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Tag: health outcomes

  • Zero Lead Is an Impossible Ask for American Parents

    Zero Lead Is an Impossible Ask for American Parents

    Over the past eight months, I’ve spent a mind-boggling amount of time and money trying to keep an invisible poison at bay. It started at my daughter’s 12-month checkup, when her pediatrician told me she had a concerning amount of lead in her blood. The pediatrician explained that, at high levels, lead can irreversibly damage children’s nervous system, brain, and other organs, and that, at lower levels, it’s associated with learning disabilities, behavior problems, and other developmental delays. On the drive home, I looked at my baby in her car seat and cried.

    The pediatrician told me that we needed to get my daughter’s lead level down. But when I began to try to find out where it was coming from, I learned that lead can be found in any number of places: baby food, house paint, breast milk, toys, cumin powder. And it’s potent. A small amount of lead dust—equal to one sweetener packet—would make an entire football field “hazardous” by the EPA’s standards.

    My husband and I spent nearly $12,000 removing highly contaminated soil from our backyard, replacing old windows, and sealing an old claw-foot bathtub. We mopped the floors at night, obsessively washed our daughter’s hands, and made sure to feed her plenty of iron, calcium, and vitamin C, which are thought to help limit the body’s absorption of lead. Four months later, when we went back to the pediatrician, her lead levels had sunk from 3.9 micrograms per deciliter of blood to 2.2 mcg/dL. That was better, but still far from zero. And according to the CDC, the World Health Organization, and the Mayo Clinic, zero is the only safe amount of lead.

    We’re one of thousands of families who have gone through that ordeal this year. At least 300,000 American children have blood lead levels above 3.5 mcg/dL, the CDC’s so-called reference value. But parents are largely left on their own to get lead out of their kids’ lives. Families who can afford an abundance of caution can sink tens of thousands of dollars into the project. And they still might never hit zero.

    When Suz Garrett learned that her 1-year-old son, Orrin, had four micrograms of lead in every deciliter of his blood, she and her husband waited for guidance from their doctor or the county health department, but none came. So they sent Orrin to stay with family while they repainted their 19th-century Richmond, Virginia, house and covered the open soil with mulch. Band-Aids like these are cost-effective, but every time you pry open an old window, or your dog tracks in dirt from the neighbors’ yard, invisible specks of lead dust can build up again.

    For nearly a year, the Garretts cleaned religiously. Orrin’s blood levels are still detectable—currently, he’s at 2.1 mcg/dL. Garrett and her husband are fed up. In a few months they’re moving to a new house, one they took out a $200,000 construction loan to renovate. “We ended up gutting it so we would know there’s no lead paint,” Garrett said.

    A few years ago, children like Orrin Garrett and my daughter wouldn’t have been a cause for concern. Until 2012, children were identified as having a blood lead “level of concern” at 10 mcg/dL or more. But for the past decade, the CDC has used a reference value to identify children who have more lead in their blood than most others. The reference number is based on statistics, not health outcomes. When most children tested below 5 mcg/dL, the reference level was five. Today, it is 3.5.

    The reference level has trended down along with lead exposure, which has dropped by 95 percent since the 1970s thanks to policies that removed lead from gasoline, paint, plumbing, and food. But confusion and concern about what classifies as lead poisoning has risen.

    Scientists and public-health officials still can’t say exactly how low lead exposure needs to be to prevent damage for any individual child. When Kim Dietrich, an epidemiologist and a developmental neuropsychologist, started his career in the ’70s, the general consensus was that levels above 40 to 60 micrograms took a significant toll on the developing brain. But work by Dietrich and others showed that harm can be caused at much lower levels. In the early 2000s, pooled data from seven large studies from around the world, including one Dietrich conducted in Cincinnati, showed that an increase in children’s blood-lead concentration from 2.4 to just 10 mcg/dL corresponded with a four-point drop in their IQ. That’s a scary prospect. But, Dietrich told me, “it’s very important not to confuse findings from these large population-level studies with individual impacts.”

    Discerning the effect of low lead levels—below about 10 mcg/dL—on cognitive health is an extremely complicated issue. “If you’ve got a blood alcohol content of 0.2, you’re likely to be horribly dangerous behind the wheel no matter who you are. Lead is a little bit different. Your child’s two might be worse than my child’s 10,” Gabriel Filippelli, a biogeochemist who studies lead exposure in urban environments, told me. Part of the variation in outcomes could be the result of factors we still don’t understand, like a child’s genetic makeup.

    Policing low levels of lead exposure in children costs parents both financially and emotionally. Mary Jean Brown, the former chief of the CDC’s Healthy Homes and Lead Poisoning Prevention Program, told me that concerned parents should be careful not to create a self-fulfilling prophecy. “Most children will not exhibit any symptoms when they have blood levels of 5 or 10 micrograms per deciliter,” she told me. But “if the mother or someone else says, ‘Johnny’s not like everybody else,’ pretty soon, Johnny isn’t like everybody else.”

    This type of anxiety is familiar to Tanisha Bowman, a health-care worker in Pittsburgh who has spent nearly three years trying to lower her daughter’s blood lead levels. They initially peaked at 20 mcg/dL, and have ranged from two to six over the past year. “There was never anything wrong with her. She was always measuring four to six months ahead,” Bowman said. But it was impossible not to read scary headlines about lead and assume they applied to her daughter. When she had tantrums around the age of 2, Bowman started wondering if she had ADHD, which is sometimes associated with lead exposure. “I will never know what impact, if any, this had on her. And nobody will ever be able to tell me,” she said. (Bowman’s daughter has had no diagnosis related to lead.)

    In the absence of a specific, outcome-based number to help parents decide when to worry, a mantra has emerged among doctors, reporters, and health institutions: There is no safe level of lead. Filippelli said that he’s used the catchphrase, but it’s a bit misleading. “There is no valid research source to support the ‘No amount of lead exposure is safe’ idea, beyond that fact that to avoid the potential of harm, you should avoid exposure,” he explained in an email.

    As well intentioned as the guidance might be, avoiding all exposure is an impossible quest. Tricia Gasek, a mother of three who lives in New Jersey, tried desperately to locate the source of lead in her children’s blood. She spent $1,000 hiring a “lead detective” to test her home with an XRF device and getting consultations with experts, plus another $600 replacing leaded lights on the front door. Ultimately, she learned that she also had elevated levels and concluded that the lead in her son’s blood was coming from her breast milk—possibly, her doctors thought, from exposure she had as a child. The process was exhausting. “It’s just crazy. Why am I the one figuring all this out?” she says.

    Parents simply can’t get to zero without help. Lead is invisible and pervasive. Although the Flint, Michigan, water crisis and recent product recalls have raised awareness about lead leaching from corroding pipes and hiding inside baby food, the biggest sources of exposure for children are the spaces where they live and play: inside houses and apartments with old, degrading paint and yards with contaminated soil. For many, there is no easy escape. Lead contamination is most common in low-income neighborhoods, which means Black and Hispanic kids are disproportionately affected.

    Many local health departments, including the one where I live, offer home visits to help identify sources of lead, but in many cases only when levels are above 10 mcg/dL. So the majority of children with elevated lead levels receive little or no assistance at all, and families have to play detective, social worker, and home remodeler all at once.

    This is paradoxical, because the problem of low-level lead exposure cannot be solved by focusing on one child or one home at a time. My family’s efforts helped lower our daughter’s lead levels slightly, but they did nothing to address the more widespread problem of lead in our neighborhood, to which she and all the other children nearby are still exposed. Instead of having every lead-exposed family play whack-a-mole in their own home, Filippelli says that if he were appointed czar of lead, he would do a national analysis of high-risk neighborhoods and households, perform targeted testing to confirm hazards, and remediate at scale. There would have to be coordination between the Department of Housing and Urban Development and the Environmental Protection Agency, and such programs could cost up to $1 trillion and take a decade. But, he says, we could significantly reduce lead exposure across the board. The trickle-down effects of half a million children becoming smarter, healthier adults would reach everyone, even if we can’t say exactly how much smarter or healthier they’d be.

    For now, my family is still navigating this maze on our own. I’m trying to think of low-level lead exposure as a risk factor—like air pollution and forever chemicals—instead of a diagnosis. Meanwhile, my daughter is doing just fine. As a family, we’ll continue to avoid what lead we can; we’ve decided to spend a whopping $25,000 to repaint the chipping exterior of our house. But we’re still going to let our kid play at the park and climb the walls. After all, there’s no stopping her.

    Lauren Silverman

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  • Go Ahead, Try to Explain Milk

    Go Ahead, Try to Explain Milk

    If an alien life form landed on Earth tomorrow and called up some of the planet’s foremost experts on lactation, it would have a heck of time figuring out what, exactly, humans and other mammals are feeding their kids.

    The trouble is, no one can really describe what milk is—least of all the people who think most often about it. They can describe, mostly, who makes it: mammals (though arguably also some other animals that feed their young secretions from their throat or their skin). They can describe, mostly, where it comes from: mammary glands via, usually, nipples (though please note the existence of monotremes, which ooze milk into abdominal grooves). They can even describe, mostly, what milk does: nourish, protect, and exchange chemical signals with infants to support development and growth.

    But few of these answers get at what milk, materially, compositionally, is actually like. Bridget Young, an infant-nutrition researcher at the University of Rochester, told me milk was an “ecological system”; Alan S. Ryan, a clinical-research consultant, called it a “nutritional instrument.” Bruce German, a food scientist at UC Davis, told me milk was “the result of the evolutionary selective pressure on a unique feeding strategy,” adding, by way of clarification, that it was “a biological process.” A few researchers defaulted to using milk to explain something else. “It’s the defining feature of mammals,” says Melanie Martin, an anthropologist at the University of Washington. None of these characterizations were bad. But had I been that alien, I would have no idea what these people were talking about.

    What these experts were trying to avoid was categorizing milk as a “food”—the way that most people on Earth might, especially in industrialized countries where dairy products command entire supermarket aisles. “Overwhelmingly, when we think about milk, when we talk about milk, we think of nutrition,” says Katie Hinde, an evolutionary biologist at Arizona State University. That’s not the wrong way to think about it. But it’s also not entirely right.

    The milk that mammals make is undoubtedly full of the carbs, fat, protein, vitamins, and minerals newborn mammals need to survive. And, across species, much of it does resemble the creamy, tart-tangy, lactose-rich whitish liquid that billions of people regularly buy. But to consider only milk’s nutrient constituents—to imply that it has a single recipe—is to do it “a disservice,” German told me. Mammalian milk is a manifestation of hundreds of millions of years of evolutionary tinkering that have turned it into a diet, and a developmental stimulus, and a conduit for maternal-infant communication, and a passive vaccine. It builds organs, fine-tunes metabolism, and calibrates immunity; it paints some of an infant’s first portraits of its mother, and telegraphs chemical signals to the microbes that live inside the gut. Milk can sustain echidnas that hatch from eggs, and wildebeest that can gallop within hours of birth; it can support newborn honey possums that weigh just three milligrams at birth, and blue-whale calves clocking in at up to 20 tons. Among some primates, it influences infants’ playfulness, and may shape their sleep habits and bias them toward certain foods. Some of its ingredients are found nowhere else in nature; others are indigestible, still others are alive.

    Milk is also dynamic in a way that no other fluid is. It remodels in the hours, days, weeks, and months after birth; it changes from the beginning of a single stint of feeding to the end. In humans, scientists have identified “morning” milk that’s high in cortisol, and “night” milk that’s heavy in melatonin; certain primates have “boy milk and girl milk,” German told me, which support subtly different developmental needs. Tammar wallabies, which can nurse two joeys of different ages at once, even produce milks tailored to each offspring’s developmental stage; Kevin Nicholas, a biologist at Monash University, has found that when the joeys swap teats, the younger sibling’s growth accelerates. And when mothers and their offspring change, milk changes in lockstep. It reflects the mother’s stress level and physical health, taking on new flavors as her diet shifts; its fat content fluctuates, depending on how far apart bouts of nursing are spaced. Scientists are just beginning to understand how made-to-order milk might be: Some evidence suggests that maternal tissues may register, via the breast, when infants catch infections—and modify milk in real time to furnish babies with the exact immune cells or molecules they need.

    “It’s a triad: mother, milk, and infant,” says Moran Yassour, a computational biologist at Hebrew University of Jerusalem. “Each one of them is playing a role, and the milk is active.” That dynamism makes milk both a miracle, and an enduring mystery—as unique and unreplicable as any individual parent or child, and just as difficult to define.


    In its earliest forms, milk probably didn’t have much nutritional value at all. Scientists think the substance’s origins date back about 300 million years, before the rise of mammals, in a lineage of creatures that hatched their young from very delicate eggs. The structures that would later develop into mammary glands started out similar to the ones we use to sweat; the substance that would become proper milk pooled on the surface of skin and was slathered onto shells. The earliest milks probably had few calories and almost none of its hallmark lactose. But they were deeply hydrating, and teeming with immunity.

    As our ancestors jettisoned egg laying for live birth, they began to extrude milk not just as a defensive shield for their offspring, but as a source of calories, vitamins, and minerals. The more that milk offered to infants, the more that it demanded of those that produced it: Mothers “dissolve themselves to make it,” German told me, liquefying their own fat stores to keep their babies fed, “which is impressive and scary at the same time.” In its many modern manifestations, milk is, in every mammal that produces it, a one-stop shop for newborn needs—“the only real time in life where we have hydration, nutrients, and bioactive factors that are all a single source,” says Liz Johnson, an infant-nutrition researcher at Cornell.

    Each time mammals have splintered into new lineages, taking on new traits, so too has their milk. While most primates and other species that can afford to spend months doting on their young produce dilute, sugary milks that can be given on demand, other mammals have evolved milk that encourages more independence and is calorific enough to nourish in short, ultra-efficient bursts. Hooded seals, which have to wean their pups within four days of birth, churn out goopy milk that’s nearly sugar-free, but clocks in at about 60 percent fat—helping their offspring nearly double in weight by the time they swim away. Marsupial milk, meanwhile, is ultra-sweet, with double or triple the sugar content of what cows produce, and cottontail rabbits pump out a particularly protein-rich brew. (One thing milk can’t do? Be high in both sugar and fat, says Mike Power, a biological anthropologist at the Smithsonian Conservation Biology Institute, where he maintains a large repository of mammalian milk: “Nature has never been able to produce ice cream.”) Each species’ milk even has its own microbiome—a community of helpful bacteria that goes on to seed the newborn infant’s gut. Mammal milks are now so specialized to their species that they can’t substitute for one another, even between species that otherwise live similar lives.

    Human milk—like other primate milk—is on the watery, sugary side. But its concentrations of immunity-promoting ingredients have no comparator. It bustles with defensive cells; it shuttles a stream of antibodies from mother to young, at levels that in some cases outstrip those of other great apes’ milk by a factor of at least 10. Its third-most-common solid ingredient is a group of carbohydrates known as human milk oligosaccharides, or HMOs, which aren’t digestible by our own cells but feed beneficial bacteria in the colon while keeping pathogens out. Roughly 200 types of oligosaccharides have been found in human milk—an inventory with more diversity, complexity, and nuance than that of any other mammalian species described to date, says Concepcion Remoroza, a chemist who’s cataloging the HMOs of different mammalian milks at the National Institute of Standards and Technology.

    The sheer defensive firepower in our species’ milk is probably a glimpse into the challenges in our past, as humans crowded together to plant, fertilize, and harvest mass quantities of food, and invited domesticated creatures into our jam-packed homes. “We were basically concentrating our pathogens and our parasites,” Power told me, in ways that put infants at risk. Perhaps the millennia modified our milk in response, making those unsanitary conditions possible to survive.


    Mammals would not exist without their milk. And yet, “we don’t actually know that much about milk,” down to the list of its core ingredients in our own species, says E. A. Quinn, an anthropologist at Washington University in St. Louis. Even for the breast-milk components that scientists can confidently identify, Quinn told me, “we don’t really have a good handle on what normal human values are.” Many studies examining the contents of breast milk have focused on Western countries, where the population skews wealthier, well nourished, and white. But so much varies from person to person, from moment to moment, that it’s tough to get a read on what’s universally good; likely, no such standard exists, at least not one that can apply across so many situations, demographics, and phases of lactation, much less to each infant’s of-the-moment needs.

    Milk’s enduring enigmas don’t just pose an academic puzzle. They also present a frustrating target—simultaneously hazy and mobile—for infant formulas that billions of people rely on as a supplement or substitute. Originally conceived of and still regulated as a food, formula fulfills only part of milk’s tripartite raison d’etre. Thanks to the strict standards on carb, fat, protein, vitamin, and mineral content set by the FDA and other government agencies, modern formulas—most of which are based on skim cow’s milk—do “the nourish part really well,” helping babies meet all their growth milestones, Bridget Young, the University of Rochester infant nutrition researcher, told me. “The protect and communicate part is where we start to fall short.” Differences in health outcomes for breastfed and formula-fed infants, though they’ve shrunk, do still exist: Milk-raised babies have, on average, fewer digestive troubles and infections; later in life, they might be less likely to develop certain metabolic issues.

    To close a few of those gaps, some formula companies have set their sights on some of milk’s more mysterious ingredients. For nearly a decade, Abbott, one of the largest manufacturers of formula in the United States, has been introducing a small number of HMOs into its products; elsewhere, scientists are tinkering with the healthful punch via live bacterial cultures, à la yogurt. A few are even trying a more animal-centric route. The company ByHeart uses whole cow’s milk as its base, instead of the more-standard skim. And Nicholas, the Monash University biologist, is taking inspiration from wallaby milk—complex, nutritious, and stimulating enough to grow organs of multiple species almost from scratch—which he thinks could guide the development of formulas for premature human infants not yet ready to subsist solely on mature milk.

    All of these approaches, though, have their limits. Of the 200 or so HMOs known to be in human milk, companies have managed to painstakingly synthesize and include just a handful in their products; the rest are more complex, and even less well understood. Getting the full roster into formula will “never happen,” Sharon Donovan, a nutritional scientist at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, told me. Other protein- and fat-based components of milk, specially packaged by mammary glands, are, in theory, more straightforward to mix in. But those ingredients might not always behave as expected when worked onto a template of cow’s milk, which just “cannot be compared” to the intricacies of human milk, Remoroza told me. (In terms of carbs, fats, and protein, zebra milk is, technically, a better match for us.)

    A company called Biomilq is trying a radical way to circumvent cows altogether: It’s in the early stages of growing donated human-mammary-gland cells in bioreactors, in hopes of producing a more recognizable analogue for breast milk, ready-made with our own species-specific mix of lactose, fats, and proteins, and maybe even a few HMOs, Leila Strickland, one of Biomilq’s co-founders, told me. But even Strickland is careful to say that her company’s product will never be breast milk. Too many of breast milk’s immunological, hormonal, and microbial components come from elsewhere in the mother’s body; they represent her experience in the world as an entire person, not a stand-alone gland. And like every other milk alternative, Biomilq’s product won’t be able to adjust itself in real time to suit a baby’s individual needs. If true milk represents a live discourse between mother and infant, the best Biomilq can manage will be a sophisticated, pretaped monologue.

    For all the ground that formula has gained, “no human recipe can replicate what has evolved” over hundreds of millions of years, Martin, of the University of Washington, told me. That may be especially true as long as formula continues to be officially regarded as a food—requiring it to be, above all else, safe, and every batch the same. Uniformity and relative sterility are part and parcel of mass production, yet almost antithetical to the variation and malleability of milk, Cornell’s Johnson told me. And in regulatory terms, foods aren’t designed to treat or cure, which can create headaches for companies that try to introduce microbes and molecules that carry even a twinge of additional health risk. Float the notion of a very biologically active addition like a growth factor or a metabolic hormone, and that can quickly “start to scare people a bit,” Donovan, of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, told me.

    As companies have vied to make their formulas more milk-esque and complex, some experts have discussed treating them more like drugs, a designation reserved for products with proven health impact. But that classification, too, seems a poor fit. “We’re not developing a cure for infancy,” Strickland, of Biomilq, told me. Formula’s main calling is, for now, still to “promote optimal growth and development,” Ryan, the research consultant, told me. Formula may not even need to aspire to meet milk’s bar. For babies that are born full-term, who remain up-to-date on their vaccinations and have access to consistent medical care, who are rich in socioeconomic support, who are held and doted on and loved—infants whose caregivers offer them immunity, resources, and guidance in many other ways—the effect of swapping formula for milk “is teeny,” Katie Hinde, of Arizona State University, told me. Other differences noted in the past between formula- and breastfed infants have also potentially been exaggerated or misleading; so many demographic differences exist between people who are able to breastfeed their kids and those who formula-feed that tracing any single shred of a person’s adult medical history back to their experiences in infancy is tough.

    The biggest hurdles in infant feeding nowadays, after all, are more about access than tech. Many people—some of them already at higher risk of poorer health outcomes later in life—end up halting breastfeeding earlier than they intend or want to, because it’s financially, socially, or institutionally unsustainable. Those disparities are especially apparent in places such as the U.S., where health care is privatized and paid parental leave and affordable lactation consultants are scarce, and where breastfeeding rates splinter unequally along the lines of race, education, and socioeconomic status. “Where milk matters the most, breastfeeding tends to be supported the least,” Hinde told me. If milk is a singular triumph of evolution, a catalyst for and a product of how all mammals came to be, it shouldn’t be relegated to a societal luxury.

    Katherine J. Wu

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  • How Exposure to Violence Worsens Health

    How Exposure to Violence Worsens Health

    Samaria Rice’s anxiety fluctuates but seems to reliably spike around her son Tamir’s birthday and on the anniversary of the day a policeman gunned down the 12-year-old.

    It’s been more than 8 years since police killed Tamir Rice as he stood outside a Cleveland, OH, community center, holding a toy gun.

    When Samaria Rice arrived at the scene Nov. 22, 2014, her youngest daughter, Tajai, 14, was in a squad car and her 15-year-old son, Tavon, was in handcuffs after running to the scene. She had to choose between staying with them or going with Tamir to the hospital.

    She chose the latter. Doctors declared Tamir dead the next day. Her daughter, Tasheona, then 18, and Tavon at first responded with anger and rebellion, and over time, as each struggled in their own way, Rice and her children were diagnosed with PTSD.

    The family has still not fully recovered. For years after Tamir’s death, Tajai, who was inseparable from Tamir, wouldn’t eat certain snacks like cheese pizza, cereal, or peanut butter and jelly sandwiches because they reminded her of her brother.

    The kids, all in their 20s now, have high blood pressure like their mother. Rice has flashbacks and finds herself “zoning out.”

    “We’re different people now,” she says. “When the death of my son happened, my children started making bad decisions. PTSD is a direct hit, and things happen instantly.”

    “It comes with a lot of depression, anxiety, crying spells, and sleepless nights. Your mind races,” she says.

    It Affects Entire Communities

    The damage doesn’t stop with families like the Rices. A growing body of research shows fallout from community violence, including aggressive policing, extends well beyond victims and their families. It can ripple through entire communities, taking a toll on both mental and physical health.

    “Policing definitely is a health issue,” says Andrea Headley, PhD, an assistant professor at Georgetown University’s McCourt School of Public Policy.

    Black and brown people, who tend to have more negative interactions with police, can experience “vicarious” trauma just knowing that people who look like them might be targeted, says Headley.

    Communities with more active and aggressive policing often face other ills – unemployment, less investment, faltering education systems among them – and the cumulative stress has been shown to increase the risk of ailments like diabetes, she says.

    Adverse childhood experiences, which include dealing with racism and seeing a relative incarcerated, are linked to higher rates of hepatitis, ischemic heart disease, liver disease, substance abuse, and chronic obstructive pulmonary disorder, research shows. It’s hard to make a direct causal link, but scientists are trying to unpack just how these factors work together and which ones are most responsible for bad health outcomes.

    The Long Road: Living With Trauma

    Sirry Alang, PhD, an associate professor in the Department of Health And Human Development at the University of Pittsburgh’s School of Education, has studied five pathways linking police brutality and health outcomes among Black people: fatal injuries; emotional and physiological responses within communities; racist public reactions; financial strain; and systemic disempowerment.

    When a person sees themselves in, say, George Floyd or Eric Garner, or sees their child in Tamir Rice or Michael Brown, triggers are common, Alang says. A routine traffic stop or the mere sight of an officer causes knots in the stomach as the body releases cortisol and other hormones designed to prepare for danger, which overworks systems and causes a “weathering” effect on the body, she says. Negative police encounters can also taint a person’s view of other authorities and institutions, including health care, she says.

    “If you have had a negative encounter with police, you’re less likely to get the flu shot, preventative care, find therapy when you’re stressed,” Alang says. “To you, the system is the system; the man is the man.”

    Rice has experienced it all. The city at first blamed Tamir for the shooting. (The then-mayor soon apologized for this.) Rice heard people question why her son’s replica firearm was missing its bright orange safety tip, while others pointed out Tamir was large for his age, as if either could explain an officer exiting his car and opening fire on a 12-year-old inside 2 seconds, she says.

    Her activism and fight for accountability (no officer was charged, but the city paid her family $6 million) have taken her away from work, as have her therapy sessions to deal with the emotional fallout. She continues to be dismayed by politicians who pay lip service but do little to address the issues, she says.

    “Those are anger points and trigger points for me, to see law enforcement continue killing without accountability.”

    Her three children are parents themselves now, and Rice can’t help but think they’d be further along in their dreams for life had they not lost their brother to police violence. As kids, Tavon wanted to be a carpenter or to work with cars, while Tasheona wanted to be a neonatal nurse – dreams deferred after Tavon spent some time in jail and Tasheona became a mother in her late teens.

    Rice, too, struggled mightily after Tamir’s death. She and Tajai, who lost significant weight after her brother’s killing, briefly lived in a shelter before donations allowed Samaria to find them an apartment, she says.

    They’re getting help and doing better now. Tasheona is about to begin studies to become a dental assistant, and Rice convinced Tavon to leave Ohio for a fresh start. He plans to attend barber school in Louisville, KY. Tajai has started eating cheese pizza and cereal again, though she hasn’t gone back to PB&J, her mother says.

    Today, Rice stays busy with the Tamir Rice Foundation, fighting for reform, lifting the always-smiling youngster’s legacy, and meeting with other families who’ve lost loved ones to gun violence.

    “You can lose your mind in a situation like this,” she says. “Some of these parents don’t come back after going through what we go through.” That’s why her foundation work is so close to her heart.

    These types of efforts can make a real difference in the community, says Headley from Georgetown.

    Yet she warns against one-size-fits-all approaches. Communities and police departments differ, as must prescriptions for reform. It may require a suite of changes such as:

    • Hiring more women and people of color as officers
    • Focusing more on known criminals than entire communities
    • Using mental health professionals rather than police where appropriate
    • Decriminalizing petty nuisances such as loitering
    • Investing in communities (for example, improving public spaces, reducing poverty, providing educational resources, creating jobs, and developing after-school programs)

    “We need to take a step back and understand all the ways these different parts of the policing system contribute to the problems,” Headley says.

    “There are things that we can do if we choose to do them, but the will has to be there.”

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  • Please Don’t Call My Cervix Incompetent

    Please Don’t Call My Cervix Incompetent

    If you haven’t been pregnant, you’d be forgiven for thinking the language of pregnancy is all baby bumps, bundles of joy, and comparisons to variously sized fruits. But in the doctor’s office, it’s a different story. The medical lexicon for moms-to-be can be downright harsh. Case in point: the phrase geriatric pregnancy, which, until recently, was used to refer to anyone pregnant after their 35th birthday.

    This unfortunate term is thought to stem from a concept that dates back to the 1970s, when amniocentesis, a procedure to screen for genetic abnormalities, was becoming routine. That year, the National Institutes of Health identified 35 as the age at which the risk that the test would harm the fetus was roughly equal to the chance of a fetus being born with Down’s syndrome. In the four-plus decades since, advancements in screening technology have made that calculation essentially obsolete—and the idea that your 35th birthday is some sort of cliff-of-no-return absurd. Moms, for their part, always hated the phrase: When Jamila Larson, a 49-year-old mother of two in Hyattsville, Maryland, was called “geriatric” by a midwife in 2011, “it felt like a gut punch,” she told me.

    Though you’ll still hear it occasionally, this term has (thankfully) been on its way out for a while. One reason is changing demographics. As more and more women give birth after turning 35—in 2020, about one in five babies in the United States was born to a mom who had passed that birthday—labeling them as particularly “old” no longer makes sense. Last August, the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) announced that its preferred terminology is now “pregnancy at age 35 years or older”—or, even better, that doctors and researchers should simply indicate patients’ age in five-year increments starting from the age of 35.

    This is how progress works: When a medical term outlasts its usefulness, we thank it for its service and move on. So it may surprise you to learn that a litany of dubiously appropriate and medically inaccurate words are still used to describe pregnancy and childbirth. Over the past decade, the field of medicine has acknowledged that language has the power to perpetuate bias among doctors, and worked to scrub its vocabulary of such terms, including schizophrenic (which reduces a person to a stigmatized disease), drug abuser (which reduces a person to their addiction), and sickler (a derogatory term for someone with sickle-cell disease). And yet, doctors continue to describe women’s bodies using charged terms such as hostile uterus, incompetent cervix, and habitual aborter—words that arguably sound worse than the now-shunned geriatric pregnancy. Why do some words evolve, while others insist on haunting moms’ medical charts like ghosts of medicine past?

    [Read: The culture war over ‘pregnant people’]

    Geriatric pregnancy got a spurt of publicity in 2021, when the makers of the fertility and motherhood app Peanut turned their attention to the minefield of pregnancy language. After a video of a distraught woman whose doctor told her she would be “geriatric” if she were to get pregnant garnered attention on the app, Peanut launched a campaign to come up with more neutral-sounding alternatives to existing medical language. That April, they released a glossary of proposed replacements. Still, more attention from the public doesn’t always translate into institutional action: Although 20,000 people have downloaded Peanut’s glossary, there hasn’t been any official movement within medicine to do away with the original terms.

    Across the U.S., doctors are still doling out diagnoses that sound not only archaic, but downright weird. Many of these terms are enshrined in the global catalog of diseases that doctors use to report procedures to insurance companies, known as the ICD-11. The latest version of that glossary, released in 2022, still includes the phrase elderly primigravida, which is basically a synonym for geriatric pregnancy. In 2016, during her second pregnancy, Larson’s notes read “elderly multigravida”—meaning she was both over 35 and had been pregnant before.

    Or consider incompetent cervix, a term that is in both the ACOG dictionary and the ICD-11. Really, it means a pregnant person’s cervix has dilated before the pregnancy is complete, which can lead to premature birth or miscarriage. Meena Khandelwal, an ob-gyn and the director of research for obstetrics and gynecology at Cooper University Health Care in Camden, New Jersey, told me she avoids using the phrase in front of patients (she sometimes uses weak cervix instead, though she isn’t sure that it’s much better). But because incompetent cervix is entrenched in insurance codes and her hospital’s record-keeping system, the phrase is likely to show up in patients’ notes anyway.

    [Read: She got pregnant. His body changed too.]

    To be sure, communicating that the cervix has opened early is crucial; it prompts doctors to monitor the situation using ultrasound, to temporarily sew the cervix closed, or to try another treatment. Providers need to be able to inform one another about patients quickly and clearly; one could argue that is a much more important function of medical jargon than protecting patients’ feelings. The point of language evolution is not to make words so gentle that they become meaningless.

    But in many cases, the existing language is less clear and precise than gentler alternatives. For example, failure to progress—a general term meaning that labor has lasted longer than expected—says nothing about the reason the labor is slow. And calling a patient “geriatric” offers less information than simply stating whether she is in her 30s, 40s, or 50s. The outdated words even have the potential to worsen patient outcomes: a 2018 study on physician bias found that when doctors read stigmatizing language in a patient’s charts, they tended to have more negative attitudes toward the patient and treat their pain less aggressively. Besides, “incompetent” is a strange way to describe whether a cervix is open or closed. It makes it sound like this organ should be worried about its next annual review.

    This odd quality unites many pregnancy-related terms: They make it sound as if the pregnant person, or their body part, could have chosen a different path. When you are told your uterus is being “hostile” or are accused of “failure to progress,” it’s hard not to feel like you’ve somehow failed the assignment. “It sends a message of ‘You could be normal, but you’re not. You’re not working with us here,’” says Kristen Syrett, an associate professor of linguistics at Rutgers University. Even geriatric pregnancy, which doesn’t explicitly apply blame, seems to suggest that a mom-to-be has knowingly brought more risk upon her unborn child by choosing pregnancy “later” in life.

    [Janice Wolly: My first pregnancy]

    Many moms told Peanut that the most devastating label they encountered was habitual aborter. That term usually refers to someone who experiences multiple miscarriages before 20 weeks of pregnancy, a condition that affects 1 to 2 percent of women. (Its cousin is spontaneous abortion, which means such a miscarriage has happened once). From a purely medical perspective, abortion refers to any procedure that terminates a pregnancy, and includes procedures to empty the womb after a miscarriage. But in layman’s terms, it has come to mean a chosen termination of a pregnancy. That, plus the implication that aborting is a bad habit you can’t seem to break, made the term feel particularly inappropriate. “It’s really horrific if you think about it,” says Somi Javaid, an ob-gyn and the founder of the health-care company HerMD, who consulted on the Peanut project.

    This sense of blame becomes more acute when you consider that for many people, reproductive organs are intimately tied to a sense of identity and self-worth—at least compared with, say, the kidneys. In the context of wanting a child, it’s difficult to hear that your uterus is “hostile” or your cervix is “incompetent” without thinking that those terms apply to your whole self. Even physicians can be taken aback: When Javaid was in her 20s, her own doctor deemed her “infertile” in her notes on account of her “old” uterus—meaning that its lining had thinned, a side effect from a fertility medication she was taking. “It felt like being slapped in the face,” she told me. “The impact of the word was not muted by my knowledge at all.”

    Medical terms can, and do, change. But usually the field is responding to larger shifts in the culture, rather than leading the charge. That’s what happened with the phrase pregnant women, which organizations including the ACLU and the CDC have been incrementally phasing out in favor of pregnant people, a term that has sparked vigorous debate about inclusive language and feminism. Last February, ACOG followed suit, announcing that it would “move beyond the exclusive use of gendered language” to better encompass the fact that people of all genders can become pregnant.

    [Helen Lewis: Why I’ll keep saying ‘pregnant women’]

    With geriatric pregnancy, the change was likely more bottom-up, starting with doctors themselves. After all, for many, it was personal: The length and intensity of medical training increases the odds that doctors will have children later than other women—that they will be, in their own language, geriatric moms, says Monica Lypson, a vice dean at Columbia University’s medical school who researches equity and inclusion. Lypson was deemed “geriatric” when she was pregnant at age 36—a choice of words she found “jarring” as a patient.

    Perhaps because incompetent cervix, habitual aborter, and the like refer to conditions that aren’t so common, many providers don’t realize just how hurtful they can be. Ariel Lefkowitz, an internal-medicine physician who cares for patients with pregnancy complications in Toronto, told me that he used to think of failure to progress the same way as he thought of kidney failure or heart failure. He didn’t notice the negative connotations until his wife, Sarah Friedlander, started training to be a birth educator and pointed them out. Now he sees that “it’s a lot more loaded, it’s a lot more personal,” he said.

    That realization pushed him to think harder about the bias embedded in medical language in other fields, such as failure to cope. “We’re so medicalized and supposedly neutral and in this clinical environment,” said Lefkowitz, who in 2021 co-wrote an editorial in the journal Obstetric Medicine on the importance of inclusive language in obstetrics. “It’s very easy to become numb to the ridiculous ways in which we speak.”

    The outdated terms that are currently stuck in the ICD-11, doctors’ offices, and the pages of medical journals may yet change. More doctors are recognizing that how patients perceive their words can have real impacts on health outcomes, says Julia Raney, a primary-care provider for adolescents who has created workshops on using mindful language in clinical settings. Accordingly, medicine is moving toward more person-centered care, including a focus on concrete risks rather than on blame and stereotypes. For instance, in her work with teens, Raney will note that they have a BMI in the 95th percentile rather than refer to them as simply “obese.” The goal is not to shield the patient from reality, but to better define their medical needs. Like ACOG’s move to designate moms as “35–39” or “40–44” rather than “of advanced maternal age,” this has the double benefit of being both less judgmental and more medically precise.

    [Anya E. R. Prince: I tried to keep my pregnancy secret]

    Doctors also have new reasons to be careful with their language. Since April 2021, an “open notes” law has given patients the right to freely and electronically access just about everything their doctors write about them. While the rule is still largely unknown to patients, open notes can make doctors more conscious (and, sometimes, anxious) about how what they write could affect their patients. “I think we’re all aware of that when we write anything,” Steve Lapinsky, an editor in chief of the journal Obstetric Medicine, told me. This increased transparency, he said, might just be the kick medicine needs to accelerate the pace of language change and do away with terms like incompetent cervix once and for all.

    Rachel E. Gross

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