Gov. Hochul pictured Wednesday at the Brooklyn Made in Downtown Brooklyn.
Photo courtesy of Gov. Hochul’s Office
Retail theft in New York City has dropped 13.6% year-over-year, Gov. Kathy Hochul said Wednesday, as the State Police Organized Retail Theft Task Force recovered more than $2.6 million in stolen goods since expanding operations in April 2024.
Speaking in Downtown Brooklyn on Nov. 19 ahead of the holiday shopping season, Hochul said small businesses continue to feel the effects of years of heightened shoplifting and organized theft. “When I first became governor, there was a spike in retail theft,” Hochul said. “I walked the streets in Brooklyn and Queens and saw firsthand how it was paralyzing for small businesses.”
Last year, Hochul introduced a $40 million package of sweeping measures to combat rising retail theft statewide. The initiative created retail-focused anti-theft teams for police, increased penalties for anyone who assaults retail workers, and established a $5 million tax credit to help small businesses invest in security upgrades such as cameras and theft-prevention devices.
The legislation followed years of escalating theft. Crime data show larceny offenses in NYC rose 51% between 2017 and 2023, while robberies, grand larceny, and petit larceny collectively increased 86% during the same period.
The State Police task force, made up of 100 dedicated personnel working alongside local law enforcement and district attorneys, has conducted more than 1,000 operations in the city and surrounding areas, Hochul said. Those efforts have resulted in 1,224 arrests and 2,146 criminal charges over the last year.
State Police Superintendent Steven James said Wednesday that the decline in theft is encouraging but added that the impact of these crimes extends beyond financial losses. “Retail theft inflicts distress on business owners, workers and patrons,” he said.
Hochul urged New Yorkers to support small businesses during the holidays, saying the decrease in theft helps store owners stay afloat amid broader economic uncertainties. “We want people to feel comfortable walking into stores and supporting the real people behind them,” she said.
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New York was to make history on June 30 as the first American city to implement a congestion pricing program, decades in the making.
Now, just three weeks before the planned start date, history has been made of a different kind: New York is the first American city to very nearly adopt congestion pricing, before dropping it at the last minute without an equal alternative in place.
On Wednesday, Gov. Kathy Hochul indefinitely postponed the MTA’s congestion pricing plan, which would have charged $15 for most motorists to enter lower Manhattan in a bid to reduce punishing traffic in the central business district and finance the modernization of the city’s mass transit.
In a prerecorded address, Hochul said she could not allow the plan to move forward, citing concern over the toll’s impact on New Yorkers’ cost-of-living. Others, however, suspect that Hochul’s move is a political one, as Democrats seek to recover congressional seats in suburban areas particularly hostile to the toll.
Gov. Kathy Hochul abruptly announced Wednesday that she was putting congestion pricing on indefinite hold, just weeks before implementation.Darren McGee/ Office of Governor Kathy Hochul
“It’s nonsense. It’s all politics,” opined Sam Schwartz, the legendary traffic engineer and former city transportation official who coined the term “gridlock.” “This is really a poor decision by the governor if she’s worried about the economy.”
Schwartz was just three weeks away from seeing his decades-long dream of pricing motor vehicle traffic come into being.
“It’s 2024, we’re 25 days from implementing it, and the governor got cold feet,” Schwartz said, describing his state of mind as “devastated” to see the plan come crashing down so close to the finish line.
A history of false starts
Speaking with amNewYork Metro, Schwartz recalled his time as an engineer at the city’s Traffic Department (now the Transportation Department) in the early 1970s under Mayor John Lindsay, when he and other engineers proposed tolling the East River and Harlem River bridges as a means of controlling traffic in Manhattan.
When Abe Beame became mayor he said the tolls would happen “over my dead body,” Schwartz recalled. Beame was sued by environmental groups who took their case all the way to the Supreme Court and won, and it appeared New York would adopt an early form of congestion pricing.
But like what occurred on Wednesday, the plan was nipped in the bud by an eleventh-hour political act: in 1977, Congress passed legislation that forbade New York City from implementing such tolls.
“Gridlock” Sam Schwartz, who has advocated for and attempted to implement congestion pricing for 50 years, said he is “devastated” by Hochul’s about-face.File Photo by Ben Brachfeld
As he moved up the ladder to become the city’s Traffic Commissioner under Ed Koch, Schwartz tried in vain several more times to implement different versions of congestion pricing. But, also similarly to today, the plans were thwarted by numerous lawsuits and by politicians who got cold feet due to protests of the plan.
The dream was shelved for another two decades until 2007, when Mayor Michael Bloomberg proposed a congestion charge as part of his PlaNYC environmental proposal. By then, several world cities had adopted a congestion charge, including London, Stockholm, and Singapore; Bloomberg and his Transportation Commissioner, Janette Sadik-Khan, saw reducing traffic in the central business district as a venerable climate goal for the coming decades in the city.
Unlike most of Bloomberg’s PlaNYC proposals though, congestion pricing required approval by the State Legislature, and the administration could not secure that before abandoning it in 2008, running into opposition from powerful Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver and Senate Majority Leader Dean Skelos, both of whom later went to prison on corruption charges.
Alex Matthiessen, an environmental consultant who used to lead the nonprofit Riverkeeper, said the Bloomberg administration had done little to convince residents and pols outside of Manhattan that the plan was worthwhile.
“They did very little retail politicking, they consulted with very few rank-and-file legislators,” said Matthiessen. “And as a result, their plan was panned immediately as pro-Manhattan, and in favor of wealthy white Manhattanites.”
Matthiessen, a fierce proponent of congestion pricing, sought to change that. He founded the Move NY coalition in 2010, and ultimately teamed up with Schwartz to devise a new congestion pricing plan they felt would both achieve the aims of reducing punishing traffic while getting political support across the five boroughs and beyond.
Like Bloomberg’s plan before and the one adopted later, motorists would be tolled for driving into Manhattan south of 60th Street, but Matthiessen said the Move NY plan would appeal to suburban drivers by sharply reducing tolls on crossings entirely within the outer boroughs, and investing part of the toll revenue back into the state’s roads and bridges.
Mayor Michael Bloomberg and Transportation Commissioner Janette Sadik-Khan tried in vain to get a congestion pricing plan approved in the 2000s.Edward Reed/Mayoral Photography Office
‘Summer of hell’ changed attitudes
It was stuck in the political wilderness for several years but that all changed in 2017, “the summer of hell,” the year subway service reliability plummeted in an extremely high-profile fashion due to long-term disinvestment, and New Yorkers were losing faith in their transit system. Transit advocates like the Riders Alliance were consistently hammering Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who shouldered much of the blame for the crisis, for his attempts to pass the buck, holding press conferences to explicitly tie the governor to the failures of the transit system.
Eventually, Cuomo acknowledged the need to invest in modernizing the system and jumped on the congestion pricing bandwagon, acknowledging that the policy’s “time has come.”
Cuomo empaneled a commission called “Fix NYC” which ultimately recommended a congestion charge that would funnel revenue back into mass transit. The MTA would use the $1 billion in annual proceeds to issue bonds and generate billions more for urgent construction priorities, like modernizing subway signals, making the subway wheelchair-accessible, buying electric buses, and keeping the 120-year-old transit system in a state of good repair, as well as expansion projects like the Second Avenue Subway.
Matthiessen was a vigorous supporter of the enacted plan but feels the original Move NY plan, which kicked some money back to drivers, might have assuaged some of the political rankling that followed.
Congestion pricing would have funded billions of dollars in MTA construction priorities, like modernizing nearly century-old train signals and making the subway accessible for people with disabilities.File Photo by Ben Brachfeld
“This was a good plan,” said Matthiessen. “I think it would’ve been a better plan if Cuomo had done what we did which was give some of the money to the drivers in the form of maintaining roads and bridges in the New York City area, and maybe reduce tolls on the outer borough crossings.”
Approval in 2019, of course, turned out to be just the beginning. The MTA initially intended to have the program up and running by 2021, but first needed approval from the Federal Highway Administration (FHWA). Under the Trump administration, that agency simply bided its time for a president who has recently confirmed his distaste for the policy, and had promised to unwind if reelected this year.
The process began moving forward when Joe Biden assumed the presidency, culminating in the release of a massive 4,000-page environmental assessment comprehensively studying the policy’s impacts which won the approval of the FHWA. That was followed by a torrent of lawsuits claiming the method of environmental study used was illegal, all of which remain pending.
When Cuomo resigned amid a sexual harassment scandal, advocates initially worried Hochul, his upstate-born lieutenant, was a question mark on transit, but until Wednesday she had consistently praised the program, even explicitly rebuffing arguments from critics.
Following the FHWA’s granting approval last year, Hochul said the plan would help “millions of New Yorkers…lead happier, safer, less stressful lives.”
“She showed herself to be a person of courage, or at least we thought so,” Schwartz said.
The MTA had spent over $500 million installing the gantries to assess tolls to motorists at ports of entry to the Manhattan CBD, and had recently finished that installation. The agency was just weeks away from finally implementing the nation’s first congestion pricing program when Hochul abruptly pulled the plug on Wednesday.
Matthiessen, for one, believes Hochul’s about-face on congestion pricing is disqualifying for her likely reelection bid in 2026.
The MTA spent $500 million installing tolling infrastructure at ports of entry to Manhattan’s central business district, which will now go unused.File Photo by Dean Moses
“It’s the most cowardly, craven collapse of political courage I’ve ever seen in my life. It’s extraordinary,” Matthiessen said. “She just disqualified herself for reelection in 2026. In this time of national instability and global climate chaos, we need leadership in New York, not an indecisive panderer who doesn’t know what she thinks from one day to the next.”
Schwartz, meanwhile, sees consequences emanating beyond the borders of New York’s five boroughs and 62 counties — proven to him by his experience recently at the American Public Transportation Association’s Rail Conference this week in Cleveland.
“Every city is rooting for New York City to pass congestion pricing,” said Schwartz, who now runs a traffic engineering consulting firm. “These were the transit officials of every city in the United States, Canada, and the Americas, and they were rooting for New York because if it could happen here it could happen there.”
“It’s needed now more than ever,” Schwartz continued. “We’re gonna starve our transit system yet again, we’re gonna get more people into driving yet again, and the city will become less habitable.”
Amy Cohen, co-founder of Families for Safe Streets, next to a picture of her son Sammy, the namesake of Sammy’s Law, at a 2019 rally.
File Photo by Todd Maisel
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State lawmakers are set to include Sammy’s Law in the forthcoming state budget, allowing New York City to lower its speed limit to 20 miles per hour, Gov. Kathy Hochul said on Thursday.
Hochul confirmed during an unrelated news conference in Manhattan Thursday afternoon that the measure would make it into the budget, which has still not been finalized nearly three weeks after it was due.
In her remarks, Hochul noted that she is not keen on the fact that local speed limits, in New York City and elsewhere, are up to Albany rather than the localities themselves.
“It should be up to localities. So we’re trying to shift the culture in many ways,” said Hochul. “And that’s one small way where I feel it’s a success for the localities to be empowered to do what they think is right for their constituents.”
The bill is named after Sammy Cohen Eckstein, who was just 12 years old when he was killed by a van driver in Park Slope, Brooklyn as he went into the street to fetch a soccer ball. Over 100 more children have been killed in traffic collisions since then.
“I cannot wait to hug Sammy’s family,” said Hochul. “And we’ll do an official signing of that with a lot of tears I’m sure, but knowing that their advocacy resulted in a real win in his name.”
New York City’s speed limit has been 25 mph since 2014, when then-Mayor Bill de Blasio persuaded state lawmakers to lower it from 30 mph where it had stood since 1964. Sammy’s mother, Amy Cohen, had been advocating to get approval for the lower speed limit since then.
“Lower speed limits save lives, and I am overjoyed that Sammy’s Law will finally pass in the state budget,” Cohen said. “This means so much to not only my family, but countless families across New York who’ve been fighting for this for years.”
The measure enjoys wide support among New Yorkers in polling and had the backing of numerous elected officials, including Hochul, Mayor Eric Adams, and scores of state and local lawmakers, but never managed to make it over the hump.
Advocates nearly tasted victory last year when the State Senate included Sammy’s Law in its budget proposal, but it was left out of the Assembly’s proposal. The final budget lacked it even as Cohen and another mother of a crash victim, Fabiola Mendieta-Cuapio, launched a hunger strike at the State Capitol.
The final version is expected to exempt roads with three or more lanes of traffic in each direction, Gothamist reported citing Assembly bill sponsor Linda Rosenthal.
Studies show that the risk of death for pedestrians decreases dramatically when motor vehicles are traveling at lower speeds. The AAA Foundation for Traffic Safety found pedestrians face a 10% risk of death when hit by a car traveling 23 miles per hour; the rate climbs to 25% at 32 mph, 50% at 42 mph, 75% at 50 mph, and a horrific 90% at 58 mph.
ALBANY, N.Y. (AP) — A special election to pick a successor to George Santos, the New York Republican who was expelled from the U.S. House last week, will be held on Feb. 13, Gov. Kathy Hochul announced Tuesday.
The race for a seat representing some Long Island suburbs and a small part of the New York City borough of Queens is expected to be a high-profile contest that will mark the start of a year of consequential congressional elections in the state.
For Democrats, the election will be a test of the party’s ability to flip districts around New York City that are seen as vital to their plans to retake control of the House. Republicans enter the contest with heavy momentum on Long Island and will fight to hold on to the district as they look to maintain their narrow House majority.
Candidates in the special election will be picked by party leaders, not voters.
Former U.S. Rep. Tom Suozzi has emerged as the potential frontrunner nominee for Democrats. Suozzi, 61, represented the district for six years before launching an unsuccessful campaign for governor last year, and previously held political posts as a county executive and mayor on Long Island.
The centrist Democrat’s deep ties in Long Island politics may provide name recognition and the ability to quickly stand up a campaign — vital attributes in an narrowly focused election where voters will have a limited amount of time to pick their representative.
Suozzi had announced his campaign for the seat before Santos was expelled, and has been promoting a series of endorsements from local politicians and labor groups after the district became vacant.
Also vying for the Democratic nomination is former state senator Anna Kaplan, who has in recent days taken potshots at Suozzi’s record and sought to center the special election on passing federal legislation guaranteeing abortion rights.
On the Republican side, potential names include retired police detective Mike Sapraicone, Air Force veteran Kellen Curry and Nassau County legislator Mazi Pilip, an Ethiopian-born Jewish woman who served in the Israeli military.
Sapraicone, who is also the founder of a private security company, said he has been interviewed by county Republicans who will select the nominee, with the panel quizzing him on his political stances, his ability to fundraise and quickly launch a campaign.
Like Suozzi, Sapraicone launched his campaign before Santos was expelled and has already begun to fundraise, with his campaign coffers including $300,000 of his own money, he said.
“For us to maintain the House and retain the majority is so important,” Sapraicone said. “It’s so important that New York sets the tone here in February.”
Democrats want to flip at least five House seats in New York next year, with the Santos seat being a potential early indicator of their chances in November.
The party has dedicated significant financial and organizational resources to the state, after a series of losses last year in the New York City suburbs helped Republicans take control of the House and brought down heavy criticism on state Democrats.
President Joe Biden won the district in 2020, but Republicans have notched electoral gains on Long Island in recent years as moderate suburban voters there, in contrast to urban areas in much of the country, have shown signs of gravitating toward the GOP.
In the latest sign of Republican strength on Long Island, the GOP won several local elections last month, including races in the now-vacant district.
Santos was expelled from the House last week following a scandal-plagued tenure in Congress and a looming criminal trial. He is only the sixth member in the chamber’s history to be ousted by colleagues.
Judges in New York will have more discretion to jail people awaiting trial for alleged crimes, Gov. Kathy Hochul announced Thursday night, a policy change fiercely resisted by some of her fellow Democrats.
The governor held a state Capitol news conference to announce that a “conceptual agreement” had been reached on a $229 billion budget with the state Legislature, a deal that still needs to be approved by lawmakers. The budget includes policy proposals ranging from a minimum wage hike to allowing more charter schools in New York City.
But negotiations between the governor and legislative leaders ran well past an April 1 deadline, in large part because Hochul insisted on changes to the state’s bail laws.
The issue has been a flashpoint between liberal Democrats, who say requiring people to pay cash to get out of jail rigs the system against poor people, and elected officials who cast it as a public safety issue.
New York approved sweeping changes in 2019 aimed at keeping defendants who can’t afford bail from being disproportionately jailed. But those changes have been tweaked twice before amid criticism that judges were being deprived of a tool they could use to hold people likely to commit new crimes.
The new agreement would remove a requirement that judges choose the “least restrictive” means to ensure defendants return to court. Judges have complained the standard “tied their hands,” Hochul said.
“It gives judges discretion they need to hold violent criminals accountable, while still upholding our commitment to a justice system that is fair and accessible to all and also ensuring that poverty is never treated as a crime,” she said.
State Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie confirmed the conceptual agreement in a statement, saying it addresses many priorities advocated by Democrats. He added that some issues were still under discussion.
Hochul’s latest push for bail changes came after her closer-than-expected election victory last November in the Democrat-dominated state. Republicans attacked their opponents as soft on crime, making particularly strong gains in New York City suburbs.
Some lawmakers said Hochul’s proposed changes would undercut the bail reforms approved in 2019 and result in more New Yorkers in pretrial detention — especially people with low incomes and people of color.
Assembly member Latrice Walker, a Brooklyn Democrat, accused Hochul of the “wholesale dismantling of bail reform.”
Bail has become a point of contention between GOP and Democratic lawmakers in other states as well. Republican lawmakers in at least 14 states, including Georgia and Wisconsin, have pushed bills that would in part make it harder for defendants to get out of jail before trial.
The bail deal struck between Hochul and the Assembly and Senate leaders is one of several political compromises in the budget package.
The state would raise the minimum wage, but not to the $20 sought by liberal Democrats. Starting next year, the minimum wage will rise to $16 in New York City and some of its suburbs and $15 elsewhere in the state, with additional 50 cent increases in 2025 and 2026, Hochul said.
The state would give an infusion of money to the authority that operates the subway, bus and commuter rail systems in the New York City metropolitan area, funded partly through a tax increase paid by larger businesses. However, those higher taxes would only be paid by businesses in New York City, not in the suburbs where Democrats are concerned about losing votes.
Hochul also dropped, for now, a plan to try to spur construction of multifamily housing in suburban communities that have historically put up barriers to new development. That proposal had also run into loud opposition from suburban lawmakers.
New York state lawmakers passed another weeklong extension for the state’s budget Monday to ensure state operations run undisrupted and workers get paid as budget negotiations continue.
State Comptroller Thomas DiNapoli highlighted the need for lawmakers to push the deadline yet again when he sent a letter to Gov. Kathy Hochul on Friday urging her to take action to ensure 83,000 state workers get paid in time for the next payroll cycle.
State lawmakers will not be paid themselves until a budget is passed, DiNapoli’s office said, and it is not clear how long it’ll take Democratic legislative leaders to reach an agreement.
The legislators missed the original April 1 deadline for adopting a state budget because of disagreements over the governor’s proposals to change bail rules and create new housing.
There has been “zero movement in discussions” on any other issues besides bail and housing in a state budget that is now more than a week late, state Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie told reporters on Monday.
“I don’t believe that we should be doing policy on budgets, I’ve been very clear on that,” Heastie said.
Hochul, a Democrat, said Saturday during an Easter celebration that although it will take additional time to solidify a final budget, she’s “confident” that progress is being made.
With a second extension, the Legislature would have through April 17 to either pass a budget or extend the process again.
Senate Republican Leader Rob Ortt called disagreements among the Democratic leaders “a sticking point.”
“New Yorkers have suffered enough by Democrat policies making our state less affordable and less safe,” he said.