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  • Federal agents held him in a hospital for 37 days, at times shackled to his bed, without charging him

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    For more than a month, federal immigration officials surveilled Bayron Rovidio Marin in a hospital bed at Harbor-UCLA Medical Center, where he lay recuperating from serious injuries to his leg after an encounter with agents at a Carson car wash they raided. He was never charged and his lawyers say he was shackled to his bed for several days and couldn’t speak privately with doctors or legal counsel.

    Over the weekend, a federal judge issued a temporary restraining order requiring immigration officials to remove the guards watching over Bayron Rovidio Marin, take off the handcuffs and leave him unrestrained.

    “He is presently detained under restrictions that limit his access to counsel, medical providers, and family,” U.S. District Judge Cynthia Valenzuela wrote in her Oct. 4 order. “He has been questioned by government officials while in pain and under the influence of medication. He cannot place phone calls and remains handcuffed to a hospital bed despite a broken leg that prevents him from walking. He has received no more than a vague explanation for his detention, and Respondents’ proffered excuses for delaying a formal notice are unsupported by facts.”

    Despite Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s insistence on holding the man, Valenzuela said the government failed to provide any proof that he had “violated any law or regulation” or show that he was a “flight risk.”

    To date, ICE has not placed Rovidio Marin in removal proceedings, charged him with violating immigration law, set bond, issued a Notice to Appear or otherwise processed him, according to the order. The government told the court that they would determine the immigration status of Rovidio Marin once he was released from the hospital. His attorneys argued being indefinitely held without any charges is a clear constitutional violation.

    The Department of Homeland Security and the medical center did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

    Under federal law, officers initiating warrantless arrests must provide the person in custody a reason why they were arrested or detained and within 48 hours determine if the person will remain in custody, released on bond or given a notice to appear in court and an arrest warrant issued. Those rules are only waived in extraordinary circumstances. The judge noted that the September 11 attacks previously qualified as an “extraordinary circumstance” in delaying notices to appear to noncitizen detainees, but said that Rovidio Marin has been held “substantially longer.”

    Kyle Cheney, with Politico, first posted about the case on social media.

    It’s unclear exactly how he was injured, but his lawyers say that Rovidio Marin had been at the car wash on Aug. 27, when immigration agents doing a “roving patrol” stormed in and raided it.

    In an emailed press statement, Cynthia Santiago, Attorney for CLEAN Carwash Worker Center and Nicolas Thompson-Lleras, Attorney for CHIRLA said he suffered severe injuries and was arrested by Border Patrol agents who transferred him into ICE custody.

    “For 37 days, our client was forced to endure medical treatment and recovery with ICE agents in his room, 24 hours a day, seven days a week,” the statement read. “ICE agents listened to every conversation between him and his doctors,” they stated. “They interrogated him while he was in pain and under the influence of medication. They did not permit him to see his family and removed his access to phone calls.”

    According to the judge’s order, Rovidio Marin has been under the supervision of ICE, which contracted with Spectrum Detention Services to provide guards at the hospital where he was taken.

    Once admitted he was placed under what is known as a “blackout” procedure for patients in law-enforcement custody, making it harder for anyone to find him. He was registered under the pseudonym “Har Maine UNK Thirteen.”

    Two to four uniformed guards —either Spectrum employees or ICE agents— “have been continuously stationed in Petitioner’s hospital room, monitoring him at all times, including while he sleeps, eats, uses the restroom, or receives medical care,” according to a declaration referenced in the order.

    “It’s fundamental that you can’t be detained indefinitely without charges,” said Jean Reisz, co-director of the USC Gould School of Law Immigration Clinic, who is representing Rovidio Marin in the habeas case. “Freedom from restraint is the cornerstone of our society and so to arrest someone and withhold their liberty for an extended period of time without any charges, it’s antithetical to our constitutional system and our immigration laws. Our immigration laws do provide for the rights of immigrants as well.”

    The temporary restraining order expires Oct. 18.

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    Brittny Mejia, Rachel Uranga

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  • Price-gouging charges slowly mount after the fires, but some say it’s not enough

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    California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta accused real estate agent Iman Shaghyan this week of increasing the price of a Beverly Hills rental by more than 30% in the days after the Jan. 7 fires. It’s the fourth charge Bonta has filed since price-gouging rules went into effect that prohibit rent hikes of more than 10% after a natural disaster.

    “Profiting off Californians’ pain through price gouging is illegal and I will not stand for it,” Bonta said in a news release.

    In the weeks after the fires, city officials vowed to crack down on violators as thousands of complaints poured in, with some organizers even compiling spreadsheets documenting the skyrocketing rents. Bonta enlisted teams of lawyers to evaluate complaints, and his office has primarily targeted real estate agents.

    But some critics claim that government officials aren’t doing enough to address the rampant price gouging that appeared across the region in the wake of the fires, saying that the charges filed represent only a small fraction of the complaints submitted to the city and state.

    “More needs to be done,” said Chelsea Kirk, co-founder of the activist organization the Rent Brigade. “It’s been de-prioritized, and all discourse from elected officials and the press around rent gouging has ended.”

    Kirk’s organization checks Zillow for examples of price gouging and said there are currently more than 10,000 active listings that qualify. Her team submits weekly reports to government officials but said transparency is a problem since no one knows exactly what is being investigated.

    As a result, her team worked with L.A. City Councilmember Hugo Soto-Martínez to draft a motion that, if passed, would require L.A. City Atty. Hydee Feldstein Soto to produce monthly reports detailing the total number of price-gouging complaints received, response times and enforcement actions. The motion has been introduced but not yet placed on the agenda.

    “There’s an utter lack of urgency,” Kirk said.

    In addition to Shaghyan, Bonta filed charges in January against La Cañada Flintridge agent Mike Kobeissi and Glendale agent Lar Sevan Chouljian. In February, he charged Hermosa Beach agent Willie Baronet-Israel as well as Edward Kushins, the landlord of the property.

    All of the cases are active. If convicted, the maximum penalty for the misdemeanor is a year in prison and a fine of $10,000.

    In addition to the charges, state Department of Justice officials said they have sent out more than 750 warning letters to hotels and landlords accused of price gouging. The department also is investigating fraud, scams and low-ball offers on burned properties.

    Bonta is investigating on behalf of the state and Feldstein Soto is filing lawsuits on behalf of the city. So far, she’s been targeting more than just real estate agents.

    In February, Feldstein Soto’s office sued rental giant Blueground, citing more than 10 cases of price gouging. In one instance, Blueground allegedly jacked up the rent of a downtown L.A. apartment by 56% on Jan. 7, the day of the fires.

    In March, Feldstein Soto’s office sued a group of homeowners and companies for $62 million, citing not only price-gouging violations but also violations of the city’s short-term rental ordinance, which places restrictions on rentals such as Airbnbs. The group of defendants included four homeowners and five limited liability companies: Akiva Nourollah, Micah Hiller, Haim Amran Zrihen, Rachel Florence Saadat, Hiller Hospitality, Hiller Hospitality Group, 1070 Bedford, Red Rock and Coastal Charm.

    The Times reached out to all the individuals charged with price gouging or short-term rental violations — except for Zrihen and Saadat, whose contact information could not be located — and did not receive any on-the-record responses.

    In the first few weeks after the fire, Feldstein Soto’s office issued more than 250 cease-and-desist letters to owners, landlords and property management groups based on price-gouging tips.

    The price-gouging rules are set to expire July 1.

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    Jack Flemming

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  • Builders may fight ‘impact fees’ that fund municipal projects in California, Supreme Court rules

    Builders may fight ‘impact fees’ that fund municipal projects in California, Supreme Court rules

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    The Supreme Court ruled Friday that developers and home builders in California may challenge the fees commonly imposed by cities and counties to pay for new roads, schools, sewers and other public improvements.

    The justices said these “impact fees” may be unconstitutional if builders and developers are forced to pay an unfair share of the cost of public projects.

    Developers have contended that limiting California’s high fees would lead to the construction of more affordable new housing.

    California state courts had blocked claims arising from “a development impact fee imposed pursuant to a legislatively authorized fee program” for new development in a city or county.

    But the 9-0 Supreme Court decision opened the door for such challenges. The justices revived a constitutional claim brought by an El Dorado County man who put a manufactured home on a small lot and was told he would have to pay a “traffic mitigation fee” of $23,420.

    The decision could have wide impact in California, since local governments have increasingly relied on impact fees rather than property taxes to pay for new projects.

    But the justices did not spell out when such fees become unfair and unconstitutional.

    Liberal Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Ketanji Brown Jackson said they joined the majority opinion in Sheetz vs. El Dorado County because it merely allows such challenges.

    In a separate opinion, conservative Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh said he saw merit to the “common government practice of imposing permit conditions, such as impact fees, on new development through reasonable formulas or schedules that assess the impact of classes of development rather than the impact of specific parcels of property.”

    State and county attorneys had made just that argument. They said it was fairer to impose a development fee on all the lots in an area.

    But the justices nonetheless ruled that homeowners and developers may sue to challenge these fees as an unconstitutional taking of their private property. The case will now go back to the California courts.

    The Pacific Legal Foundation in Sacramento hailed the ruling as a significant victory for property rights.

    “Holding building permits hostage in exchange for excessive development fees is obviously extortion,” said attorney Paul Beard, who represented the El Dorado County homeowner. “We are thrilled that the court agreed and put a stop to a blatant attempt to skirt the 5th Amendment’s prohibition against taking private property without just compensation.”

    Beard said El Dorado County “failed to show — and cannot show — that the fee is sufficiently related and proportionate to the traffic impacts” of his client’s “modest home.”

    The debate over development fees is especially relevant in California, where local governments have increasingly relied on the charges to finance parks, streets, schools and other infrastructure and services since the 1978 passage of Proposition 13 limited property tax revenues.

    The fees have come under scrutiny in other cases as developers and others have blamed them for driving up the cost of housing and for a wide disparity in cities’ fees.

    A 2018 study by UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation found that, depending on the city, fees for new single-family homes could range from $21,000 to $157,000, and could account for 6% to 18% of the median home price.

    For decades, the Supreme Court has cast a skeptical eye at California’s regulation of private property. In a pair of decisions, it limited the power of government officials to demand concessions from a property owner in exchange for a building permit.

    In 1987, justices ruled for the owner of a beach bungalow in Ventura who was told he could not obtain a permit to expand his home unless he agreed to allow the public access to the beachfront. The conservative majority at the time described this demand as akin to “extortion” and said it violated the 5th Amendment’s clause that forbids the taking of “private property … for public use without just compensation.”

    In a follow-up decision involving a store owner who was forced to allow a bike path on her property, the court said the government may not impose such special conditions on property owners unless it can show an owner’s new development would cause direct harm to the community.

    But since then, it has been unclear whether this property right applies to development fees or in situations where fees are set by legislation rather than imposed on a single owner seeking a permit.

    Writing for the court in Friday’s ruling, conservative Justice Amy Coney Barrett said that “there is no basis for affording property rights less protection in the hands of legislators than administrators. The Takings Clause applies equally to both — which means that it prohibits legislatures and agencies alike from imposing unconstitutional conditions on land-use permits.”

    The case arose when property owner George Sheetz sought a permit to put a manufactured home on a lot he owned in Placerville, outside Sacramento. El Dorado County required him to pay a “traffic impact mitigation” fee to obtain the permit. Some of the money was to go toward upgrades to Highway 50, which runs through the area, but most was to go toward new or expanded roads in the county.

    Sheetz paid the fee and obtained his permit, then sued to challenge the fee as unconstitutional. He argued that the taxpayers of the county, not the new owner of a small home, should be required to pay for road building.

    The justices agreed to hear his appeal after he lost in the California courts.

    State Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), who has supported legislation to rein in developer fees, said he didn’t expect Friday’s decision by itself to have a significant effect on the debate in Sacramento because it only called out one extreme situation.

    “Ultimately, the solution is the same today as it was yesterday,” Wiener said. “The California Legislature needs to put in place an actual structure for impact fees. Right now, it’s all over the map.”

    Wiener said he sympathizes with local governments that turn to the fees because it’s easier than raising revenue through broad-based taxes — but he said some cities use sky-high fees to block housing development.

    “There is something a little odd about effectively taxing new housing to pay for societal needs that should be paid generally by taxpayers — by the entire community,” he said.

    Graham Knaus, executive director of the California State Assn. of Counties, said in a statement Friday that the organization was still reviewing the ruling to understand its implications.

    But he said that “limiting the ability to legislatively enact fees will negatively impact the ability of our 58 counties to protect the health and welfare of their communities and drastically limit the building of vital local infrastructure.”

    “In many cases,” Knaus said, “these fees are the only tool available to pay for new infrastructure around certain development projects.”

    Times staff writer Liam Dillon in Los Angeles contributed to this report.

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    David G. Savage

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