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Tag: GOP

  • Republican voter ID bill stalls in Senate despite Trump demands

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    By MARY CLARE JALONICK

    WASHINGTON (AP) — Election-year legislation to impose strict new proof-of-citizenship requirements on voting appears stalled in the Senate, for now, despite President Donald Trump’s call in his State of the Union speech that Republicans in Congress pass the bill “before anything else.”

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    The Associated Press

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  • Is There Now a Crack in the Wall Between Cannabis Use and Gun Rights

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    Has Minneapolis upended politics and is there now a crack in the wall between cannabis sue and gun rights? There is pressure on the administration.

    For decades, the relationship between cannabis use and gun ownership in the United States has been shaped by conflicting legal frameworks and cultural trends. Since the Gun Control Act of 1968, federal law has prohibited individuals who are “unlawful users” of controlled substances from possessing or purchasing firearms, a rule that historically included cannabis because it remained classified as a Schedule I drug. As more states have moved to legalize medical and recreational marijuana use, this federal prohibition has produced a legal disconnect: people who legally use cannabis under state law can be barred from firearm rights under federal law, while gun ownership, protected by the Second Amendment and upheld in key Supreme Court decisions like District of Columbia v. Heller, has remained a deeply entrenched individual right.

    RELATED: What The Polymarket Says About Cannabis Rescheduling And More

    Recent events in Minnesota have intensified national conversations about gun use, public safety, and federal regulation. The fatal shooting of 37-year-old Renee Good in Minneapolis by a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agent sparked widespread protest and media attention, thrusting discussions about when and how guns should be carried into the spotlight. The current administration’s response — including comments from national leaders suggesting that certain forms of gun carry at protests may be inappropriate — has prompted debate and scrutiny from both sides of the political aisle, especially in a state with permissive carry laws. The President’s remarks Good “should not have been carrying a gun,” despite Minnesota’s legal provisions for open and concealed carry, have underscored a broader willingness among federal officials to reconsider how guns are used in public spaces and under what circumstances.

    Official White House Photo by Andrea Hanks

    Cannabis use and gun rights have intersected not just legally but culturally. While states such as Minnesota grapple with questions of public safety following high-profile shootings, federal courts are taking up cases that challenge the application of firearm prohibitions to marijuana users. Several appellate courts have ruled barring state-sanctioned cannabis consumers from owning guns could violate the Second Amendment, creating legal pressure that may culminate in a decisive Supreme Court ruling. Advocates argue these challenges underscore the outdated nature of federal cannabis policy in a nation where a majority of states have embraced some form of legalization.

    That uncertainty has also been visible inside the administration itself. In recent press briefings, the White House press secretary struggled to clearly articulate a definitive position on gun control, particularly when pressed on how new restrictions might apply to lawful gun owners versus criminal misuse. Repeated attempts to clarify whether the administration favors broader limits on public carry, enforcement changes, or legislative reform yielded cautious, and at times contradictory, responses. The moment underscored the administration’s difficulty in balancing public safety concerns with constitutional protections, revealing a lack of consensus on how far any restructuring of gun policy should go.

    Amid these legal and political tensions, leaders in the current administration have repeatedly appeared on national news outlets discussing the need to rethink how guns are carried and used by average citizens. Some administration figures have indicated that the nation should consider stricter guidelines for public gun carry, citing recent violence and demanding a reevaluation of existing policies. This shift has sparked sharp disagreements with traditional gun rights advocates.

    RELATED: Is CBD Next On The Fed’s Hit List

    The National Rifle Association, for example, publicly criticized comments from federal officials seemed to question the rights of lawful gun owners, calling such statements “dangerous and wrong” and stressing law-abiding citizens deserve their full Second Amendment protections.

    At the same time, the broader national dialogue remains unsettled. With public opinion sharply divided, legal challenges pending in the courts, and political leaders offering competing visions for the future of gun policy, it is far from clear where the balance will ultimately fall. As lawmakers, judges, and citizens continue to hash out these issues, the evolving conversation about cannabis use, gun ownership, and public safety highlights lingering tensions in American law and society.

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    Terry Hacienda

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  • Conspiracy theorist-podcaster joins crowded GOP race for Colorado governor, but will candidacy ‘go nowhere’?

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    A conservative podcaster who’s trumpeted false election conspiracies and called for the execution of political rivals, including Gov. Jared Polis, has formally joined the Republican race to become Colorado’s next governor.

    Joe Oltmann, who filed his candidacy paperwork Monday night, now seeks to participate in an electoral system that he has repeatedly tried to undermine.

    He is the 22nd Republican actively seeking to earn the party’s nomination in June. It’s the largest gubernatorial primary field for a major party in Colorado this century, surpassing the GOP’s previous records set first in 2018, and then again in 2022 — and it comes as the party hopes to break Democrats’ electoral dominance in the state.

    That field will almost certainly narrow in the coming months; four Republicans who’d filed have already dropped out. No more than four are likely to make it onto the ballot — either through the state assembly or by gathering signatures — for the summer primary, said Dick Wadhams, the Colorado GOP’s former chairman.

    The size of the primary field doesn’t really matter, he said, because few candidates will actually end up in front of voters. Eighteen candidates filed ahead of the 2022 race, for instance, but just two were on the primary ballot.

    On the Democratic side, a smaller field of seven active candidates is headlined by Attorney General Phil Weiser and U.S. Sen. Michael Bennet. Polis is term-limited from running again.

    For 2026, Wadhams counted only a half-dozen or so Republican candidates whom he considered “credible,” a qualifier that Wadhams said he used “very, very loosely”: Oltmann, state Sens. Barbara Kirkmeyer and Mark Baisley, state Rep. Scott Bottoms, ministry leader Victor Marx, Teller County Sheriff Jason Mikesell and former Congressman Greg Lopez.

    Wadhams said that other than Kirkmeyer, all of those candidates had either supported election conspiracies or a pardon for Tina Peters, the former Mesa County clerk now serving a nine-year sentence for convictions related to providing unauthorized access to voting equipment.

    Oltmann, of Castle Rock, has repeatedly — and falsely — claimed that the 2020 presidential election was not won by Democrat Joe Biden, while calling for the hanging of political opponents. He previously said he wanted to dismember some opponents to send a message, according to the Washington Post, before adding that he was joking.

    In his Dec. 26 announcement video, Oltmann baselessly claimed that Democrats, who have won control of the state amid demographic shifts and anti-Trump sentiment, were in power in Colorado only because of election fraud.

    He said Polis and Secretary of State Jena Griswold, along with 9News anchor Kyle Clark, were part of a “synagogue of Satan.” Polis and Griswold are both Jewish.

    In his announcement, Oltmann painted an apocalyptic picture of the state and said he hoped that three of its elected leaders — Polis, Griswold and Weiser — would all be imprisoned. He pledged to eliminate property taxes, to focus on the “have-nots” and to pardon Peters, whom President Donald Trump has also sought to release by issuing a federal pardon that legal experts say can’t clear Peters of state convictions.

    Oltmann’s decision to join the field is an example of “extreme candidates” from either major party “who file to run but will go nowhere,” predicted Kristi Burton Brown, another former state GOP chair. She now sits on the Colorado State Board of Education.

    She said the size of the Republican primary field was a consequence of Republicans’ difficulties winning statewide races in Colorado. Democrats have won all four constitutional elected offices for two straight election cycles.

    Burton Brown said it “might be a good idea moving forward” to require candidates to do more than just submit paperwork to run for office. That might include a monetary requirement: She said she didn’t support charging candidates significant sums but thought that “requiring some skin in the game” could prevent “unreasonable primaries.”

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    Seth Klamann

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  • Democrats Hand The Administration Another Win With Cannabis

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    Democrats hand the administration a huge cannabis win due to their inability to understand voters 

    For more than a decade, cannabis reform has stood out as one of the few political issues with overwhelming bipartisan support. Recent surveys show nearly 88% of Americans are open to expanded legalization or meaningful reform, including rescheduling marijuana under federal law. Yet despite controlling the White House during critical moments, it seems the Democrats hand the administration another win with cannabis, allowing the current President to have another landmark victory. That failure now risks becoming another durable point of contrast credited to this administration, while reinforcing a broader pattern of Democratic miscalculation.

    RELATED: What Does Cannabis Rescheduling Mean

    Cannabis reform once appeared to be an inevitable Democratic victory. Under President Barack Obama, federal enforcement softened in tone, but marijuana remained classified as a Schedule I drug—grouped alongside heroin and defined as having “no accepted medical use.” While states rapidly legalized medical and adult-use cannabis, the Obama administration chose to manage the contradiction rather than resolve it. Executive authority existed, but it went unused.

    The same hesitation carried into the Biden era. President Joe Biden campaigned on acknowledging the failures of the drug war and the need for reform, yet once in office, decisive action stalled. Reviews were ordered, agencies were consulted, and timelines stretched. What could have been a clear, popular, legacy-defining achievement—rescheduling cannabis—was instead delayed into political limbo. The moment narrowed, then passed. This lead some in the industry to see it was just an election tool with no real support, despite public opinion.

    The cost of the delay is not merely policy-based; it is political. In today’s environment, contrast matters. By failing to deliver a concrete, broadly supported reform, Democrats allowed Trump to position himself again—however imperfectly—as more open to change through a states’ rights framework. Even symbolic momentum can define a win, and Democrats surrendered the narrative space.

    This failure mirrors a recurring pattern within the Democratic National Committee. Time and again, leadership has struggled to translate clear public opinion into federal action, particularly on issues where Washington caution collides with voter urgency.  Often ignoring mainstream businesses, issues and concerns, the DNC focuses on “beltway buzz” rather than voters. The collapse of support from rural areas so how far away DNC leadership is away from the electorate. Cannabis reform, supported across age groups, regions, and party lines, should have been an exception. Instead, it became another example of internal hesitation and indifference overriding external consensus and popular support.

    That disconnect is now reflected in the numbers: the DNC and congressional Democrats are registering historically low approval ratings in the most recent Quinnipiac poll, underscoring growing voter frustration with inaction on widely supported issues.

    The disconnect is further underscored by the actions of party leaders, especially Senator Chuck Schumer and Cory Booker. Both have spent years presenting themselves as champions of cannabis reform, unveiling sweeping legalization proposals and high-profile press events meant to demonstrate urgency and moral clarity. Yet with rescheduling still unresolved, those efforts now risk appearing performative rather than effective.

    RELATED: Who Is Rep. Andy Harris And Why Does He Hate Cannabis

    By attempting to lead with comprehensive, all-or-nothing legislation, Schumer and Booker arguably misread the political moment. While full legalization remains a worthy goal, rescheduling was achievable, popular, and immediately meaningful. Securing that step first would have delivered tangible relief to businesses, patients, and workers. Instead, the emphasis on symbolism over sequencing allowed momentum to dissipate.

    For everyday Americans and the thousands of mom and pop industry businesses, the consequences remain concrete. Legal cannabis businesses are still locked out of banking. Patients face conflicting laws. Workers remain vulnerable to outdated federal classifications. These are not failures of public will, but of political execution.

    In the end, cannabis rescheduling stands as a cautionary tale. Democrats had public support, executive authority, and time. By inaction, they lost a clear win—and reinforced a growing perception the party too often listens last to voters who are increasingly disenfranchised with the party.

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    Terry Hacienda

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  • President Trump announces ‘warrior dividend’ bonus checks for US troops

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    President Donald Trump said in a White House speech Wednesday night that he was sending a $1,776 bonus check to U.S. troops for Christmas, indicating that tariffs were funding the payments as he tried to reassure a worried public about the health of the economy.Trump said 1.45 million military service members would get the “warrior dividend before Christmas.“The checks are already on the way,” he added.He seemed to imply that the checks were being funded from tariff revenues.“We made a lot more money than anybody thought because of tariffs, and the bill helped us along,” Trump said, referring to the GOP’s major tax cuts legislation it passed earlier this year. “Nobody deserves it more than our military, and I say congratulations.”This is a developing story. Check back for updates.

    President Donald Trump said in a White House speech Wednesday night that he was sending a $1,776 bonus check to U.S. troops for Christmas, indicating that tariffs were funding the payments as he tried to reassure a worried public about the health of the economy.

    Trump said 1.45 million military service members would get the “warrior dividend before Christmas.

    “The checks are already on the way,” he added.

    He seemed to imply that the checks were being funded from tariff revenues.

    “We made a lot more money than anybody thought because of tariffs, and the bill helped us along,” Trump said, referring to the GOP’s major tax cuts legislation it passed earlier this year. “Nobody deserves it more than our military, and I say congratulations.”

    This is a developing story. Check back for updates.

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  • Court battle begins over Republican challenge to California’s Prop. 50

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    Republicans and Democrats squared off in court Monday in a high-stakes battle over the fate of California’s Proposition 50, which reconfigures the state’s congressional districts and could ultimately help determine which party controls the U.S. House in the 2026 midterms.

    Dozens of California politicians and Sacramento insiders — including GOP Assembly members and Democratic redistricting expert Paul Mitchell — have given depositions in the case or could be called to testify in a federal courtroom in Los Angeles over the next few days.

    The GOP wants the three-judge panel to temporarily block California’s new district map, claiming it is unconstitutional and illegally favors Latino voters.

    An overwhelming majority of California voters approved Proposition 50 on Nov. 4 after Gov. Gavin Newsom pitched the redistricting plan as a way to counter partisan gerrymandering in Texas and other GOP-led states. Democrats acknowledged the new map would weaken Republicans’ voting power in California, but argued that it would just be a temporary measure to try to restore the national political balance.

    Attorneys for the GOP cannot challenge the new redistricting map on the grounds that it disenfranchises swaths of California Republicans. In 2019, the U.S. Supreme Court decided that complaints of partisan gerrymandering have no path in federal court.

    But the GOP can bring claims of racial discrimination. They argue that California legislators drew the new congressional maps based on race, in violation of the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment and the 15th Amendment, which prohibits governments from denying citizens the right to vote based on race or color.

    Republicans face an uphill struggle in blocking the new map before the 2026 midterms. The hearing comes just a few weeks after the U.S. Supreme Court allowed Texas to temporarily keep its new congressional map — a move that Newsom’s office says bodes poorly for Republicans trying to block California’s map.

    “In letting Texas use its gerrymandered maps, the Supreme Court noted that California’s maps, like Texas’s, were drawn for lawful reasons,” Brandon Richards, a spokesperson for Newsom, said in a statement. “That should be the beginning and the end of this Republican effort to silence the voters of California.”

    In Texas, GOP leaders drew up new congressional district lines after President Trump openly pressed them to give Republicans five more seats in the U.S. House of Representatives. A federal court blocked the map, finding racial considerations probably made the Texas map unconstitutional. But a few days later, the Supreme Court granted Texas’ request to pause that ruling, signaling that they view the Texas case — and this one in California — as part of a national politically motivated redistricting battle.

    “The impetus for the adoption of the Texas map (like the map subsequently adopted in California),” Justice Samuel A. Alito Jr. argued, “was partisan advantage pure and simple.”

    The fact that the Supreme Court order and Alito’s concurrence in the Texas case went out of their way to mention California is not a good sign for California Republicans, said Richard L. Hasen, professor of law and director of the Safeguarding Democracy Project at UCLA School of Law.

    “It’s hard to prove racial predominance in drawing a map — that race predominated over partisanship or other traditional districting principles,” Hasen said. “Trying to get a preliminary injunction, there’s a higher burden now, because it would be changing things closer to the election, and the Supreme Court signaled in that Texas ruling that courts should be wary of making changes.”

    On Nov. 4, California voters approved Proposition 50, a measure to scrap a congressional map drawn up by the state’s independent redistricting commission and replace it with a map drawn up by legislators to favor Democrats through 2030.

    On Monday, a key plaintiff, Assemblymember David J. Tangipa (R-Fresno) — who serves on the Assembly Elections Committee — testified that the legislative panel was given only four days to analyze the redistricted maps and was not allowed to vote on them.

    “In the language of the bill, it actually states that the Assembly and Senate election committee prepared these maps,” Tangipa said. “This was a lie.”

    Tangipa claimed his Democratic colleagues repeatedly brought up increased Black, Latino and Asian representation to further their argument for redistricting.

    “They were forcing, through emergency action, maps upon us to dismantle the independent redistricting commission,” Tangipa said. “They were using emotionally charged arguments, racial justifications and polarized arguments to pigeonhole us.”

    Defense attorneys, however, referenced multiple instances in depositions and online posts where Tangipa had claimed that there was some “partisan” or “political” purpose for the existence of Proposition 50. Tangipa denied this and maintained that he believed that the redistricting effort was race-conscious since his conversations on the Assembly floor.

    The hearing began with attorneys for the GOPhoming in on the new map’s Congressional District 13, which currently encompasses Merced, Stanislaus as well as parts of San Joaquin and Fresno counties, along with parts of Stockton. When Mitchell drew up the map, they argued, he overrepresented Latino voters as a “predominant consideration” over political leanings.

    They called to the stand RealClearPolitics elections analyst Sean Trende, who said he observed an “appendage” in the new District 13, which extended partially into the San Joaquin Valley and put a crack in the new rendition of District 9.

    “From my experience [appendages] are usually indicative of racial gerrymandering,” Trende said. “When the choice came between politics and race, it was race that won out.”

    Defense attorneys, however, pressed Trende on whether the shift in Latino voters toward Republican candidates in the last election could have informed the new district boundaries, rather than racial makeup.

    The defense referenced a sworn statement by Trende in the Texas redistricting case: the Proposition 50 map, he said then, was “drawn with partisan objectives in mind; in particular, it was drawn to improve Democratic prospects” to neutralize additional Republican seats.

    Many legal scholars say that the Supreme Court’s ruling on the Texas case means California probably will keep its new map.

    “It was really hard before the Texas case to make a racial gerrymandering claim like the plaintiffs were stating, and it’s only gotten harder in the last two weeks,” said Justin Levitt, a professor of law at Loyola Marymount University.

    Hours after Californians voted in favor of Proposition 50, Tangipa and the California Republican Party filed a lawsuit alleging that the map enacted in Proposition 50 for California’s congressional districts is designed to favor Latino voters over others.

    The Department of Justice also filed a complaint in the case, contending that the new congressional map uses race as a proxy for politics and manipulated district lines “in the name of bolstering the voting power of Hispanic Californians because of their race.”

    Mitchell, the redistricting expert who drew up the maps, is likely to be a key figure in this week’s battle. In the days leading up to the hearing, attorneys sparred over whether Mitchell would testify and whether he should turn over his email correspondence with legislators. Mitchell’s attorneys argued that he had legislative privilege.

    Attorneys for the GOP have seized on public comments made by Mitchell that the “number one thing” he started thinking about was “drawing a replacement Latino majority/minority district in the middle of Los Angeles” and the “first thing” he and his team did was “reverse” the California Citizens Redistricting Commission’s earlier decision to eliminate a Latino district from L.A.

    Some legal experts, however, say that is not, in itself, a problem.

    “What [Mitchell] said was, essentially, ‘I paid attention to race,’” Levitt said. “But there’s nothing under existing law that’s wrong with that. The problem comes when you pay too much attention to race at the exclusion of all of the other redistricting factors.”

    Other legal experts say that what matters is not the intent of Mitchell or California legislators, but the California voters who passed Proposition 50.

    “Regardless of what Paul Mitchell or legislative leaders thought, they were just making a proposal to the voters,” said Hasen, who filed an amicus brief in support of the state. “So it’s really the voters’ intent that matters. And if you look at what was actually presented to the voters in the ballot pamphlet, there was virtually nothing about race there.”

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    Jenny Jarvie, Christopher Buchanan

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  • Indiana Republicans Block Trump’s Redistricting Push In A Rare Break With The President – KXL

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    INDIANAPOLIS (AP) — Indiana’s Republican-led senate voted against a redrawn congressional map Thursday that would have favored their party in the 2026 elections, despite months of pressure by President Donald Trump for a rare mid-cycle redistricting.

    Twenty-one senators from the Republican supermajority and all 10 of the chamber’s Democrats voted down the redistricting proposal. Trump has urged GOP-led states to gerrymander their U.S. house districts ahead of the midterms to create more winnable seats for Republicans. It’s an unusual move, since the district boundaries are usually adjusted based on the census every 10 year.

    Ahead of the vote, Trump again criticized Indiana senators who resisted the plan, repeating his vow to back primary challengers against them.

    “If Republicans will not do what is necessary to save our Country, they will eventually lose everything to the Democrats,” Trump wrote on social media. Some Indiana lawmakers have also received violent threats during the debate over the last month. Half of the state Senate is up for reelection in 2026.

    Democratic state senators spoke against the redistricting legislation one by one during Thursday’s session.

    “Competition is healthy my friends,” said Sen. Fady Qaddoura. “Any political party on earth that cannot run and win based on the merits of its ideas is unworthy of governing.”

    Outside the state Senate chamber, redistricting opponents chanted “Vote no!” and “Fair maps!” while holding signs with slogans like “Losers cheat.”

    The proposed map was designed to give Republicans control of all nine of Indiana’s congressional seats, up from the seven they currently hold. It would effectively erase Indiana’s two Democrat-held districts by splitting Indianapolis into four districts that extend into rural areas, reshaping U.S. Rep. Andr矃arson’s safe district in the city. It would also eliminate the northwest Indiana district held by U.S. Rep. Frank Mrvan.

    Despite Trump’s push, support for gerrymandering in Indiana’s Senate was uncertain. A dozen of the 50 state senators had not publicly committed to a stance ahead of the vote.

    Republican Sen. Greg Goode, previously undecided, signaled his displeasure with the redistricting plan. In firmly delivered remarks, he said some of his constituents objected to seeing their county split up or paired with Indianapolis. He expressed “love” for Trump but criticized what he called “over-the-top pressure” from inside and outside the state.

    Sen. Michael Young, another Republican, said the stakes in Congress justify redistricting, as Democrats are only a few seats away from flipping control of the U.S. House in 2026. “I know this election is going to be very close,” he said.

    Republican Sen. Mike Gaskill, the redistricting legislation’s sponsor, showed Senators maps of congressional districts around the country, including several focused on Democratic-held seats in New England and Illinois. He argued other states gerrymander and Indiana Republicans should play by the same rules.

    Nationally, mid-cycle redistricting so far has resulted in nine more congressional seats that Republicans believe they can win and six more congressional seats that Democrats think they can win. However, redistricting is being litigated in several states.

    Texas, Missouri, Ohio and North Carolina quickly enacted new GOP-favorable maps, while California voters approved a new congressional map favorable to Democrats in response to Texas. In Utah, a judge imposed new districts that could allow Democrats to win a seat, saying Republican lawmakers violated voter-backed standards against gerrymandering.

    The bill cleared its first hurdle Monday with a 6-3 Senate committee vote, although one Republican joined Democrats in opposing it and a few others signaled they might vote against the final version. The state House passed the proposal last week, with 12 Republicans siding with Democrats in opposition.

    Among them was state Rep. Ed Clere, who said state troopers responded to a hoax message claiming a pipe bomb outside his home Wednesday evening. Indiana state police said “numerous others” received threats but wouldn’t offer details about an ongoing investigation.

    In an interview, Clere said these threats were the inevitable result of Trump’s pressure campaign and a “winner-take-all mentality.”

    “Words have consequences,” Clere said.

    The White House has mounted an aggressive lobbying push. Vice President JD Vance met twice with Indiana Senate GOP leaders, including the full caucus in October, and senators also visited him in Washington.

    Trump joined a conference call with senators on Oct. 17 to make his own 15-minute pitch. State Sen. Andy Zay said White House political aides stayed in frequent contact for more than a month, even after he backed the bill, urging him to publicly support it and track developments among colleagues as part of a “full-court press.”

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    Jordan Vawter

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  • Pete Hegseth, No Boy Scout, Reportedly Wants to Put the “Boy” Back In Scouts

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    Remember the good old days, when men were men and scouts were boys? US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth apparently does, and believes that, in fact, the sun set on those golden days in 2018, when the organization then known as Boy Scouts of America amended its rules to allow girls to join. Things got darker still on February 5, 2025, when the entity officially changed its name to Scouting America.

    Hegseth is reportedly prepared to order the government to cut all ties with the organization, ending a relationship that dates back more than a century.

    NPR reported Tuesday that the outlet had received drafts of memos Hegseth intends to send to Congress mandating a severing of ties with Scouting America. Hegseth, who never participated in Boy Scouts, wrote in the draft that the organization now serves to “attack boy-friendly spaces,” accusing the group of being “genderless” and promoting “gender confusion.”

    “The organization once endorsed by President Theodore Roosevelt no longer supports the future of American boys,” Hegseth reportedly wrote in a memo.

    According to the Scouting America website, “The mission of Scouting America is to prepare young people to make ethical and moral choices over their lifetimes by instilling in them the values of the Scout Oath and Law.”

    Hegseth, however, reportedly believes that the group’s mission is to “cultivate masculine values,” per one memo, and that they are failing at it.

    When contacted by Vanity Fair for comment, an official from the Department of Defense said, “The Department will not comment on leaked documents that we cannot authenticate and that may be pre-decisional.” Representatives for Scouting America did not immediately respond to Vanity Fair’s request for further comment.

    The about-face comes amid attempts by the Trump administration to quash many diversity, equity, and inclusion programs. In 2020, Scouting America added a new requirement for scouts working to achieve the group’s highest rank, Eagle Scout: A “diversity, equity, and inclusion” badge, later renamed the “Citizenship in Society” badge.

    Though the scouts have never been formally integrated with the U.S. government or military, they’ve had a somewhat symbiotic relationship, with the foundations of the scouting program drawing on military handbooks, and scouting providing opportunities for military recruiting. The armed forces also provide medical and logistical aid, as well as demonstrations, at the National Jamboree, a quadrennial scouting event that sees some 20,000 scouts flocking to West Virginia in the years it’s held. Additionally, military bases often have affiliated scout troops, an association that would be banned under Hegseth’s reported orders.

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    Kase Wickman

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  • Tarrant County Republicans elect new chair after opponents concede in runoff

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    Tim Davis became the Tarrant County Republican Party Chair on Nov. 22, 2025. He will finish out Bo French’s term.

    Tim Davis became the Tarrant County Republican Party Chair on Nov. 22, 2025. He will finish out Bo French’s term.

    rroyster@star-telegram.com

    Tim Davis is the newly elected chair of the Tarrant County Republican Party after his opponents threw their support behind him in the runoff.

    In the first round of voting, Davis earned the majority with 87 votes. John O’Shea was second with 58 votes. Shellie Gardner had 26 votes, and Marshall Hobbs received 16 votes.

    “Understanding our democratic process that as representatives, our job is to represent you, and in that, we have decided that as a team, we are going to go ahead and throw our endorsement behind Tim Davis,” Hobbs told the audience of 184 precinct chairs who participated in the election.

    Davis is an attorney with the law group Jackson Walker and has been general counsel for the county’s Republican Party and the Grapevine-Colleyville school board. Davis was also paid $172,000 by the Keller school board in five months, during which the board considered a proposal to split the district in half.

    “Can you believe that that just happened? It’s so incredible,” Davis said in his first remarks after being elected. “I thank those three for their support deeply, because it shows how united we really are. It shows how we have to be a force as we go into the next months and weeks ahead.”

    Davis said that as a child, his parents taught him two key things: that Jesus is his savior and to never give up.

    “I make that promise to you,” Davis said. “I’ll never give up, and I want you to make that promise to me and to each other and to our county that you’ll never give up. Because if we keep it, if I keep it to you, and you keep it to me, we’ll have a better county tomorrow than we do today and the day after and the day after.”

    In his speech prior to the election, Davis said his priorities would be to ensure secure, fair elections and to give the party chairs a budget to hold events and hand out flyers.

    The proudest thing he has ever done for the Republican party, Davis said, was as an electorate in the 2024 election, when President Donald Trump and Vice President JD Vance were elected into the White House.

    “We have to never let up,” Davis said. “We have to fight, fight, fight, as he told us, to make sure that the things that matter to us continue to be the values that define our county, our state and our country.”

    O’Shea, the second-highest vote getter behind Davis, said he believes Davis represents the whole party. When Davis asked the opponents to endorse him in the runoff, O’Shea said it made sense because the others realistically would not be able to get the required votes to be elected.

    “He’s been involved in and been a hard worker for a long time,” O’Shea said. “So, yeah. I mean, I genuinely think any one of the four of us up there would do a good job, and I think Tim’s got experience and know-how. If he opens the doors and keeps everybody involved, I think we got better days ahead.”

    This story was originally published November 22, 2025 at 12:08 PM.

    Related Stories from Fort Worth Star-Telegram

    Rachel Royster

    Fort Worth Star-Telegram

    Rachel Royster is a news and government reporter for the Fort Worth Star-Telegram, specifically focused on Tarrant County. She joined the newsroom after interning at the Austin American-Statesman, the Waco Tribune-Herald and Capital Community News in DC. A Houston native and Baylor grad, Rachel enjoys traveling, reading and being outside. She welcomes any and all news tips to her email.

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    Rachel Royster

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  • How a GOP CBD Crackdown Could Affect America’s Pets

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    Learn how a GOP CBD crackdown could affect America’s pets as owners face shrinking wellness options.

    As conversations in Republican-led states and within segments of the party intensify around restricting access, one group often left out of the debate is America’s beloved animals.  Here is how a GOP CBD crackdown could affect America’s pets. With CBD widely used to ease anxiety, pain, inflammation, and age-related discomfort in animals, a potential ban—or tighter federal and state restrictions—could create a major ripple effect for millions of pet owners, many of whom identify as Republican.

    RELATED: Can Microdosing Marijuana Help You

    Pet ownership is one of the strongest lifestyle common denominators in the United States. Roughly 66% of American households have at least one pet, and surveys consistently show Republicans are slightly more likely than Democrats to own pets, and to own multiple pets. Dogs, cats, horses, and even aging farm animals have increasingly benefited from CBD products marketed specifically for animals. These products are non-intoxicating and contain minimal or no THC, the compound associated with cannabis’s psychoactive effects.

    For many owners, CBD has become part of a normal wellness routine. It is commonly used to help manage chronic joint pain in older dogs, reduce mobility issues in senior cats, calm pets with storm or firework anxiety, and support animals recovering from surgery. In horses, CBD is often used for inflammation, joint stiffness, and post-exercise recovery. Veterinarians—while restricted in how openly they can recommend CBD depending on state laws—frequently acknowledge many of their patients show improved comfort and lower stress levels when CBD is part of their care plan.

    A significant portion of CBD buyers for pets are middle-aged or older adults who have aging animals at home. These owners often rely on CBD as a safer, gentler alternative to prescription sedatives, long-term NSAIDs, or opioids, all of which can carry risks for senior pets. For them, a GOP-driven CBD ban could mean returning to less effective or potentially more harmful interventions.

    RELATED: Can Cannabis Or Alcohol Help With Colds

    Many Republican lawmakers support CBD access as part of the hemp industry, a major agricultural sector in GOP-leaning states. However, other conservative blocs have more recently pushed for restrictions, citing purity concerns, inconsistent regulation, and fears of unregulated derivative products entering the market. A broad CBD ban—whether intentional or the result of sweeping legislation targeting hemp derivatives—would leave pet owners with far fewer options and likely drive demand toward unregulated or black-market alternatives.

    For now, the future of CBD access remains uncertain. But what is clear is that millions of pets—particularly older ones managing chronic pain or anxiety—could feel the consequences first. And with a large share of those pets living in Republican households, the debate over CBD is quickly becoming far more personal than political.

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  • Who is Rep. Thomas Massie And Why It Matters For Cannabis

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    Discover who is Rep. Thomas Massie and why it matters for cannabis policy, hemp bans, and legalization

    Who is Rep. Thomas Massie and why it matters for cannabis? He is the libertarian-leaning Republican congressman from Kentucky’s 4th District who has built a national reputation as an independent, tech-minded lawmaker willing to buck party leaders on principle. An MIT-trained engineer and entrepreneur who lives off-grid in a solar-powered home, Massie has served in the U.S. House since 2012 and is known for procedural savvy, high-profile lone “no” votes, and a consistent small-government worldview.  He is also a champion of hemp.

    RELATED: Study Reveals Stance By Physicians And Public About Cannabis

    That background helps explain why Massie is suddenly central to the current debate: he could act as a stopgap against the HEMP ban language that was tucked into the recent federal funding package — a provision backed by GOP leaders and joined by eight Senate Democrats sharply restrict intoxicating hemp-derived products. Massie and other Kentucky lawmakers have warned sweeping milligram or parts-per-container limits would devastate farmers and small businesses relying on hemp and broad-spectrum CBD products. His history of sponsoring hemp-friendly measures gives him credibility when he argues the fix is regulatory clarity, not a near-ban.

    What power does Massie actually hold? Formally he is a House backbencher — not committee chair or party whip — so he lacks the structural levers of leadership. Practically, however, Massie’s influence exceeds his formal rank in two ways. First, he’s a high-profile, well-connected voice on libertarian issues and hemp policy who can rally attention and allies in both parties; he has previously secured bipartisan support for hemp amendments and legislation. Second, in razor-thin or politically fraught votes — including must-pass funding measures — a small group of dissenters can stall or complicate passage. Massie’s willingness to use procedural tactics and his record of cross-bench cooperation make him someone negotiators watch when hemp language is on the line.

    How does Massie relate to Sen. Mitch McConnell? McConnell gleefully lead the effort to stop cannabis legalization despite popular opinion. The two are fellow Kentuckians but not a political tag team. McConnell has been a key figure in recent efforts to close what he and others call a “loophole” in the 2018 Farm Bill that allowed intoxicating hemp products to proliferate; McConnell’s more recent push to curtail those products puts him at odds with Massie’s pro-hemp, states’-rights stance. Historically both have backed expanding legal hemp in various forms, and both care about Kentucky agriculture — but on the current crackdown McConnell is a leading architect of restriction while Massie is among the loudest House opponents trying to shield the state’s hemp sector. That tension — a Senate leader vs. a contrarian House member from the same state — is a principal reason this fight has become high-stakes and highly visible.

    RELATED: The Feds Foul Play Around Cannabis

    Thomas Massie is not the biggest DC power player, but he is a consequential voice on hemp and cannabis policy — one who combines a consistent legislative record on hemp, a willingness to use procedural tools, and the credibility of representing a major hemp-producing state. In the weeks ahead, his actions (and whether other House Republicans from hemp states join him) could help determine whether the new restrictions become law as written or are softened or removed before final passage.

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    Terry Hacienda

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  • The Democratic 8 Also Knifed The Hemp Industry

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    The Democratic 8 Also Knifed The Hemp Industry — siding with prohibitionists to gut veterans’ healthcare and hemp innovation.

    They are the buzz on the internet and politics worlds over their betrayal to their political party, but did you know the Democratic 8 also knifed the hemp industry?  In a dramatic turn of events, 8 Senate Democrats have quietly helped push through a deal both re-criminalizes intoxicating hemp-derived THC products and strips out key medical-marijuana provisions previously cleared both chambers of Congress. The implications for both healthcare and cannabis policy are significant.

    Under the newly negotiated spending package, negotiators agreed to ban “intoxicating hemp-based or hemp-derived products, including Delta-8,” while preserving non-intoxicating CBD and industrial hemp. At the same time, the legislation omits the provisions the House and Senate earlier this year passed to enable physicians at the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) to recommend medical marijuana to veterans — language now excluded from this deal.

    RELATED: Study Reveals Stance By Physicians And Public About Cannabis

    From a healthcare standpoint, this is a two‐fold blow. First: healthcare access for veterans. The VA‐doctor recommendation language was seen as a breakthrough for veteran patients who seek alternatives to opioids or other pain management tools. Now it’s gone. Second: the broader THC market. By re-criminalizing intoxicating hemp THC products — despite their existence in a previously lawful grey-zone post-Agricultural Marketing Act of 2018 (the “2018 Farm Bill”) environment — Congress has signalled certain “hemp-derived” cannabinoids are being pulled back under prohibition.

    Senator Kaine voted to put in a knife in the Hemp industry

    the group of eight Senate Democrats who broke from the caucus to vote in favour of advancing a funding deal to end the government shutdown include:

    • Catherine Cortez Masto (D-Nev.)
    • Dick Durbin (D-Ill.)
    • John Fetterman (D-Pa.)
    • Maggie Hassan (D-N.H.)
    • Tim Kaine (D-Va.)
    • Jacky Rosen (D-Nev.)
    • Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.) – whose daughter is also running for Congress
    • Angus King (I-Maine, caucuses with Democrats)

    What stands out is the ban on intoxicating hemp THC products came in the same spending package, even though earlier this year the House and Senate had passed language to allow VA doctors to recommend medical marijuana for veterans. The new deal reverses earlier momentum.

    For advocates of veteran healthcare this is a cold shower in addition to the failed promise to help with healthcare premiums.  It is also a deliberate smack at any real cannabis policy reform. The exclusion of VA-doctor recommendation language means veterans may have to continue navigating patchy state laws and federal prohibitions without help from the federal agency meant to serve them. Meanwhile, hemp business operators say the ban threatens a multibillion‐dollar industry built around hemp-derived cannabinoids.

    RELATED: The Feds Foul Play Around Cannabis

    The timing is also politically striking. By tying these policy reversals to a must-pass government-funding measure, negotiators effectively placed them in the envelope of “budget compromise” rather than standalone reform. This means Democrat 8 can gut healthcare in two separate ways at the same time…with the hemp being a hidden negative for veteran with PTSD, cancer patients and others who the American Medical Association say could benefit.

    On the hemp side, the language undercuts previous regulatory efforts by Democratic senators. In September, eight Senate Democrats had sent a letter urging party leaders not to re-criminalize hemp THC products. But given the opportunity the deal they signed onto does exactly did re-criminalize hemp.  You wonder if their early comments were just for votes and optics.

    The deal pushed by Democratic negotiators didn’t just fail to extend healthcare protection, it actively reversed course on veteran access to medical cannabis and tightened federal restrictions on hemp-derived intoxicants. Whether this will spark further legislative fights, or judicial ones, remains to be seen. What is clear is a policy moment earlier this year looked like progress has now been shunted aside hidden under cover of a budget compromise.

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    Terry Hacienda

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  • Trump made inroads with Latino voters. The GOP is losing them ahead of the midterms

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    President Trump made historic gains with Latinos when he won reelection last year, boosting Republicans’ confidence that their economic message was helping them make inroads with a group of voters who had long leaned toward Democrats.

    But in this week’s election, Democrats in key states were able to disrupt that rightward shift by gaining back Latino support, exit polls showed.

    In New Jersey and Virginia, the Democrats running for governor made gains in counties with large Latino populations, and overall won two-thirds of the Latino vote in their states, according to an NBC News poll.

    And in California, a CNN exit poll showed about 70% of Latinos voting in favor of Proposition 50, a Democratic redistricting initiative designed to counter Trump’s plans to reshape congressional maps in an effort to keep GOP control of the House.

    The results mark the first concrete example at the ballot box of Latino voters turning away from the GOP — a shift foreshadowed by recent polling as their concerns about the economy and immigration raids have grown.

    Democratic Rep. Mikie Sherrill celebrates with supporters after being elected New Jersey governor.

    (Michael Nagle/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

    If the trend continues, it could spell trouble for Republicans in next year’s midterm elections, said Gary Segura, a professor of public policy, political science and Chicana/o studies at UCLA. This could be especially true in California and Texas, where both parties are banking on Latino voters to help them pick up seats in the House, Segura said.

    “A year is a long time in politics, but certainly the vote on Prop. 50 is a very, very good sign for the Democrats’ ability to pick up the newly drawn congressional districts,” Segura said. “I think Latino voters will be really instrumental in the outcome.”

    Democrats, meanwhile, are feeling optimistic that their warnings about Trump’s immigration crackdown and a bad economy are resonating with Latinos.

    Republicans are wondering to what degree the party can maintain support among Latinos without Trump on the ticket. In 2024, Trump won roughly 48% of the Latino vote nationally — a record for any Republican presidential candidate.

    Some Republicans saw this week’s trends among Latino voters as a “wakeup call.”

    “The Hispanic vote is not guaranteed. Hispanics married President Donald Trump but are only dating the GOP,” Republican Rep. Maria Elvira Salazar of Florida said in a social media video the day after the election. “I’ve been warning it: If the GOP does not deliver, we will lose the Hispanic vote all over the country.”

    Economic issues a main driver

    Last year Trump was able to leverage widespread frustration with the economy to win the support of Latinos. He promised to create jobs and lower the costs of living.

    But polling shows that a majority of Latino voters now disapprove of how Trump and the Republicans in control of Congress are handling the economy. Half of Latinos said they expected Trump’s economic policies to leave them worse off a year from now in a Unidos poll released last week.

    In New Jersey, that sentiment was exemplified by voters like Rumaldo Gomez. He told MSNBC he voted for Trump last year but this week went for for the Democratic candidate for governor, Rep. Mikie Sherrill.

    “Now, I look at Trump different,” Gomez said. “The economy does not look good.”

    Gomez added he is “very sad” about immigration raids led by the Trump administration that have split up hardworking families.

    While Latino voters fear being affected by immigration enforcement actions, polling suggests they are more concerned about cost of living, jobs and housing. The Unidos poll showed immigration ranking fifth on the list of concerns.

    In New Jersey and Virginia, Democrats’ double-digit victories were built on promises to reduce the cost of living, while blaming Trump for their economic pain.

    Marcus Robinson, a spokesman for the Democratic National Committee, said Democrats “expanded margins and flipped key counties by earning back Latino voters who know Trump’s economy leaves them behind.”

    “These results show that Latino communities want progress, not a return to chaos and broken promises,” he said.

    Republicans see a different Trump issue

    GOP strategist Matt Terrill, who was chief of staff for then-Sen. Marco Rubio’s 2016 presidential campaign, said the election results are not a referendum on Trump.

    Latino voters swung left because Trump wasn’t on the ballot, he said.

    Last year “it wasn’t Latino voters turning out for the Republican party, it was Latino voters turning out for President Trump,” he said. “Like him or not, he’s able to fire up voters that the Republican party traditionally does not get.”

    With Trump barred by the Constitution from running for a third term, Republicans are left to wonder if they can get the Latino vote back when he is not on the ballot. Terrill believes Republicans need to hammer on the issue of affordability as a top priority.

    Mike Madrid, a “never Trump” Republican and former political director of the California Republican Party, has a different theory.

    “They’re abandoning both parties,” Madrid said of Latinos. “They abandoned the Republican party for the same reasons they abandoned the Democratic party in November: not addressing economic concerns.”

    The economy has long been the top concern for Latinos, Madrid said, yet both parties continue to frame the Latino political agenda around immigration.

    “Latinos aren’t voting for Democrats or Republicans — they’re voting against Democrats and against Republicans,” Madrid said. “It’s a very big difference. The partisans are all looking at us as if we’re this peculiar exotic little creature.”

    The work ahead

    Democrat Abigail Spanberger was elected governor in Virginia in part because of big gains in Latino-heavy communities. One of the biggest gains was in Manassas Park, where more than 40% of residents are Latino. She won the city by 42 points, doubling the Democrats’ performance there in last year’s election.

    The shift toward Democrats happened because Latinos believed Trump when he promised to bring down high costs of living and that he would only go after violent criminals in immigration raids, said Democratic strategist Maria Cardona, who worked with Spanberger’s campaign on outreach to Spanish-language media.

    Instead, she argued, Trump betrayed them.

    Cardona said Medicaid cuts under Trump’s massive spending package this year, along with the reduction of supplemental nutrition assistance amid the government shutdown, have Latinos families panicking.

    “What Republicans misguidedly and mistakenly thought was a realignment of Latino voters just turned out to be a blip,” she said. “Latinos should never be considered a base vote.”

    Political scientists caution that the election outcomes this week are not necessarily indicative of how races will play out a year from now.

    “It’s just one election, but certainly the seeds have been planted for strong Latino Democratic turnouts in 2026,” said Brad Jones, a political science professor at UC Davis.

    Now, both parties need to explain how they expect to carry out their promises if elected.

    “They can’t sit on their laurels and say, ‘well surely the Latinos are coming back because the economy is bad and immigration enforcement is bad,’” Jones said. “The job of the Democratic party is now to reach out to Latino voters in ways that are more than just symbolic.”

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    Ana Ceballos, Andrea Castillo

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  • Republicans say Democratic wins were expected, yet see warning signs

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    Republicans said Tuesday’s Democratic victories were expected. But the results revealed deeper problems for the GOP: weak turnout, slipping Latino support and growing concern that without President Donald Trump on the ballot, the party has no clear path forward heading into 2026.

    “TRUMP WASN’T ON THE BALLOT, AND SHUTDOWN, WERE THE TWO REASONS THAT REPUBLICANS LOST ELECTIONS TONIGHT,” Trump posted on Truth Social after Democrats swept in major contests.

    Democrats flipped governorships in Virginia and New Jersey, swept judicial races in Pennsylvania and won the New York City mayor’s office. While GOP officials framed the results as typical for an off-year cycle, the margins and turnout gaps sparked internal finger-pointing.

    “It’s not doomsday, but not a good tea leaf,” one White House ally told Politico. “There are people who only turn out when [Trump] is on the ballot.”

    Turnout Weakness, Latino Shift Alarm GOP

    Democrats were expected to win most major races, but several candidates exceeded expectations. Former U.S. Representative Abigail Spanberger won Virginia’s governorship, defeating Republican Winsome Earle-Sears, with a focus on affordability and public safety. In New Jersey, U.S. Representative Mikie Sherrill beat Trump-backed Jack Ciattarelli. In Virginia, Democrat Jay Jones won the attorney general’s race despite a scandal over leaked text messages in which he talked about killing a Republican lawmaker and his family.

    And in New York City, 34-year-old democratic socialist Zohran Mamdani defeated former Governor Andrew Cuomo and Curtis Sliwa.

    “We got our asses handed to us,” Ohio GOP gubernatorial candidate Vivek Ramaswamy said in a video posted to X.

    Some Republicans blamed candidate quality. “A bad candidate and bad campaign have consequences — the Virginia governor’s race is example number one,” Trump adviser Chris LaCivita said.

    Others blamed poor strategy. “Trump should absolutely have been out in New Jersey,” said Andrew Kolvet of Turning Point USA. “The people that love Trump … would have been motivated by that.”

    The party also saw steep drop-offs in key Latino areas. In Passaic County, New Jersey, where 42 percent of the population is Hispanic, Democrats flipped a 3-point GOP lead from 2024 into a 15-point win. In Manassas Park, Virginia, where Latinos make up 46 percent of the population, Spanberger won by 42 points, doubling the Democratic margin from 2024.

    “This is the clearest sign I’ve seen of Latinos abandoning the GOP after Trump’s big gains in 2024,” Republican strategist Mike Madrid told Newsweek. “Huge night for Dems but their coalition is anti-Trump, not pro-Democratic. That’s the key metric.”

    Economic Message Falters

    Trump did not appear in person at any campaign events. His administration’s shutdown and budget cuts were central themes in Democratic messaging across several states. Democrats like Spanberger and Sherrill emphasized economic moderation and avoided national ideological fights.

    Doug Gordon, a Democratic strategist, told Newsweek Republicans are paying the price for failing to deliver. “Trump and Republicans ran on lowering prices and fixing an economy that isn’t working. Instead, we have secret police disappearing people off the streets, retribution politics, and no economic improvement.”

    Republicans leaned on hard-edged messaging around immigration and crime, but failed to match Democratic outreach in suburban and Latino-heavy areas.

    “We ran into a wall,” said a GOP aide involved in the New Jersey race. “There was no Trump on the ballot, and that meant our coalition didn’t show up.”

    In Pennsylvania, Democrats held all three state Supreme Court seats. In California, voters approved a congressional redistricting measure that favors Democrats heading into 2026.

    Donald Trump

    Can the GOP Win Without Trump?

    Some Republican strategists began running ads tying swing-district Democrats to Mamdani’s far-left platform, but others acknowledged the losses were more about turnout and trust than ideology.

    “Running squishy Rs who are lukewarm on Trump and MAGA… doesn’t work,” wrote Trump-aligned PAC head Alex Bruesewitz on X.

    Yet many Republicans see the bigger problem. The GOP continues to struggle in transferring Trump’s personal coalition to other candidates.

    Polling from CNN released just before the election showed that 63 percent of Americans disapprove of Trump’s performance as president. Sixty-one percent said his policies have worsened the economy—a core issue cited by voters in every state with a competitive race.

    “People aren’t feeling the promises kept,” the White House ally told Politico. “You won on lowering costs … and people don’t feel that right now.”

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  • Cannabis Is Another Industry Hit Hard By The Shutdown

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    Joining thousands of mom-and-pop businesses and American households, cannabis is another industry hit hard by the shutdown

    The ongoing federal government shutdown which began October 1, 2025 is reshaping spending behavior in several consumer categories — notably those tied to discretionary goods such as marijuana and alcohol. With paychecks delayed for hundreds of thousands of federal workers, and everyday Americans facing persistent inflation and rising costs, spending is beginning to come under strain. And with thousands of mom and pop businesses, cannabis is another industry hit hard by the shutdown like retail, grocery and dining.

    According to a survey by Ipsos in October 2025, a majority of people at every income level reported cutting back on at least one expense amid economic uncertainty, tariffs and the shutdown. Another data point from TransUnion shows that 52 % of consumers in Q2 2025 reduced discretionary spending — the highest share in months.

    RELATED: Making Your Cannabis Dollars Stretch During The Shutdown

    The shutdown’s direct ripple effect on consumer wallets is real. Roughly 700,000 federal employees are furloughed, and nearly as many working without pay — which means delayed incomes and fewer dollars available for non‑essentials. Even more broadly, the Council of Economic Advisers warns that a month‑long shutdown could reduce U.S. consumer spending by as much as $30 billion.

    For the cannabis industry (medical and recreational both), the implications are significant. While the sector continues to grow in many states, the shutdown is freezing key reform efforts — for example, regulation of hemp‑derived THC and federal policy remains in limbo. Concurrently, budget‑tight consumers are being more selective with how they deploy their discretionary dollars.

    Photo by Jeff Vinnick/Stringer/Getty Images

    While exact national figures for cannabis spending drops during the shutdown are not yet published, the confluence of reduced incomes + high living costs + regulatory uncertainty suggests a tightening belt is very much in play. Retailers and dispensaries in profit‑sensitive markets may feel the pinch first.

    It’s worth emphasising the income angle here. According to data from the Federal Reserve’s Economic Well‑Being of U.S. Households in 2024 report, 39 % of adults live in families with incomes of $100,000 or more. By contrast, the implication is that around 61 % of adults live in households with income under $100K. Those households are less buffered from shocks like a missed paycheck, rising utility bills, or price increases.

    RELATED: The Feds Foul Play Around Cannabis

    On inflation specifically, a note by RBC points out that Americans earning less than $100K have seen grocery prices rise 33 % since 2019, compared to 25 % for those earning more than $150K. In short: the under‑$100K cohort is both larger in number and under more cost‑pressure.

    Given this, it’s no surprise we see signs of belt‑tightening amongst this group. The KPMG Consumer Pulse Survey reports that “consumers expect to spend less across most categories this summer — except increases in groceries and automotive.” KPMG

    For cannabis vendors, this means a shifting consumer base: more value‑seeking, more conservative purchasing, more emphasis on cost‑efficiency (as the Fresh Toast article highlighted). Alcohol spending may also be more vulnerable. While long‑term data show alcohol consumption trending down in some segments, the immediate dynamic here is one of substitution or reduction: when paycheck‑uncertainty and rising rent/food bills dominate, spending on “extras” tends to drop.

    RELATED: Study Reveals Stance By Physicians And Public About Cannabis

    The shutdown exposes a deeper fault‑line: public policy and everyday economic reality are diverging. The Speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, Mike Johnson, has adopted a hardline posture on several fronts — including opposition to major healthcare subsidies, blocking full funding of federal agencies and resisting broader cannabis reform efforts. In doing so he appears detached from both: the majority of Americans who earn under $100K and are scrambling to make ends meet, and the broader public’s shifting views on medical marijuana and hemp reform.

    While polls show majority support for medical cannabis access and broader reform, the GOP Congress remains stalled. That impasse matters because for the cannabis industry — which is still suffering under federal ambiguity — policy action isn’t just nice‑to‑have; it’s a lifeline. The leadership’s lack of responsiveness to that reality sends a signal beyond the Hill: it tells everyday consumers, and businesses, that their pressures may not be fully appreciated by those in power.

    If the shutdown persists, we can expect:

    • Further reductions in discretionary spending among households under $100K as paychecks and benefit flows remain uncertain
    • Slower growth for cannabis retailers in mature markets, a greater emphasis on value plays and lower‑price substitution
    • Elevated risks for the industry as regulatory and policy advances are paused, making cost control and margin optimization more urgent
    • A heightened political risk for leadership whose policy stance appears misaligned with the economic burdens faced by a majority of Americans

    The shutdown isn’t just a headline about federal funding. It is a real‑world brake on consumer spending, a warning sign for lifestyle markets like cannabis and alcohol, and a reminder policy‑making ignoring everyday economic pressures runs the risk of being out of touch.

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    Terry Hacienda

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  • Opinion | The New Right’s New Antisemites

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    Kevin Roberts of the Heritage Foundation flounders in the Tucker Carlson-Nick Fuentes fever swamps.

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    The Editorial Board

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  • Voters in poll side with Newsom, Democrats on Prop. 50 — a potential blow to Trump and GOP

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    A Nov. 4 statewide ballot measure pushed by California Democrats to help the party’s efforts to win control of the U.S. House of Representatives and stifle President Trump’s agenda has a substantial lead in a new poll released on Thursday.

    Six out of 10 likely voters support Proposition 50, the proposal by Gov. Gavin Newsom and his allies to redraw the state’s congressional districts to try to increase the number of Democrats in Congress, according to a survey by UC Berkeley’s Institute of Governmental Studies that was co-sponsored by The Times. About 38% of likely voters oppose the ballot measure.

    Notable in an off-year special election about the arcane and complicated process of redistricting, 71% of likely voters said they had heard a significant amount of information about the ballot measure, according to the poll.

    “That’s extraordinary,” said Mark DiCamillo, director of the IGS poll. “Even though it’s kind of an esoteric topic that doesn’t affect their daily lives, it’s something voters are paying attention to.”

    That may be because roughly $158 million has been donated in less than three months to the main campaign committees supporting and opposing the measure, according to campaign fundraising reports filed with the state last week. Voters in the state have been flooded with political ads.

    Californians watching Tuesday night’s World Series game between the Los Angeles Dodgers and the Toronto Blue Jays saw that firsthand.

    In the first minutes of the game, former President Obama, Newsom, Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren and other prominent Democrats spoke in favor of Proposition 50 in an ad that probably cost at least $250,000 to air, according to a Democratic media buyer who is not associated with the campaign.

    According to the survey, the breakdown among voters was highly partisan, with more than 9 out of 10 Democrats supporting Proposition 50 and a similar proportion of Republicans opposing it. Among voters who belong to other parties, or identify as “no party preference,” 57% favored the ballot measure, while 39% opposed it.

    Only 2% of the likely voters surveyed said they were undecided, which DiCamillo said was highly unusual.

    Historically, undecided voters, particularly independents, often end up opposing ballot measures they are uncertain about, preferring to stick with the status quo, he said.

    “Usually there was always a rule — look at the undecideds in late-breaking polls, and assume most would vote no,” he said. “But this poll shows there are very few of them out there. Voters have a bead on this one.”

    In the voter-rich urban areas of Los Angeles County and the San Francisco Bay area, Proposition 50 led by wide margins, the poll found. Voters in Orange County, the Inland Empire and the Central Valley were pretty evenly divided.

    Redistricting battles are underway in states across the nation, but California’s Proposition 50 has received a major share of national attention and donations. The Newsom committee supporting Proposition 50 has raised far more money than the two main committees opposing it, so much so that the governor this week told supporters to stop sending checks.

    The U.S. House of Representatives is controlled by the GOP but is narrowly divided. The party that wins control of Congress in the 2026 midterm elections will determine whether Trump can continue enacting his agenda or whether he is the subject of investigations and possibly another impeachment effort.

    California’s 52 congressional districts — the most of any state — currently are drawn by a voter-approved independent commission once every decade following the U.S. census.

    But after Trump urged GOP leaders in Texas this summer to redraw their districts to bolster the number of Republicans in Congress, Newsom and other California Democrats decided in August to ask voters to allow a rare mid-decade partisan redrawing of the state’s district boundaries. If passed, Proposition 50 could potentially add five more Democrats to the state’s congressional delegation.

    Supporters of Proposition 50 have painted their effort as a proxy fight against Trump and his policies that have overwhelmingly affected Californians, such as immigration raids and the deployment of the National Guard on the streets of Los Angeles.

    Opponents of the proposition have focused on the mechanics of redistricting, arguing the ballot measure subverts the will of California voters who enacted the independent redistricting commission more than a decade ago.

    “The results suggest that Democrats have succeeded in framing the debate surrounding the proposition around support or opposition to President Trump and national Republicans, rather than about voters’ more general preference for nonpartisan redistricting,” Eric Schickler, co-director of IGS, said in a statement.

    Early voting data suggest the pro-Proposition 50 message has been successful.

    As of Tuesday, nearly 5 million Californians — about 21% of the state’s 23 million registered voters — had cast ballots, according to trackers run by Democratic and Republican strategists.

    Democrats greatly outnumber Republicans among the state’s registered voters, and they have outpaced them in returning ballots, 52% to 27%. Voters who do not have a party preference or who support other political parties have returned 21% of the ballots.

    The Berkeley/L.A. Times poll findings mirrored recent surveys by the Public Policy Institute of California, CBS News/YouGov and Emerson College.

    Among voters surveyed by the Berkeley/L.A. Times poll, 67% of Californians who had already voted supported Proposition 50, while 33% said they had weighed in against the ballot measure.

    The proposition also had an edge among those who planned to vote but had not yet cast their ballots, with 57% saying they planned to support the effort and 40% saying they planned to oppose it.

    However, 70% of voters who plan to cast ballots in person on Nov. 4, election day, said they would vote against Proposition 50, according to the poll. Less than 3 in 10 who said they would vote at their local polling place said they would support the rare mid-decade redistricting.

    These numbers highlight a recent shift in how Americans vote. Historically, Republicans voted by mail early, while Democrats cast ballots on election day. But this dynamic was upended in recent years after Trump questioned the security of early voting and mail voting, including just recently when he criticized Proposition 50.

    “No mail-in or ‘Early’ Voting, Yes to Voter ID! Watch how totally dishonest the California Prop Vote is! Millions of Ballots being ‘shipped,’” Trump wrote on his social media platform, Truth Social. “GET SMART REPUBLICANS, BEFORE IT IS TOO LATE!!!”

    GOP leaders across the state have pushed back at such messaging without calling out the president. Urging Republicans to vote early, they argue that waiting to cast ballots only gives Democrats a greater advantage in California elections.

    Among the arguments promoted by the campaigns, likely voters agreed with every one posited by the supporters of Proposition 50, notably that the ballot measure would help Democrats win control of the House, while standing up to Trump and his attempts to rig the 2026 election, according to the poll. But they also agreed that the ballot measure would further diminish the power of the GOP in California, and that they didn’t trust partisan state lawmakers to draw congressional districts.

    The Berkeley IGS/Times poll surveyed 8,141 California registered voters online in English and Spanish from Oct. 20 to 27. The results are estimated to have a margin of error of 2 percentage points in either direction in the overall sample, and larger numbers for subgroups.

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    Seema Mehta

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  • Paul Ingrassia and the Right’s Budding Group-Chat Problem

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    When President Donald Trump nominated Paul Ingrassia, a 30-year-old lawyer and far-right provocateur, to run the Office of Special Counsel, he described him as a “highly respected attorney, writer, and Constitutional Scholar.” Just months later, and on the eve of a Senate hearing to confirm his position as head of the federal whistleblower agency, Ingrassia announced he was withdrawing from consideration for the job. The cause of this spectacular implosion was the revelation, in a Politico report published this week, of a group chat in which Ingrassia allegedly made a series of racist and offensive remarks. “I do have a Nazi streak in me from time to time, I will admit it,” read one.

    Ingrassia’s lawyer offered two competing explanations for his client’s alleged texts. “Looks like these texts could be manipulated or are being provided with material context omitted,” the lawyer wrote in a statement to Politico. “However, arguendo, even if the texts are authentic, they clearly read as self-deprecating and satirical humor making fun of the fact that liberals outlandishly and routinely call MAGA supporters ‘Nazis.’”

    This prevalence of extreme rhetoric in Republican group chats isn’t a new problem. Journalist Aaron Sibarium said in 2023: “Whenever I’m on a career advice panel for young conservatives, I tell them to avoid group chats that use the N-word or otherwise blur the line between edgelording and earnest bigotry.”

    “There is a problem on the right,” Sibarium says now in an interview with VF. “And it has gotten noticeably worse in the last two years.”

    Ingrassia’s downfall comes just a week after Politico reported on another group chat of Young Republican leaders who exchanged a dizzying number of racist and antisemitic messages. The members of the chat, according to Politico, “referred to Black people as monkeys and ‘the watermelon people’ and mused about putting their political opponents in gas chambers. They talked about raping their enemies and driving them to suicide and lauded Republicans who they believed support slavery.” (The Young Republicans board called for those involved to resign, and said they “are appalled by the vile and inexcusable language revealed” in the article. “Such behavior is disgraceful, unbecoming of any Republican, and stands in direct opposition to the values our movement represents.”)

    Richard Hanania—a writer once popular among the far-right who has since disavowed extremism—traces the rise of this trend back to 2015. In an interview, he describes how “the great awokening” on the left kicked into high gear just as Trump, a defiantly offensive political candidate, vaulted to the top of the Republican presidential ticket.

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    Aidan McLaughlin

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  • The Republicans who denounce Trump nominee Ingrassia after leaked texts

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    Senate Majority Leader John Thune announced Monday he hopes the White House withdraws Paul Ingrassia’s nomination to lead the Office of Special Counsel, following Politico’s reporting on racist and antisemitic text messages Ingrassia exchanged with Republican operatives.

    “He’s not gonna pass,” Thune told reporters.

    At least three other Senate Republicans have publicly declared opposition to the confirmation of Ingrassia, a nominee of President Donald Trump: Rick Scott of Florida, Ron Johnson of Wisconsin and James Lankford of Oklahoma. Ingrassia remains scheduled to testify Thursday before the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee.

    Newsweek reached out to the White House via email on Monday for comment.

    Why It Matters

    The swift Republican defection represents a significant political rupture within GOP ranks over the Trump administration’s selection. Under Senate rules, Ingrassia, White House liaison to the Department of Homeland Security, can lose only three Republican votes before requiring Vice President JD Vance to cast a tiebreaker, assuming unanimous Democratic opposition.

    With four Republicans now signaling opposition or skepticism, the nomination could face mathematical elimination. GOP senators have already expressed concerns about his background, experience and alleged antisemitism, with one senator delaying Ingrassia’s nomination hearing in July, citing concerns of hostility toward Jews.

    “This big thing for our state is, he’s had some statements about antisemitism,” Scott said in a July interview with Politico about Ingrassia.

    The report about the text messages of Ingrassia, 30, also comes just one week after a number of Young Republicans were implicated in a scandal over racist, antisemitic and misogynistic comments in leaked chat messages.

    What To Know

    Politico reported Monday on a text chat that showed Ingrassia saying that the Martin Luther King Jr. holiday should be “tossed into the seventh circle of hell” and that he has “a Nazi streak.”

    Edward Andrew Paltzik, attorney for Ingrassia, did not confirm the texts were authentic and said they “could be manipulated or are being provided with material context omitted,” according to the report.

    Scott, Johnson and Lankford are all members of the Senate Homeland committee and will have a chance to question Ingrassia Thursday—if Ingrassia’s confirmation hearing proceeds as planned. The senators’ opposition comes amid broader concerns about Ingrassia’s background.

    Earlier this month, Politico separately reported that Ingrassia was investigated over a sexual harassment allegation involving a lower-ranking colleague. The peer filed a complaint against him before retracting it.

    A spokesperson for Republican U.S. Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky, chair of the Senate Homeland panel, referred questions to the White House about what would come next for the nominee. But Paul told Semafor Monday evening that Ingrassia remained on the witness list and indicated the next move would be up to the White House.

    What People Are Saying

    Paltzik added: “Even if the texts are authentic, they clearly read as self-deprecating and satirical humor making fun of the fact that liberals outlandishly and routinely call MAGA supporters ‘Nazis.’ In reality, Mr. Ingrassia has incredible support from the Jewish community because Jews know that Mr. Ingrassia is the furthest thing from a Nazi.

    “In this age of AI, authentication of allegedly leaked messages, which could be outright falsehoods, doctored, or manipulated, or lacking critical context, is extremely difficult.”

    Scott, to reporters on Monday: “I’m not supporting him. I can’t imagine how anybody can be antisemitic in this country. It’s wrong.”

    Lankford, also to reporters on Monday: “I have tons of questions for him,” adding that he “can’t imagine supporting that.”

    Paul also told Semafor on Monday: “They have to decide if he can go through. I’ve told them to count the votes … the White House needs to make a decision. I’m leaving it up to them.”

    What Happens Next?

    Ingrassia’s Senate confirmation hearing is still scheduled for Thursday, where he will likely face intense questioning about the text messages and the allegations of antisemitism and sexual harassment.

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  • ‘No Kings’ protests against Trump bring a street party vibe as GOP calls them ‘hate America’ rallies

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    Protesting the direction of the country under President Donald Trump, people gathered Saturday in the nation’s capital and communities across the U.S. for “ No Kings ” demonstrations — what the president’s Republican Party is calling “Hate America” rallies.(Video player above: Coverage of the “No Kings” protest in June) With signs such as “Nothing is more patriotic than protesting” or “Resist Fascism,” in many places the events looked more like a street party. There were marching bands, a huge banner with the U.S. Constitution’s “We The People,” preamble that people could sign, and protesters wearing inflatable costumes, particularly frogs, which have emerged as a sign of resistance in Portland, Oregon.This is the third mass mobilization since Trump’s return to the White House and comes against the backdrop of a government shutdown that not only has closed federal programs and services, but is testing the core balance of power as an aggressive executive confronts Congress and the courts in ways that organizers warn are a slide toward American authoritarianism.Trump himself is spending the weekend at his Mar-a-Lago home in Florida.“They say they’re referring to me as a king. I’m not a king,” Trump said in a Fox News interview airing early Friday, before he departed for a $1 million-per-plate MAGA Inc. fundraiser at his club. Protests are expected nearby Saturday.Nationwide protests plannedDemonstrators packed New York City’s Times Square, Boston Common, Chicago’s Grant Park and hundreds of smaller public spaces. More than 2,600 rallies were planned for Saturday, organizers said.Many protesters were angered by attacks on their motives. In Washington, Brian Reymann said being called a terrorist all week by Republicans was “pathetic.”“This is America. I disagree with their politics, but I don’t believe that they don’t love this country,” Reymann said, carrying a large American flag. “I believe they are misguided. I think they are power hungry.”More than 1,500 people gathered in Birmingham, Alabama, evoking and openly citing the city’s history of protests and the critical role it played in the U.S. Civil Rights Movement two generations ago.“It just feels like we’re living in an America that I don’t recognize,” said Jessica Yother, a mother of four. She and other protesters said they felt camaraderie by gathering in a state where Trump won nearly 65% of the vote last November.“It was so encouraging,” Yother said. “I walked in and thought, ‘Here are my people.’”Organizers hope to build opposition movement“Big rallies like this give confidence to people who have been sitting on the sidelines but are ready to speak up,” Democratic U.S. Sen. Chris Murphy said in an interview with The Associated Press.While protests earlier this year — against Elon Musk’s cuts and Trump’s military parade — drew crowds, organizers say this one is uniting the opposition. Top Democrats such as Senate Leader Chuck Schumer and Independent Sen. Bernie Sanders are joining what organizers view as an antidote to Trump’s actions, from the administration’s clampdown on free speech to its military-style immigration raids.“We’re here because we love America,” Sanders said, addressing the crowd from a stage in Washington. He said the American experiment is “in danger” under Trump but insisted “We the people will rule.”The national march against Trump and Musk this spring had 1,300 registered locations, while the first “No Kings” day in June registered 2,100 locations.Republicans denounce ‘Hate America’ ralliesRepublicans sought to portray Saturday’s protesters as far outside the mainstream and a prime reason for the government shutdown, now in its 18th day.From the White House to Capitol Hill, GOP leaders disparaged the rallygoers as “communists” and “Marxists.” They say Democratic leaders, including Schumer, are beholden to the far-left flank and willing to keep the government shut to appease those liberal forces.“I encourage you to watch — we call it the Hate America rally — that will happen Saturday,” said House Speaker Mike Johnson of Louisiana.“Let’s see who shows up for that,” Johnson said, listing groups including “antifa types,” people who “hate capitalism” and “Marxists in full display.”Many demonstrators, in turn, said they were responding such hyperbole with humor, noting that Trump often leans heavily on theatrics such as claiming U.S. cities he sends troops to are war zones.“So much of what we’ve seen from this administration has been so unserious and silly that we have to respond with the same energy,” said Glen Kalbaugh, a Washington protester who wore a wizard hat and held a sign with a frog on it.Democrats try to regain their footing amid shutdownDemocrats have refused to vote on legislation that would reopen the government as they demand funding for health care. Republicans say they are willing to discuss the issue later, only after the government reopens.The situation is a potential turnaround from just six months ago, when Democrats and their allies were divided and despondent. Schumer in particular was berated by his party for allowing an earlier government funding bill to sail through the Senate without using it to challenge Trump.“What we are seeing from the Democrats is some spine,” said Ezra Levin, a co-founder of Indivisible, a key organizing group. “The worst thing the Democrats could do right now is surrender.”

    Protesting the direction of the country under President Donald Trump, people gathered Saturday in the nation’s capital and communities across the U.S. for “ No Kings ” demonstrations — what the president’s Republican Party is calling “Hate America” rallies.

    (Video player above: Coverage of the “No Kings” protest in June)

    With signs such as “Nothing is more patriotic than protesting” or “Resist Fascism,” in many places the events looked more like a street party. There were marching bands, a huge banner with the U.S. Constitution’s “We The People,” preamble that people could sign, and protesters wearing inflatable costumes, particularly frogs, which have emerged as a sign of resistance in Portland, Oregon.

    This is the third mass mobilization since Trump’s return to the White House and comes against the backdrop of a government shutdown that not only has closed federal programs and services, but is testing the core balance of power as an aggressive executive confronts Congress and the courts in ways that organizers warn are a slide toward American authoritarianism.

    Trump himself is spending the weekend at his Mar-a-Lago home in Florida.

    “They say they’re referring to me as a king. I’m not a king,” Trump said in a Fox News interview airing early Friday, before he departed for a $1 million-per-plate MAGA Inc. fundraiser at his club. Protests are expected nearby Saturday.

    Nationwide protests planned

    Demonstrators packed New York City’s Times Square, Boston Common, Chicago’s Grant Park and hundreds of smaller public spaces. More than 2,600 rallies were planned for Saturday, organizers said.

    Many protesters were angered by attacks on their motives. In Washington, Brian Reymann said being called a terrorist all week by Republicans was “pathetic.”

    “This is America. I disagree with their politics, but I don’t believe that they don’t love this country,” Reymann said, carrying a large American flag. “I believe they are misguided. I think they are power hungry.”

    More than 1,500 people gathered in Birmingham, Alabama, evoking and openly citing the city’s history of protests and the critical role it played in the U.S. Civil Rights Movement two generations ago.

    “It just feels like we’re living in an America that I don’t recognize,” said Jessica Yother, a mother of four. She and other protesters said they felt camaraderie by gathering in a state where Trump won nearly 65% of the vote last November.

    “It was so encouraging,” Yother said. “I walked in and thought, ‘Here are my people.’”

    Organizers hope to build opposition movement

    “Big rallies like this give confidence to people who have been sitting on the sidelines but are ready to speak up,” Democratic U.S. Sen. Chris Murphy said in an interview with The Associated Press.

    While protests earlier this year — against Elon Musk’s cuts and Trump’s military parade — drew crowds, organizers say this one is uniting the opposition. Top Democrats such as Senate Leader Chuck Schumer and Independent Sen. Bernie Sanders are joining what organizers view as an antidote to Trump’s actions, from the administration’s clampdown on free speech to its military-style immigration raids.

    “We’re here because we love America,” Sanders said, addressing the crowd from a stage in Washington. He said the American experiment is “in danger” under Trump but insisted “We the people will rule.”

    The national march against Trump and Musk this spring had 1,300 registered locations, while the first “No Kings” day in June registered 2,100 locations.

    Republicans denounce ‘Hate America’ rallies

    Republicans sought to portray Saturday’s protesters as far outside the mainstream and a prime reason for the government shutdown, now in its 18th day.

    From the White House to Capitol Hill, GOP leaders disparaged the rallygoers as “communists” and “Marxists.” They say Democratic leaders, including Schumer, are beholden to the far-left flank and willing to keep the government shut to appease those liberal forces.

    “I encourage you to watch — we call it the Hate America rally — that will happen Saturday,” said House Speaker Mike Johnson of Louisiana.

    “Let’s see who shows up for that,” Johnson said, listing groups including “antifa types,” people who “hate capitalism” and “Marxists in full display.”

    Many demonstrators, in turn, said they were responding such hyperbole with humor, noting that Trump often leans heavily on theatrics such as claiming U.S. cities he sends troops to are war zones.

    “So much of what we’ve seen from this administration has been so unserious and silly that we have to respond with the same energy,” said Glen Kalbaugh, a Washington protester who wore a wizard hat and held a sign with a frog on it.

    Democrats have refused to vote on legislation that would reopen the government as they demand funding for health care. Republicans say they are willing to discuss the issue later, only after the government reopens.

    The situation is a potential turnaround from just six months ago, when Democrats and their allies were divided and despondent. Schumer in particular was berated by his party for allowing an earlier government funding bill to sail through the Senate without using it to challenge Trump.

    “What we are seeing from the Democrats is some spine,” said Ezra Levin, a co-founder of Indivisible, a key organizing group. “The worst thing the Democrats could do right now is surrender.”

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