednesday. “It’s crucial to remember that our unhoused neighbors deserve the stability and security of a safe place to call home.”

    The entire Denver metro saw an increase in the number of people using shelters.

    The growth in homelessness this year was largely driven by a 12 percent increase in people using shelters, according to Metro Denver Homeless Initiative.

    “While fewer people are experiencing homelessness for the first time, the number of chronically homeless individuals rose by 16 (percent),”  wrote Metro Denver Homeless Initiative in a statement Wednesday.

    For Cathy Alderman, Chief Communications and Public Policy Officer for Colorado Coalition for the Homeless, the growth in chronic homelessness speaks to the state of Denver’s housing market.

    “That just means that they’re staying in the cycle of homelessness longer, and that screams that, we know we have a housing crisis in Denver, but it’s probably even worse than we think,” she said.

    Data Source: Metro Denver Homelessness Initiative

    The count also found that the number of families experiencing homelessness has “grown significantly” by about 49 percent, from 2,101 families in 2023 to 3,136 families experiencing homelessness in the metro area this year.

    “That’s one of the most troubling things about the report,” Alderman said. “We know that homelessness has an even more detrimental impact on kids.”

    What about Denver homelessness specifically?

    The overall number of people experiencing homelessness in Denver rose by about 12 percent, from 5,818 people in 2023 to 6,539 people in 2024. 

    While unsheltered homelessness rose in the metro area at large, the number of unsheltered people sleeping outdoors in Denver dropped by about 10.5 percent, from 1,423 people to 1,273 people.

    Data Source: Metro Denver Homelessness Initiative

    That’s after Mayor Mike Johnston’s administration spent more than $100 million opening non-congregate hotel shelters and micro-communities to bring people sleeping on the streets indoors. 

    In a statement Wednesday, Johnston attributed the rise in people living in shelters to those efforts, which closed more than a dozen encampments and moved more than 1,000 people indoors, often to non-congregate shelters.

    Denver’s figures also do not include the 4,300 new immigrants to Denver who were staying in Denver’s temporary migrant shelters that night, just a few weeks after new immigrant arrivals peaked in early January.

    Mayor Mike Johnston is touting the results as a win for the city.

    He spent much of his campaign and early days in office promising to bring 1,000 people indoors by the end of 2023.

    In a statement Wednesday, one success he pointed to an 82.5 percent drop in unsheltered family homelessness — from 103 to 18. 

    But the overall number of families experiencing homelessness in Denver grew by about 58 percent.

    Johnston also touted the decrease in tents across the city, including a 23 percent drop in people living in tents and cars. According to the Mayor’s office, Denver has about 117 tents currently up in the city, versus the 242 tents counted in January. 

    Meanwhile, the number of people staying in shelters grew compared to 2023.

    “We have always believed that homelessness is a solvable problem, and now we have the data to prove it,” Johnson said. “In just six months we were able to achieve transformational reduction in unsheltered homelessness while building an infrastructure that will allow us to attack this issue for years to come. Denverites should be proud to live in a city that responds to homelessness with compassion.”

    Cole Chandler, Johnston’s senior advisor for homelessness resolution, said he thinks the city’s efforts to bring people out of unsheltered homelessness are working. He attributes the overall growth in homelessness to Denver’s persistent housing crisis.

    “I think we’re getting better at helping get people out of homelessness. We’re getting more effective at that,” he said. “We’re doing a better job, and yet people are still falling into homelessness. And so I think that just underscores the affordable housing crisis that we’re in the midst of.”

    The overall rise in Denver homelessness is coupled with record-breaking eviction numbers.

    Denver is currently on track to break eviction records, with more than 9,000 filings already this year. The city also broke eviction records last year, and residents quickly maxed out local rental assistance funds. 

    Meanwhile rents remain high and a recent poll showed that Denverites increasingly worry about cost of living — like many people nationwide.

    Johnston hopes his proposed sales tax will help prevent new homelessness in the long term. The .5 percent sales tax, which needs approval from City Council and then Denver voters, would generate $100 million per year to fund affordable housing. 

    Editor’s note: This article was updated to include comment from Alderman and Chandler.

    Rebecca Tauber

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  • Judge denies embattled LA developer’s bankruptcy request over ill-fated homeless housing projects

    Judge denies embattled LA developer’s bankruptcy request over ill-fated homeless housing projects

    A U.S. bankruptcy judge has rejected a request from embattled Los Angeles developer Shangri-La Industries for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection for three motel properties in Redlands, Thousand Oaks and Salinas intended for homeless housing.

    Shangri-La filed a petition in U.S. Bankruptcy Court in San Jose on April 29 in a move to block foreclosure of and/or financial restructuring on the former Good Nite Inn in Redlands, the former Quality Inn & Suites in Thousand Oaks and the former Sanborn Inn in Salinas.

    The three projects, funded under California’s Homekey program launched in June 2020 to protect unhoused individuals from the threat of the coronavirus pandemic, entailed redeveloping the motels for homeless housing.

    Shangri-La’s petition also sought bankruptcy protection for a fourth motel conversion project at a former Travelodge in San Ysidro funded under the state Community Care Expansion program.

    Bad faith

    In orders handed down on May 15 and June 5, U.S. Bankruptcy Judge M. Elaine Hammond concluded that Shangri-La acted in bad faith when it failed to get written authorization from its partner on the projects, Step Up on Second, to seek bankruptcy protection.

    “I find that the totality of circumstances support a finding of bad faith that warrants dismissal of the bankruptcy case,” Hammond said in her May 15 orders regarding the Redlands and Salinas properties. Similar findings were determined in orders handed down on the Thousand Oaks and San Ysidro properties on June 5, court records show.

    Step Up on Second is a Santa Monica-based nonprofit that provides support services for the homeless, and is also serving as the property manager at the former Good Nite Inn, now called Step Up in Redlands. Step Up also partnered with Shangri-La on six other Homekey-funded projects, including Step Up in San Bernardino, a former All Star Lodge that opened in March 2023 to provide housing for chronically homeless senior citizens.

    Step Up in Redlands and Step Up in San Bernardino are the only two of the seven Homekey-funded projects now housing homeless residents that are fully operating. The fate of the project in Thousand Oaks, three projects in Salinas and one in King City remains uncertain.

    Developer blames Step Up

    Los Angeles attorney Brian A. Sun, who represents Shangri-La, blamed Step Up for blocking its efforts to restructure the financing of the three projects on which the developer was seeking bankruptcy protection.

    “Step Up inexplicably withheld its consent, thereby thwarting our efforts to refinance and restructure the financing of the projects and their completion,” Sun said in a telephone interview on Friday, June 14. He said Shangri-La is still pushing to refinance or restructure the financing on all three projects so they can be completed as envisioned.

    Profit interest sold

    Shangri-La representatives argued in motions filed in bankruptcy court that the developer was authorized to file for bankruptcy because Step Up was no longer its partner in the Homekey projects.

    Shangri-La maintains it executed a profit interest purchase agreement with Step Up in November 2022, and that Step Up subsequently sold its interest in the Homekey projects to Shangri-La for more than $2.7 million.

    From November 2022 to January 2023, Shangri-La Industries and Step Up used loan proceeds intended for one of the Homekey-funded motel projects in Salinas, at the former Salinas Inn on Fairview Avenue, to fund two of three scheduled buyout payments to Step Up totaling $2,742,346, according to a motion filed by Jonathan Shenson, an attorney for Shangri-La.

    Given that Step Up sold its future profit interests on the seven Homekey projects, the nonprofit was no longer a partner of Shangri-La, and therefore the developer was authorized to file its bankruptcy petition, Shenson said in his motion.

    In her order granting dismissal, Hammond determined that Shangri-La’s argument was incomplete.

    “Based on the limited information provided, the indications are that debtor’s filings are an unfair manipulation of the bankruptcy code,” Hammond said in her order.

    Step Up responds

    Tod Lipka, Step Up’s president and chief executive officer, said its reasons for selling its interests in future profits from the Homekey projects were essentially two-fold: it needed to cover operating expenses and provide services to the Redlands and San Bernardino Homekey-funded properties, and also needed money to fund numerous other projects in 2023.

    “In 2022 we realized we were going to be doing significant things in 2023. We had numerous housing projects opening and were going to be housing numerous people like we never had  before,” Lipka said.

    Those projects, Lipka said, not only included ones across California, but at least one state-funded project in Fulton County, Georgia, to house homeless individuals in apartments.

    Step Up continues to provide homeless services to residents at the Homekey-funded motels in Redlands and San Bernardino, and maintains an ownership stake in those projects, Lipka said.

    “Just because we sold our (profit) interest doesn’t mean we sold out ownership in the project,” Lipka said. “We were essentially giving up that future revenue.”

    He said the $2.7 million valuation was based on an “aggregate present value” of all seven Homekey projects.

    Shangri-La, Lipka said, has not paid Step Up for providing its services in Redlands and San Bernardino since operations began at the motels in January and March 2023, respectively. The nonprofit provides and pays for case managers for tenants, security and staffing, he said.

    “We had to cover the services of those projects that we are not getting reimbursed for by Shangri-La,” Lipka said. He said Shangri-La owes Step Up $1.5 million for services rendered to date, and he questions where all that money went.

    “We’re only beginning to discover the extent of the alleged fraud and deception committed by Shangri-La,” Lipka said.

    Unpaid contractors

    Problems began surfacing for Shangri-La last year, when a Southern California News Group investigation revealed that contractors on the Redlands and San Bernardino Homekey projects filed more than $2 million in mechanics liens over unpaid work on those projects.

    It was later revealed that dozens of liens totaling millions of dollars had also been filed at recorders’ offices in Ventura and Monterey counties by contractors and lenders that were not paid for Homekey-funded projects in those areas.

    On April 16, the Redlands City Council terminated its Homekey agreement with Shangri-La amid allegations by the state Department of Housing and Community Development that the developer misappropriated $114 million in Homekey funds.

    In January, the state Housing and Community Development Department sued Shangri-La in Los Angeles Superior Court, alleging the developer breached its obligations under terms of its agreements with the Homekey program.

    In February, Shangri-La sued its former chief financial officer, Cody Holmes, seeking $40 million in damages. The lawsuit alleges Holmes embezzled millions from the company, including funds intended for its Homekey projects, and engaged in bank fraud and check kiting in 2022 and 2023 with Shangri-La’s lenders, banks and brokers.

    Holmes, according to the lawsuit, allegedly transferred vast sums of company cash and property to bank accounts and shell companies he controlled and to his former girlfriend, Madeline Witt, a defendant in the lawsuit.

    Holmes, according to the lawsuit, used the money to host extravagant parties, travel on private jets, and lease exotic cars — including a 2021 Bentley Bentayga and a Ferrari Portofino. He also purchased high-dollar luxury items for himself and Witt, including two Birken handbags valued at nearly $128,000, Chanel and Louis Vuitton handbags valued at more than $14,000, a $127,000 Riviera diamond necklace, a $35,000 Audemars Piguet diamond watch, and 20 VIP passes for the 2023 Coachella Music and Arts Festival valued at more than $53,000.

    More than a dozen lawsuits

    From June 2023 to January 2024, a total of 15 lawsuits and other legal actions were filed against Shangri-La by lenders and contractors in Northern and Southern California, including the state’s lawsuit pending in Los Angeles County.

    It prompted attorneys for Shangri-La to file a petition in March with the Judicial Council of California to coordinate all the cases so they are heard in Los Angeles. The next hearing on the state’s case, as well as on Shangri’s petition to coordinate all the cases, will be held on Monday, June 17, in Los Angeles Superior Court before Judge David S. Cunningham III.

    Defaults and setbacks

    A motion filed in bankruptcy court by Arixa Institutional Lending Partners LLC noted that the lender extended a $12 million loan, with a secured note, to Shangri-La in June 2022 for the acquisition and upgrade of the former Good Nite Inn in Redlands.

    The maturity date of the note was Jan. 1, 2024. But as of April 18, Shangri-La still had not made good on its loan, owing Arixa no less than $13.8 million, including $1.7 million in interest fees and nearly $44,000 in foreclosure fees, according to the motion.

    Redlands spokesman Carl Baker said the city continues to work with Arixa, which has agreed to work with the city on finding a buyer willing to continue providing housing to the homeless at the motel.

    “Arixa and the city are working collaboratively on finding a new buyer for the property,” Baker said. “Our intention is to continue the operation of the property as it has been operating.”

    In April, Step Up in Redlands was housing 132 formerly homeless residents, Assistant City Manager Chris Boatman said at the time.

    Court battle

    Shangri-La’s failed attempts at bankruptcy changes how the investigation into alleged wrongdoing by the developer is handled, said Adam Stein-Sapir, a bankruptcy expert at the New York City-based Pioneer Funding Group.

    “In bankruptcy, it would be done by a court-appointed trustee and their counsel. Out of bankruptcy, it will be in state court through the litigation already started by the state … plus any additional cases likely to pop up,” Stein-Sapir said. “In short, in bankruptcy it’s a bit more organized and streamlined; out of court it’s more like an octopus of litigation with each arm being steered by a different captain.”

    He said the state attorneys will definitely use the fact that the bankruptcy cases were dismissed to show that another court has seen it their way.

    “Admittedly it wasn’t after a trial on the merits, it was just a judge looking at a contract and some preliminary documents, but it’s good enough to include in argument,” Stein-Sapir said.

    Joe Nelson

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  • Denver Council approves contract with Salvation Army to provide services for Hampden shelter | Denverite

    Denver Council approves contract with Salvation Army to provide services for Hampden shelter | Denverite

    Denver’s mayor hopes to use the Embassy Suites hotel site on Hampden Ave. the in southeast part of the city to house people experiencing homelessness.

    Hart Van Denburg/CPR News

    A proposed $8 million contract agreement to fund operations and service needs at the Tamarac Family Shelter passed through council committee on Wednesday.

    The Safety and Housing Committee passed the proposal between the city and the Salvation Army, allowing the organization to continue providing services to the current occupants of the hotel, as well as future occupants.

    The contract, for $8,006,556 with an end date of Dec. 31, would help support “housing-focused case management and housing navigation.” It would also go toward increasing wraparound services.

    The management, navigation and services are three-fold.

    The access and intake portion focuses on screening families and determining what program suits them.

    Those programs are also three-fold. There’s rapid resolution where families can be diverted away from the shelter system to a more direct service. Then there’s short-term and long-term stays, with short-term being about two weeks and long-term being about 180 days.

    An Embassy Suites site in southeast Denver could house people experiencing homelessness as part of Mayor Mike Johnston’s plan to house 1,000 people by the end of 2024.
    Hart Van Denburg/CPR News

    Short-term services would be for families that can be helped quickly, while long-term is for those who need more assistance gaining stability.

    The services team will work on those wraparound items such as case planning, employment navigation, school enrollment and move-in assistance. The final prong is operations, which is maintenance of the site.

    Through the contract, the Salvation Army is expected to hire more staff and ultimately assist 800 families through the short and long-term program, and help 200 families through rapid resolution.

    The proposal will go before the full council in the coming weeks.

    Main topics during the council committee surrounded who the shelter will serve and safety measures at the facility.

    According to Kristen Baluyot, the metro social services director for the Salvation Army, it’s hard to determine the makeup of who the shelter is serving because numbers and demographics are always fluctuating.

    However, counts from February showed that there were about 508 guests at the shelter with about 323 of them being 24 years old and younger. About 224 children in the shelter were 12 years old and younger.

    On safety, Cole Chandler, the senior advisor for homelessness resolution, said the focus will be on creating single points of entry and exits with additional private security guards.

    Chandler said there will be two guards at the site, one inside and one roaming the outside. Both will be unarmed, but it’s unclear how the guards will protect the residents and the neighbors.

    Councilmember Stacy Gilmore requested additional information on training measures and procedure methods, including searching guests.

    Chandler said the guards will be more focused on making sure the right people are entering the building.

    A woman who declined to give her name holds protest signs outside of Hamilton Middle School, where Mayor Mike Johnston is holding a public meeting at about his plan to shelter unhoused families with kids in a nearby hotel. Dec. 16, 2023.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Security at the House1000 shelter sites has been a topic of concern for nearby neighbors.

    On March 16, Sandra Cervantes and Dustin Nunn were both found dead at the Denver Navigation Campus at 4040 N. Quebec St, a shelter the Salvation Army operates. They were both fatally shot and Denver Police are treating the investigation as a homicide.

    Last week, DPD said Cervantes and Nunn were both residents at the shelter and that the incident was under investigation.

    According to the All In Mile High dashboard and city officials, six people have died in the program, not including the two recent deaths. It’s unclear how the other deaths occurred.

    Since the shooting, city officials with the mayor’s office said they have implemented new security measures at the Navigation Center including the installation of a photo badging system for staff and residents, adding more surveillance cameras, increasing DPD presence and increasing staff presence, which includes contracted security guards.

    Safety measures at the other hotels are also being increased.

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  • Trump’s Plan to Police Gender

    Trump’s Plan to Police Gender

    After decades of gains in public acceptance, the LGBTQ community is confronting a climate in which political leaders are once again calling them weirdos and predators. Texas Governor Greg Abbott has directed the Department of Family and Protective Services to investigate the parents of transgender children; Governor Ron DeSantis has tried to purge Florida classrooms of books that acknowledge the reality that some people aren’t straight or cisgender; Missouri has imposed rules that limit access to gender-affirming care for trans people of all ages. Donald Trump is promising to nationalize such efforts. He doesn’t just want to surveil, miseducate, and repress children who are exploring their emerging identities. He wants to interfere in the private lives of millions of adults, revoking freedoms that any pluralistic society should protect.

    Explore the January/February 2024 Issue

    Check out more from this issue and find your next story to read.

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    During his 2016 campaign, Trump seemed to think that feigning sympathy for queer people was good PR. “I will do everything in my power to protect our LGBTQ citizens,” he promised. Then, while in office, he oversaw a broad rollback of LGBTQ protections, removing gender identity and sexuality from federal nondiscrimination provisions regarding health care, employment, and housing. His Defense Department restricted soldiers’ right to transition and banned trans people from enlisting; his State Department refused to issue visas to the same-sex domestic partners of diplomats. Yet when seeking reelection in 2020, Trump still made a show of throwing a Pride-themed rally.

    Now, recognizing that red-state voters have been energized by anti-queer demagoguery, he’s not even pretending to be tolerant. “These people are sick; they are deranged,” Trump said during a speech, amid a rant about transgender athletes in June. When the audience cheered at his mention of “transgender insanity,” he marveled, “It’s amazing how strongly people feel about that. You see, I’m talking about cutting taxes, people go like that.” He pantomimed weak applause. “But you mention transgender, everyone goes crazy.” The rhetoric has become a fixture of his rallies.

    Trump is now running on a 10-point “Plan to Protect Children From Left-Wing Gender Insanity.” Its aim is not simply to interfere with parents’ rights to shape their kids’ health and education in consultation with doctors and teachers; it’s to effectively end trans people’s existence in the eyes of the government. Trump will call on Congress to establish a national definition of gender as being strictly binary and immutable from birth. He also wants to use executive action to cease all federal “programs that promote the concept of sex and gender transition at any age.” If enacted, those measures could open the door to all sorts of administrative cruelties—making it impossible, for example, for someone to change their gender on their passport. Low-income trans adults could be blocked from using Medicaid to pay for treatment that doctors have deemed vital to their well-being.

    The Biden administration reinstated many of the protections Trump had eliminated, and the judiciary has thus far curbed the most extreme aspects of the conservative anti-trans agenda. In 2020, the Supreme Court ruled that, contrary to the assertions of Trump’s Justice Department, the Civil Rights Act protects LGBTQ people from employment discrimination. A federal judge issued a temporary restraining order preventing the investigations that Governor Abbott had ordered in Texas. But in a second term, Trump would surely seek to appoint more judges opposed to queer causes. He would also resume his first-term efforts to promote an interpretation of religious freedom that allows for unequal treatment of minorities. In May 2019, his Housing and Urban Development Department proposed a measure that would have permitted federally funded homeless shelters to turn away transgender individuals on the basis of religious freedom. A 2023 Supreme Court decision affirming a Christian graphic designer’s refusal to work with gay couples will invite more attempts to narrow the spaces and services to which queer people are guaranteed access.

    The social impact of Trump’s reelection would only further encourage such discrimination. He has long espoused old-fashioned ideas about what it means to look and act male and female. Now the leader of the Republican Party is using his platform to push the notion that people who depart from those ideas deserve punishment. As some Republicans have engaged in queer-bashing rhetoric in recent years—including the libel that queerness is pedophilia by another name—hate crimes motivated by gender identity and sexuality have risen, terrifying a population that was never able to take its safety for granted. Victims of violence have included people who were merely suspected of nonconformity, such as the 59-year-old woman in Indiana who was killed in 2023 by a neighbor who believed her to be “a man acting like a woman.”

    If Trump’s stoking of gender panic proves to be a winning national strategy, everyday deviation from outmoded and rigid norms could invite scorn or worse. And children will grow up in a more repressive and dangerous America than has existed in a long time.


    This article appears in the January/February 2024 print edition with the headline “Trump Will Stoke a Gender Panic.”

    Spencer Kornhaber

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  • Biden Lets Venezuelan Migrants Work

    Biden Lets Venezuelan Migrants Work

    President Joe Biden’s administration moved boldly yesterday to solve his most immediate immigration problem at the risk of creating a new target for Republicans who accuse him of surrendering control of the border.

    Yesterday, the Department of Homeland Security extended legal protections under a federal program called Temporary Protected Status (TPS) that will allow as many as 472,000 migrants from Venezuela to live and work legally in the United States for at least the next 18 months.

    With that decision, the administration aligned with the consensus among almost all the key players in the Democratic coalition about the most important thing Biden could do to help big Democratic-leaning cities facing an unprecedented flow of undocumented migrants, many of whom are from Venezuela.

    In a series of public statements over the past few months, Democratic mayors in New York, Chicago, Los Angeles, Philadelphia, and other major cities; Democrats in the House and Senate; organized labor leaders; and immigrant advocacy and civil-rights groups all urged Biden to take the step that the administration announced yesterday.

    Extending TPS protections to more migrants from Venezuela “is the strongest tool in the toolbox for the administration, and the most effective way of meeting the needs of both recently arrived immigrants and the concerns of state and local officials,” Angela Kelley, a former senior adviser to Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas, told me immediately after the decision was announced.

    Despite the panoramic pressure from across the Democratic coalition, the administration had been hesitant to pursue this approach. Inside the administration, as Greg Sargent of The Washington Post first reported, some feared that providing legal protection to more Venezuelans already here would simply encourage others from the country to come. With polls showing widespread disapproval of Biden’s handling of border security, and Republicans rallying behind an array of hard-line immigration policies, the president has also appeared deeply uncomfortable focusing any attention on these issues.

    But immigrant advocates watching the internal debate believe that the argument tipped because of changing conditions on the ground. The tide of migrants into Democratic-run cities has produced wrenching scenes of new arrivals sleeping in streets, homeless shelters, or police stations, and loud complaints about the impact on local budgets, especially from New York City Mayor Eric Adams. And that has created a situation where not acting to relieve the strain on these cities has become an even a greater political risk to Biden than acting.

    “No matter what, Republicans will accuse the administration of being for open borders,” Maria Cardona, a Democratic strategist working with immigrant-advocacy groups, told me. “That is going to happen anyway. So why not get the political benefit of a good policy that so many of our leaders are clamoring for and need for their cities?”

    Still, it was revealing that the administration paired the announcement about protecting more Venezuelan migrants through TPS with a variety of new proposals to toughen enforcement against undocumented migrants. That reflects the administration’s sensitivity to the relentless Republican accusation—which polls show has resonated with many voters—that Biden has lost control of the southern border.

    As Biden’s administration tries to set immigration policy, it has been forced to pick through a minefield of demands from its allies, attacks from Republicans, and lawsuits from all sides.

    Compounding all of these domestic challenges is a mass migration of millions of people fleeing crime, poverty, and political and social disorder in troubled countries throughout the Americas. In Venezuela alone, political and social chaos has driven more than 7 million residents to seek new homes elsewhere in the Americas, according to a United Nations estimate. “Venezuela is a displacement crisis approximately the size of Syria and Ukraine, but it gets, like, one one-thousandth of the attention,” Todd Schulte, the president and executive director of FWD.us, an immigration-advocacy group, told me. “It’s a huge situation.”

    Most of these displaced people from nations across Central and South America have sought to settle in neighboring countries, but enough have come to the U.S. to overwhelm the nation’s already strained asylum system. The system is so backlogged that experts say it typically takes four to six years for asylum seekers to have their cases adjudicated. If the time required to resolve an asylum case “slips into years, it does become a magnet,” encouraging migrants to come to the border because the law allows them to stay and work in the U.S. while their claims are adjudicated, says Muzaffar Chishti, a senior fellow at the Migration Policy Institute, a center-left think tank.

    Former President Donald Trump dealt with this pressure by severely restricting access to asylum. He adopted policies that required asylum seekers to remain in Mexico while their cases were decided; that barred anyone from claiming asylum if they did not first seek it from countries between their homeland and the U.S. border; and, in the case of the pandemic-era Title 42 rule, that turned away virtually all undocumented migrants as threats to public health.

    Fitfully, Biden has undone most of Trump’s approach. (The Migration Policy Institute calculates that the Biden administration has taken 109 separate administrative actions to reverse Trump policies.) And Biden and Mayorkas, with little fanfare, have implemented a robust suite of policies to expand routes for legal immigration, while announcing stiff penalties for those who try to enter the country illegally. “Our overall approach is to build lawful pathways for people to come to the United States, and to impose tougher consequences on those who choose not to use those pathways,” Mayorkas said when he announced the end of Trump’s Title 42 policy.

    Immigration advocates generally express confidence that over time this carrot-and-stick approach will stabilize the southern border, at least somewhat. But it hasn’t yet stanched the flow of new arrivals claiming asylum. Some of those asylum seekers have made their way on their own to cities beyond the border. At least 20,000 more have been bused to such places by Texas Governor Greg Abbott, hoping to produce exactly the sort of tensions in Democratic circles that have erupted in recent weeks.

    However they have arrived, this surge of asylum seekers has created enormous logistical and fiscal challenges in several of these cities. Adams has been the most insistent in demanding more help from the federal government. But he’s far from the only Democratic mayor who has been frustrated by the growing numbers and impatient for the Biden administration to provide more help.

    The top demand from mayors and other Democratic interests has been for Biden to use executive authority to allow more of the new arrivals to work. “There is one solution to this problem: It’s not green cards; it’s not citizenship. It’s work permits,” Philadelphia Mayor Jim Kenney told me earlier this week. “All these people need work. They wouldn’t be in [a] hotel, they wouldn’t be lying on streets, if they can go to work.”

    That answer seems especially obvious, Kenney continued, because “we have so many industries and so many areas of our commerce that need workers: hotels, restaurants. Let them go to work. [Then] they will get their own apartments, they will take care of their own kids.”

    The obstacle to this solution is that under federal law, asylum seekers cannot apply for authorization to work until 150 days after they filed their asylum claim, and the government cannot approve their request for at least another 30 days. In practice, it usually takes several months longer than that to receive approval. The Biden administration is working with cities to encourage asylum seekers to quickly file work applications, but the process cannot be streamlined much, immigration experts say. Work authorization through the asylum process “is just not designed to get people a work permit,” Todd Schulte said. “They are technically eligible, but the process is way too hard.”

    The inability to generate work permits for large numbers of people through the asylum process has spurred Democratic interest in using the Temporary Protected Status program as an alternative. It allows the federal government to authorize immigrants from countries facing natural disasters, civil war, or other kinds of political and social disorder to legally remain and work in the U.S. for up to 18 months at a time, and to renew those protections indefinitely. That status isn’t provided to everyone who has arrived from a particular country; it’s available only to people living in the U.S. as of the date the federal government grants the TPS designation. For instance, the TPS protection to legally stay in the U.S. is available to people from El Salvador only if they were here by February 2001, after two major earthquakes there.

    The program was not nearly as controversial as other elements of immigration law, at least until Trump took office. As part of his overall offensive against immigration, Trump sought to rescind TPS status for six countries, including Haiti, Honduras, and El Salvador. But Trump was mostly blocked by lawsuits and Biden has reversed all those decisions. Biden has also granted TPS status to migrants from several additional countries, including about 200,000 people who had arrived in the U.S. from Venezuela as of March 2021.

    The demand from Democrats has been that Biden extend that protection, in a move called “redesignation,” to migrants who have arrived from Venezuela since then. Many Democrats have urged him to also update the protections for people from Nicaragua and other countries: A coalition of big-city mayors wrote Biden this summer asking him to extend existing TPS protections or create new ones for 11 countries.

    Following all of Biden’s actions, more immigrants than ever are covered under TPS. But the administration never appeared likely to agree to anything as sweeping as the mayors requested. Yesterday, the administration agreed to extend TPS status only to migrants from Venezuela who had arrived in the U.S. as of July 31. It did not expand TPS protections for any other countries. Angela Kelley, now the chief policy adviser for the American Immigration Lawyers Association, said that providing more TPS coverage to any country beyond Venezuela would be “a bigger piece to chew than the administration is able to swallow now.”

    But advocates considered the decision to cover more Venezuelans under TPS the most important action the administration could take to stabilize the situation in New York and other cities. The reason is that so many of the latest arrivals come from there; one recent survey found that two-thirds of the migrants in New York City shelters arrived from that country. Even including this huge migrant population in TPS won’t allow them to instantly work. The administration will also need to streamline regulations that slow work authorization, experts say. But eventually, Kelley says, allowing more Venezuelans to legally work through TPS would “alleviate a lot of the pressure in New York” and other cities.

    Kerri Talbot, the executive director of the Immigration Hub, an advocacy group, points out the TPS program is actually a better fit for Venezuelans, because the regular asylum process requires applicants to demonstrate that they fear persecution because of their race, religion, or political opinion, which is not the fundamental problem in Venezuela. “Most of them do not have good cases for asylum,” she said of the new arrivals from Venezuela. “They need TPS, because that’s what TPS is designed for: Their country is not functional.”

    Biden’s authority to expand TPS to more Venezuelans is likely to stand up in court against the nearly inevitable legal challenges from Republicans. But extending legal protection to hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans still presents a tempting political target for the GOP. Conservatives such as Elizabeth Jacobs, the director of regulatory affairs and policy at the Center for Immigration Studies, have argued that providing work authorizations for more undocumented migrants would only exacerbate the long-term problem by encouraging more to follow them, in the hope of obtaining such permission as well.

    Immigration advocates note that multiple academic studies show that TPS protections have not in fact inspired a surge of further migrants from the affected countries. Some in the administration remain uncertain about this, but any worries about possibly creating more long-term problems at the border were clearly outweighed by more immediate challenges in New York and other cities.

    If Biden did nothing, he faced the prospect of escalating criticism from Adams and maybe other Democratic mayors and governors that would likely make its way next year into Republican ads denouncing the president’s record on immigration. That risk, many of those watching the debate believe, helped persuade the administration to accept the demands from so many of Biden’s allies to extend TPS to more undocumented migrants, at least from Venezuela. But that doesn’t mean he’ll be happy about this or any of the other difficult choices he faces at the border.

    Ronald Brownstein

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  • Eight killed in fire at Czech cabin used by homeless people as shelter | CNN

    Eight killed in fire at Czech cabin used by homeless people as shelter | CNN



    CNN
     — 

    Eight people have died in the city of Brno, the Czech Republic, after a large fire broke out early on Thursday in a structure thought to be used as a shelter by homeless people, Czech police said.

    Six men and two women were killed after the fire engulfed several mobile cabins near a residential complex in Brno, the second largest Czech city, police said.

    The police said that initial investigation suggests the people became trapped inside the cabins, unable to find their way out because of heavy smoke.

    “According to the owner, the building was empty as of yesterday afternoon, but homeless people were using it as a shelter to sleep in,” the police said in a statement.

    The cabins were used as a dormitory for construction workers in the past, but have been abandoned for some time. The police said the structure was slated for demolition and the people who were caught in the blaze entered it “without authorization.”

    The Fire Rescue Service of the South Moravian Region said in a statement that the fire has been extinguished as of Thursday morning.

    “This is a huge human tragedy that cannot leave anyone untouched. Big thank you to the firefighters who bravely fought the flames,” Brno’s mayor Markéta Vaňková said in a statement.

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