Jerusalem — Cautious hope for a ceasefire to end the war in Gaza and secure the release of the remaining hostages was building Monday as Israel and Hamas prepared to enter indirect negotiations in Egypt.
The office of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Natanyahu said Israeli negotiators would travel to the Egyptian Red Sea resort of Sharm al-Sheikh, where the talks were scheduled to take place.
The negotiators were expected to discuss President Trump’s 20-point plan to end the war in Gaza, which was sparked two years ago by the Hamas-led, Oct. 7, 2023 terrorist attack on Israel. Mr. Trump presented his plan during a press conference with Netanyahu at the White House last Monday.
A woman kneels next to a grave at the Kibbutz Nir Oz cemetery during a ceremony commemorating the two-year anniversary of the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas-led terrorist attack on Israel.
Ilia Yefimovich/picture alliance/Getty
Hamas, which is designated as a terrorist organization by the U.S., Israel and many other nations, issued a statement on Friday saying it agreed to some of the key points in the plan, including releasing all the remaining hostages, living and deceased, in exchange for Palestinian prisoners, as well as to handing over control of Gaza to a technocratic international body.
But Hamas did not immediately agree to other points in Mr. Trump’s proposal, including some related to its disarmament and future role in Palestinian politics.
Mr. Trump, speaking Sunday, urged the negotiators to “move fast” in the talks in Egypt, calling ongoing discussions between Hamas and other nations in the region about the ceasefire proposal “very successful,” and saying they were “proceeding rapidly.”
“The technical teams will again meet Monday, in Egypt, to work through and clarify the final details,” Mr. Trump said of the talks in Sharm el-Sheikh. “I am told that the first phase should be completed this week, and I am asking everyone to MOVE FAST. I will continue to monitor this Centuries old ‘conflict.’ TIME IS OF THE ESSENCE OR, MASSIVE BLOODSHED WILL FOLLOW – SOMETHING THAT NOBODY WANTS TO SEE!”
Egypt’s foreign ministry said the talks would focus on “establishing the necessary humanitarian and logistical conditions for implementing a prisoner exchange deal between Israel and Hamas.”
According to the proposal, the exchange would see the 48 remaining Israeli hostages, about 20 of whom Israeli officials still believe to be alive, released, followed by hundreds of Palestinian prisoners held by Israel, 250 of whom are serving life sentences and 1,700 of whom are from Gaza and were detained after the Oct. 7 attack, set free.
The talks will also “address the details of the process in line with the plan proposed by U.S. President Donald Trump, aimed at ending the war and alleviating the suffering of the Palestinian people in Gaza,” Egypt’s foreign ministry said.
Displaced Palestinian children search for items that could be used as fuel for cooking in a pile of burning garbage at the Bureij camp for refugees in the central Gaza Strip, Oct. 6, 2025.
EYAD BABA/AFP/Getty
Amid the signs of a potential deal, Israeli strikes continued Sunday in Gaza, though CBS News sources said there were fewer than before Mr. Trump’s proposal was announced. The IDF said it “struck and eliminated a terrorist cell armed with explosive devices and mortars that were intended to be used in terror attacks against IDF troops in the area of Gaza City.”
An Israeli government spokesperson said Sunday that “certain bombings have actually stopped inside of the Gaza Strip,” but they added that there is “no ceasefire in place at this point in time.”
Secretary of State Marco Rubio told CBS News’ “Face the Nation” on Sunday that Israel’s bombing of Gaza would need to stop for the remaining hostages to be released.
“I’d give it a 50% shot of happening, because both sides feel the pressure to get this done. Israel feels the pressure from the U.S., and Hamas feels the pressure from Qatar, from Turkey, from Egypt, from Jordan, and from Saudi Arabia,” former Israeli Ambassador to the U.S. Alon Pinkas told CBS News on Monday, referring to the possible hostage and prisoner swap. “As for the rest of the plan, the likelihood goes down from 50% to maybe 10%. I just doubt it’s going to happen. Even this phase is going to be as ambiguous and amenable to interpretations, and I don’t see it going smoothly.”
Ohad Ben Ami, who was captured by Hamas during the Oct. 7 attack and released in a prisoner swap in February, said over the weekend at an event organized by the hostages families’ group that he was eager for a deal to get done.
“Now it seems like there is hope,” Ben Ami said, adding that he had felt betrayed by Israel’s government.
“I love my country, and I love the people, but our government is disconnected. And until now, I have the feeling of insult. I feel that they abandoned me,” he said.
During his time in captivity, Ben Ami was first held above ground in a series of apartments in Gaza before being moved down into Hamas’ vast tunnel network underneath the Palestinian territory, where he said he and other hostages were kept in squalid conditions and not given enough to eat.
“I’m here with you. I speak and I talk, but in my mind, I’m down there,” Ben Ami said at the Sunday event. “Until they… come back, all the 48 (remaining hostages) I cannot live. I’m still a hostage. I’m a free man, but not in my soul.”
GENEVA (Reuters) -Nine members of the Gaza aid flotilla arrived home in Switzerland on Sunday after being deported by Israel, with some alleging they had been subject to inhumane conditions whilst in detention there, the group representing them said.
Israel did not immediately comment on the new allegations.
Its foreign ministry previously described reports that detainees had been mistreated as “complete lies”.
Nineteen Swiss nationals, including the former mayor of Geneva Remy Pagani, were aboard boats in the flotilla of dozens of vessels that tried to deliver aid to Israeli-blockaded Gaza.
They were taken into custody on Wednesday by Israeli forces who intercepted the flotilla at sea and taken to Israel’s Ktzi’ot prison, according to the Waves of Freedom flotilla group.
Nine of the group returned to Geneva on Sunday afternoon.
“The participants condemned the inhumane detention conditions and the humiliating and degrading treatment they suffered upon their arrest and incarceration,” a statement by the group said.
Israel said on Sunday that the legal rights of the activists were being “fully upheld”, that no physical force was used and all detainees were given access to water, food, and restrooms.
Detainees described conditions of sleep deprivation, lack of water and food, as well as some being beaten, kicked, and locked in a cage, the statement added.
Waves of Freedom said it is “deeply concerned” about the ten Swiss nationals who remain detained by Israel.
On Sunday, the Swiss Embassy in Tel Aviv visited the ten Swiss nationals in prison to provide consular protection.
“All are in relatively good health, given the circumstances,” it said in a statement, adding it is doing everything possible to ensure their prompt return.
The Waves of Freedom said some have gone on hunger strike and appear weakened.
Hundreds of other activists including Swedish campaigner Greta Thunberg were also detained in what was the latest attempt by activists to challenge Israel’s naval blockade of Gaza, where it has been waging war since Hamas’ October 2023 attack.
(Reporting by Olivia Le PoidevinEditing by Alexandra Hudson)
High pressure as work begins on Israel-Hamas hostage release logistics – CBS News
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Talks around the logistics of a hostage-prisoner swap between Israel and Hamas begin Monday in Egypt. Debora Patta is in East Jerusalem with the latest.
President Trump urged negotiators set to meet Monday for crucial talks aimed at ending the war in Gaza to “move fast” as hopes for a peace deal grew after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said a hostage release could be announced this week.
Tuesday marks two years since the Hamas terrorist attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, that sparked the war.
“There have been very positive discussions with Hamas, and Countries from all over the World (Arab, Muslim, and everyone else) this weekend, to release the Hostages, end the War in Gaza but, more importantly, finally have long sought PEACE in the Middle East,” Mr. Trump wrote on Truth Social on Sunday. “These talks have been very successful, and proceeding rapidly.”
He added: “The technical teams will again meet Monday, in Egypt, to work through and clarify the final details. I am told that the first phase should be completed this week, and I am asking everyone to MOVE FAST. I will continue to monitor this Centuries old ‘conflict.’ TIME IS OF THE ESSENCE OR, MASSIVE BLOODSHED WILL FOLLOW – SOMETHING THAT NOBODY WANTS TO SEE!”
Residents of the Nuseirat area continue their daily lives despite 24 months of Israeli attacks and the blockade in the Gaza Strip.
Khames Alrefi/Anadolu via Getty Images
On Friday, Hamas said it had accepted some elements from the U.S.-led peace plan that Mr. Trump outlined last month. Under the plan, Hamas would release the remaining 48 hostages — about 20 believed to be alive — within 72 hours. It would also give up power and disarm, which Hamas has not agreed to do.
The delegation led by top Israeli negotiator Ron Dermer will leave Monday for the talks in Sharm el-Sheikh, Netanyahu’s office said. An Egyptian official said the Hamas delegation had arrived. U.S. special envoy to the Middle East, Steve Witkoff, and Jared Kushner, the president’s son-in-law and senior adviser, are joining the talks, a senior U.S. official confirmed to CBS News.
Discussions will focus on the proposed exchange of hostages for Palestinian prisoners held by Israel, Egypt’s foreign ministry said.
In a brief statement on Saturday, Netanyahu said he hopes to announce the release of all hostages “in the coming days” and that “our goal is to contain these negotiations to a time frame of a few days.”
But he signaled there would not be a full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza, something Hamas has long demanded.
Nearly two years of Israeli attacks and blockade have left the city’s infrastructure in ruins, forcing residents to struggle daily to access essential needs such as food, water, medicine, and electricity.
“Beyond that is what happens after that, and that is, how do we ensure that we can create and help build a Gaza free of terrorism, free of Hamas, free of anything like Hamas,” Rubio said. “And that’s going to take work and some time not just to agree on, but to implement.”
On the hostages, Rubio said the “expectation is that this happens quickly,” though he wasn’t clear on a specific deadline. He acknowledged that there are some logistical hurdles, including Israeli bombardment.
“Reality is, this is a war zone. I mean, this is a place that’s suffered a tremendous amount of destruction. That fighting needs to stop,” Rubio said. “You can’t release hostages while there’s still bombardments going on.”
CBS News team members in East Jerusalem reported that there were Israeli bombardments underway, including strikes on Saturday.
As hundreds of thousands of people marched across Israel, several European cities and elsewhere in support of ending the war, the foreign ministers of eight Muslim-majority countries issued a joint statement welcoming steps toward a possible ceasefire.
They also underlined their commitment to the return of the Palestinian Authority to Gaza, unifying Gaza and the West Bank and reaching an agreement leading to a “full Israeli withdrawal” from Gaza.
Israel and Hamas have been at war since Oct. 7, 2023, when Hamas-led terrorists attacked southern Israel, killing some 1,200 people and taking 251 hostages. Since then, Israel has waged an intense aerial bombardment and ground campaign in the Gaza Strip. More than 66,000 Palestinians have been killed, according to the Hamas-run Gaza Health Ministry, which does not specify how many of the dead were civilians or militants.
Lucia Suarez Sang is an associate managing editor at CBSNews.com. Previously, Lucia was the director of digital content at FOX61 News in Connecticut and has previously written for outlets including FoxNews.com, Fox News Latino and the Rutland Herald.
This week on “Face the Nation with Margaret Brennan,” Secretary of State Marco Rubio joins to discuss where the peace plan for Gaza stands, nearly two years after the Oct. 7 Hamas terrorist attack. Meanwhile, House Speaker Mike Johnson and Sen. Chuck Schumer weigh in on the congressional standoff fueling the government shutdown.
With negotiations in Cairo set to begin on Monday between Israel and Hamas, Secretary of State Marco Rubio told “Face the Nation with Margaret Brennan” that Hamas’ release of hostages is the “most emergent and immediate phase” of the proposed peace plan. “That has to happen very quickly — that cannot drag on,” he added.
JERUSALEM — As Israel seeks to excise Hamas from Gaza, it’s empowering militias led by the Palestinian group’s enemies, assisting and providing them with military support in an attempt to present them as an alternative to Hamas’s rule in the enclave.
The policy appears to date back to late last year, when Israel targeted local police forces in Gaza, justifying such attacks by saying that any government entity in Gaza is affiliated with Hamas; the result was chaos in parts of the Strip.
In the ensuing security vacuum, a 32-year-old Palestinian tribesman named Yaser Abu Shabab emerged with some 100 of his clansmen to control aid routes near the Kerem Shalom crossing, a critically important aid conduit at the Gaza-Israel boundary.
Aid organizations accuse groups like Abu Shabab’s of looting aid convoys, having ties to extremist groups and exacerbating famine in Gaza.
In May, Jonathan Whitall, then director of the U.N.’s Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in the Occupied Territories, said in a news briefing that “criminal gangs, under the watch of Israeli forces,” have been “allowed to operate in proximity to the Kerem Shalom border crossing.”
A month later, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu acknowledged his government, following the advice of security officials, had “activated” clans in Gaza to work against Hamas.
“What’s bad about it?” he said in a video statement. “It’s only good and it only saves the lives of Israel Defense Force soldiers.”
Abu Shabab has since styled his group into the so-called “Popular Forces.” Soon after Netanyahu’s address, Abu Shabab released a statement of his own denying receiving any arms from Israel. But other posts touting the group’s security and aid operations show him working in areas under the full control of the Israeli military, and reports from Israeli media say he has received Kalashnikov rifles from the military.
Abu Shabab’s group may have been the first to make itself known in Gaza, but other militias have since cropped up, activists say, operating in various parts of the Strip in concert with the Israeli military.
One of the more prominent examples is led by Hussam Al-Astal, 50, a former officer in the Palestinian Authority’s security service who was accused by colleagues in the Palestinian Authority and Hamas of collaborating with Israel in the 1990s and of assassinating a high-ranking Hamas official in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.
His group, which calls itself “The Strike Force Against Terror,” has cemented its control over Qizan Al-Najjar, a village south of Rafah, which Astal describes as a haven for those opposed to Hamas.
“Today in my area, we have no war,” Astal said in a phone interview Friday, adding that others are expected to come and that anyone entering the area was vetted for ties to Hamas.
“If you come here, you’ll see children playing. We have water, electricity, safety.”
Smoke rises from buildings following heavy Israeli attacks as Palestinians continue to flee northern Gaza toward the south.
(Khames Alrefi/Anadolu via Getty Images)
Astal made his comments the same day Hamas announced that it will accept parts of the Trump administration plan to end the war which began when Hamas forces invaded Israel on Oct. 7, 2023. Hamas agreed to release hostages and largely give up its governing role in Gaza, which it has controlled since 2007.
In a video posted in September, Al-Astal promises to pay $50 dollars to anyone who kills a Hamas fighter.
“Every Hamas member I will personally throw in the trash heap. Hamas’s rule is ending,” he says.
On Friday, Al-Astal’s group was involved in one of the bloodiest instances of intra-Palestinian fighting in the enclave, when a Hamas unit attacked a neighborhood in Khan Yunis in a bid to arrest members of a prominent clan accused of collaborating with Israel.
In the ensuing firefight, five clansmen were killed, local sources say. Al-Astal said his forces assisted in fighting Hamas “using our special methods.” He did not elaborate on what those methods were, but the Israeli military released footage later on Friday showing it targeting Hamas militants it said were attacking a neighborhood in Khan Yunis; it said in a later that it killed 20 gunmen.
Reports on social media said 11 Hamas members were killed, and their bodies were dragged through the streets of Khan Yunis. One video taken by local activists and posted on the messaging app Telegram shows the camera lingering over bloodied corpses lined side-by-side on the ground.
Palestinians continue to flee to the southern regions with their belongings following Israeli airstrikes and ground assaults in Gaza Strip on Oct. 3.
(Saeed M. M. T. Jaras/Anadolu via Getty Images)
It wouldn’t be the first time Israel has tried to create alternative governance structures in Palestinian communities. Between 1978 and 1984, it formed the Villages League, which aimed to dismantle the influence of the Palestine Liberation Organization by relying on prominent Palestinians, giving them incentives in return for their cooperation as a more pliant authority. The initiative failed.
Around the same time, Israel empowered Palestinian Islamist groups including Hamas, hoping they would serve as a counterweight to the PLO and leftist, secular Palestinian factions that were prominent at the time.
Being seen as cooperating with Israel remains a black mark in Palestinian society. The families of both Abu Shabab and Al-Astal issued statements disowning them.
Al-Astal refused being characterized as a traitor, saying family members, including his sister, were killed by Israeli bombs. But he makes no secret of what he called coordination with the Israeli military, from whom he has received water, food and military equipment.
“Hamas says I’m a traitor because I coordinate with Israel,” he said.
“What do you think I’m coordinating? How to evacuate someone who is sick; how to provide food, water and services.”
Not all clans have been receptive to Israel’s overtures.
Last month, said Nizar Dughmush, the head of a prominent tribe in Gaza City, he was contacted by a militiaman who claimed he was an intermediary from the Israeli military.
“He said the Israelis wanted us to take charge of a humanitarian zone in Gaza City, that we should recruit as many of our family members as we could, and they would provide logistical support, like arms, food and shelter,” Dughmush said.
But Dughmush refused their offer, saying his family were civilians, and that though they were not affiliated with Hamas, they had no interest in being “tools of the occupation.”
Two days later, Dughmush said, Israeli warplanes began pounding the tribe’s neighborhood, killing more than 100 members of his clan. Dughmush claims Israeli forces entered the neighborhood 48 hours later and systematically destroyed every house.
“All of this is vengeance against us because we refused to cooperate,” he said. Two other clans, Dayri and Bakr, were approached in a similar fashion and had their areas attacked after rejecting Israel’s offer.
“I’m talking to you now as a displaced person, along with what’s left of my clan, all of us spread out in different parts of Gaza,” Dughmush said.
Al-Astal, who considers himself a longtime foe of Hamas, is unapologetic in his choices, which he sees as essential in a post-Hamas Gaza.
“There’s no place for Hamas here,” he said.
“We’re the new administration, and we’re the future.”
Netanyahu signals that Gaza peace deal could be close – CBS News
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Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said he hoped to announce the release of all the hostages being held by Hamas in Gaza in one fell swoop in the coming days. Debora Patta reports on the latest from the Middle East.
TEL AVIV — With a heart-shaped balloon in her hand, Gili Coheb-Taguri, a 49-year-old material scientist wearing a Trump mask and a suit matching the president’s sartorial tastes, posed for the array of cameras and smartphones.
“This? It’s an origami mask,” she said to an inquiring passerby. “And yes, I made it myself.”
Coheb-Taguri was one of the thousands who came out on Saturday evening to Hostage Square, the courtyard in Tel Aviv that has become the site of weekly protests demanding the Israeli government secure the return of hostages kidnapped by Hamas after Oct. 7, 2023.
The rally, the first to be held after Hamas accepted President Trump’s ceasefire proposal on Friday, was just one of similar events taking place across Israel. Though the mood was somber, it nevertheless felt more hopeful than most other protests Coheb-Taguri had attended in the last two years.
“The reason I wore this costume is to thank Trump for what he did. People have been so depressed and when they see Trump here, they smile, ” she said through the mask before she took it off.
“The key point for us is the hostages,” she said. “It’s been two years and we want them back. We want our life back.”
The U.S. 20-point plan, which was drafted by the Trump administration with input from Israel and a number of Arab and Muslim nations, would see the Palestinian militant group release all 48 hostages it still has in its custody and hand over the reins of Gaza to a technocratic, apolitical Palestinian committee overseen by a “Board of Peace” led by Trump.
Israel, in turn, will return 1,700 detainees from Gaza and 250 prisoners serving life sentences in Israeli jails. It will also enter into a phased withdrawal of the Gaza Strip and will not occupy or annex the enclave. No Gaza resident will be forced to leave, and those who want to return are encouraged to do so.
Like many in the crowd here Saturday night, Coheb-Taguri and her husband, 52-year-old Yossi Taguri, credited Trump for doing what Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu failed to do: broker a deal that would bring back the hostages.
“We are not our government. Bibi’s interest and our interests are not aligned,” Taguri said, employing Netanyahu’s nickname.
Critics accuse Netanyahu of extending the war and succumbing to the demands of extremist ministers in his government’s coalition so as to remain in power.
A woman reacts while listening to speeches by family members of hostages still held by Hamas during a protest in Tel Aviv, Israel.
(Chris McGrath / Getty Images)
Hamas will be disarmed and Gaza will be demilitarized
— Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu
Taguri expected Netanyahu would find some way to sabotage the deal once more.
“How many times have we been in this situation, where everyone agrees and then something happens?” he said. “He will find a way to blow it up.”
In a video statement released Saturday evening, Netanyahu said that he hoped to announce the return of all hostages “in the coming days” and that the Israeli military would maintain ‘“control of all of the dominant areas deep inside the strip” during the first phase of the agreement.
He insisted his scorched-earth strategy in Gaza — which has killed more than 67,000 people, health authorities in the enclave say, and left Gaza a lunar-esque landscape of rubble — brought about the change in Hamas’ position.
Hamas had agreed to a number of previous proposals to end the war, including a ceasefire that took hold in January, but which Israel unilaterally broke in March.
Netanyahu said he hoped negotiations to finalize the deal would be completed soon. After the hostage handover, he said, “Hamas will be disarmed and Gaza will be demilitarized.”
“This will happen either through the diplomatic path by the Trump plan or through the military path — at our hands,” he added.
People chant slogans and hold signs in support of hostages still held by Hamas.
(Chris McGrath / Getty Images)
Hamas has said it will only disarm in the context of handing over its weapons to a Palestinian state. It did not directly address the stipulation to disarm in Trump’s proposal.
In a post to his social media site Saturday, Trump said, “Hamas must move quickly, or else all bets will be off” and he would “not tolerate delay.”
He also thanked Israel for what he said was a temporary stoppage of its bombing campaign to give the deal a chance. Israel did not stop bombing: Palestinian health authorities said at least 67 people were killed in Israeli attacks since dawn Saturday. Israeli media reported the military had been told to shift to defensive operations.
At the rally, thousands took part in call-and-response chants they have memorized over the last two years of the war.
“Bring them back!” shouted Omer Shem Tov, a hostage freed in a previous prisoner exchange with Hamas. The crowd responded with a loud “Now!”
Another speaker, actor Lior Ashkenazi, began by thanking Trump.
Standing among the crowd, Dor Jaliff, a 35-year-old social worker, nodded at the mention of Trump. Though he didn’t count himself a Trump supporter (“I’m not going to run around with a U.S. flag or stuff like that,” he said), he said he nevertheless appreciated the U.S. president’s impact.
“I wish our government would consider the hostages as the top priority like Trump does. Look, I’m not happy Trump is getting involved in Israel’s affairs, but at least someone is doing the job,” he said.
As to whether the deal would go through, he said he was trying to remain hopeful.
“It’s a need to be optimistic. I want to feel optimistic,” he said.
Also in the crowd, with his wife and son in tow, was 57-year-old Mindy Rabinowitz. On his chest, he wore a sticker with the number 729 — the number of days since the war began.
A head of a college, Rabinowitz had made it a ritual to come to Hostage Square at least once a month, but often more than that. Yet before the ceasefire announcement on Friday, he wasn’t sure he would come this week. But when he heard that Hamas accepted the deal late Friday night, he thought differently.
“I turned to my wife and said, ‘Maybe we shouldn’t stay home and watch this on TV. We should go,’” he said.
“Maybe it’s the last time we’ll be in that square.”
Protests in Italy in solidarity with the Gaza aid flotilla stopped by Israel continue unabated on Saturday, with large crowds gathering for a fresh demonstration in Rome.
The organizers spoke of several hundred thousand participants, but there are no official figures from the authorities.
Since the Israeli Navy stopped the Gaza flotilla, there have been protests in Italy on an almost daily basis.
People carrying banners and Palestinian flags took part in a march from Porta San Paolo to Porta San Giovanni, passing by the Colosseum. They shouted ‘Free Palestine’ and other slogans.
The Italian news agency ANSA reported that flags of the Islamist terrorist organization Hamas and the Lebanese Hezbollah militia were also waved during the march.
According to the report, some demonstrators also carried a banner with the slogan: “October 7 – Day of Palestinian Resistance.”
On October 7, 2023, Hamas and other extremists carried out an unprecedented massacre in southern Israel, leaving around 1,200 people dead.
On Friday, trade unions called for a general strike in solidarity with the Global Sumud Flotilla, the largest aid flotilla for Gaza to date.
Nationwide demonstrations attracted more than 2 million people, according to organizers. However, the Interior Ministry estimated the number of participants at just under 400,000.
The Israeli Navy intercepted the flotilla with more than 400 crew members from dozens of countries, including Swedish activist Greta Thunberg, and took them into custody,
According to the activists, they wanted to bring aid supplies to Gaza. Israel had offered to bring the aid supplies ashore via harbours outside Gaza and from there to the Palestinian coastal area. Activists rejected this saying they believe Israel’s Gaza blockade is illegal under international law.
People take part in a national demonstration called by movements associations and unions for Palestine and the Global Sumud Flotilla. Cecilia Fabiano/LaPresse via ZUMA Press/dpa
Israeli security forces seen during a military operation in the West Bank city of Jenin, February 25, 2025. (photo credit: NASSER ISHTAYEH/FLASH90)
The West Bank and the Egyptian border have the potential to boil over if certain threats are not addressed – and the issues are different in each place.
While Israel has been fighting in Gaza for more than 23 months, other borders and areas have grown increasingly unstable and pose a threat. This is particularly true when it comes to the West Bank and Egyptian border.
Both areas have the potential to boil over if certain threats are not addressed. The issues are different in each place.
In the West Bank, the challenge is keeping a low level insurgency weakened. Israel has successfully checked the attempt by groups such as Palestinian Islamic Jihad to carve out a zone of control in the northern West Bank. This took several years to accomplish, from roughly 2021 to early 2025.
The attacks by groups in Jenin and Nablus and other places were fueled by illegal arms that have been flowing the West Bank. Large numbers of M-4 or M-16 type rifles as well as modern handguns have been moving into the hands of terrorist groups.
A new phenomenon in the West Bank is the attempt by terrorist groups to build small rockets. This is a new problem and one that mirrors what happened in Gaza in the late 1990s and early 2000s. As such it is clear that the terrorists are seeking to innovate and change. In the early 2000s the main threat in the West Bank came from suicide bombers and some guns.
Joint police-IDF operation foils smuggling of over 30 weapons (credit: IDF SPOKESMAN’S UNIT)
Now, things are changing. The enemy is changing and seeking to find ways to outsmart Israel. Recent attacks all show this to be the case. They usually involve several terrorists who are armed.
Threat of weapons smuggling across Egyptian border rises
While the West Bank is going to need continuous monitoring, a related threat comes from smuggling across the Egyptian border. Recent reports indicate that the size of the smuggling effort has increased and it relies on things such as drones to smuggle guns or parts of guns.
The number of incidents is growing and it appears to mean that there are numerous incidents daily. The full size of this elephant is probably not known, because any one smuggling attempt that is prevented may only be part of the larger problem. In essence, it’s possible we are only seeing the proverbial elephant legs and not the whole animal.
Egypt has been focused on getting a Gaza deal. It also doesn’t want Gazans being pushed into Sinai. It has deployed more forces but it is focused on Gaza. It’s possible that smuggling networks that once sought to help Hamas in Gaza are now shifting operations. This is fueling gun violence in Israel. Most of the killings are in the Arab community but this will one day boil over.
Israel thus faces other threats closer to home. Israel was focused for many years on “third circle” threats such as Iran. Israel prided itself on precision airstrikes and also its ability to try to prepare for dealing with Iran. Gaza was neglected and Hamas was underestimated. Now Hamas is largely weakened in Gaza.
However, as Israel fought in Gaza for 23 months and poured resources into the fight there, it is possible other areas closer to the center are being ignored. What this means, is perhaps the Egyptian border and the West Bank and weapon smuggling networks that feed weapons into Arab communities in Israel and the West Bank, are a serious problem.
More than 130 activists who were detained by Israel while taking part in an aid flotilla bound for Gaza have been deported to Turkey, the Israeli foreign ministry said Saturday.
The agency said online that the 137 activists were from countries including the United States, the United Kingdom and Italy. Four Italian activists were deported on Friday. The foreign ministry said that Israel “seeks to expedite the deportation” of those detained from the flotilla.
The Global Sumud Flotilla set sail from Spain last month, with politicians and activists, including Greta Thunberg, aboard. Nearly 50 vessels and 500 activists took part, CBS News previously reported. It was the largest attempt yet to break Israel’s 18-year-long maritime blockade of Gaza, and aimed to bring food to Palestinians in the territory. Multiple drone attacks approved by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu targeted the flotilla as it sailed toward the territory, CBS News previously reported.
Most of the flotilla was intercepted by Israeli forces on Thursday. World leaders condemned the action, with Turkey’s foreign ministry calling it a breach of international law. The vessels were sailing in international waters when they were intercepted, CBS News previously reported. The final boat in the flotilla was intercepted on Friday, the Associated Press reported.
Swedish activist Greta Thunberg and Brazilian activist Thiago Avila sit in a vessel making its way to Israel, after Israeli forces intercepted some of the vessels of the Global Sumud Flotilla that were aiming to reach Gaza and break Israel’s naval blockade, in a handout image provided by Israel’s government on Oct. 2, 2025.
ISRAEL FOREIGN MINISTRY/Handout via Reuters
Israel’s foreign ministry called the detained activists “provocateurs,” and said that some of them were “deliberately obstructing the legal deportation process, preferring instead to linger in Israel.” The ministry also said that some foreign governments “have shown reluctance to accept flights that would return these provocateurs.” Israel did not specify which activists were resisting deportation, or which countries were hesitating to accept flights.
Israel’s government has also accused some of the flotilla members of being linked to Hamas, while providing little evidence to support the claim. Members of the flotilla have strongly rejected the accusations and said Israel was trying to justify potential attacks on them.
Supporters of the flotilla took to the streets in major demonstrations around the world starting Thursday, according to the Associated Press. More than 2 million people in Italy took part in a one-day general strike meant to support Gazans on Friday. Tens of thousands of people are expected to attend a protest in Rome on Saturday.
In Spain, 70,000 people turned out for a demonstration in Barcelona. Events are also expected in Madrid and Lisbon, Portugal, the AP said. Officials in Greece are expecting protests in Athens on Saturday and Sunday.
Demonstrators hold a banner with writing reading in Catalan “Let’s stop the genocide in Palestine, no more arms trade with Israel” during a pro-Palestinian rally in solidarity with the Global Sumud Flotilla after ships were intercepted by the Israeli navy, in Barcelona, Spain, Saturday, Oct. 4, 2025.
Emilio Morenatti / AP
Meanwhile, Hamas said in a statement Friday that it agreed to parts of a ceasefire deal President Trump outlined earlier this week. A U.S. official told CBS News that the United States views Hamas’ response as positive, though there are still details that need to be hammered out. Netanyahu agreed to the deal on Monday. After Hamas released its statement, Mr. Trump said on Truth Social that he believes the group is “ready for a lasting PEACE” and pushed Israel to “immediately stop the bombing of Gaza.”
An official who was not authorized to speak to the media on the record told the Associated Press that Israel has moved to a defensive-only position in Gaza and will not actively strike. The official said no forces have been removed from the strip.
Israel and Hamas have been at war since Oct. 7, 2023, when Hamas-led terrorists attacked southern Israel, killing some 1,200 people and taking 251 hostages. Since then, Israel has waged an intense aerial bombardment and ground campaign in the Gaza Strip. More than 67,000 Palestinians have been killed, according to the Hamas-run Gaza Health Ministry, which does not specify how many of the dead were civilians or militants.
Some 50 hostages are still in Gaza, fewer than half of whom are believed to be alive, according to Israeli authorities.
Israel’s army said Saturday that it would advance preparations for the first phase of U.S. President Donald Trump’s plan to end the war in Gaza and return all the remaining hostages, after Hamas said it accepted parts of the deal while others still needed to be negotiated.Related video above: President Trump announces ceasefire proposal to end Gaza conflictThe army said it was instructed by Israel’s leaders to “advance readiness” for the implementation of the plan. An official who was not authorized to speak to the media on the record said that Israel has moved to a defensive-only position in Gaza and will not actively strike. The official said no forces have been removed from the strip.This announcement came hours after Trump ordered Israel to stop bombing Gaza once Hamas said it had accepted some elements of his plan. Trump welcomed the Hamas statement, saying: “I believe they are ready for a lasting PEACE.”Trump appears keen to deliver on pledges to end the war and return dozens of hostages ahead of the second anniversary of the attack on Tuesday. His proposal unveiled earlier this week has widespread international support and was also endorsed by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.On Friday, Netanyahu’s office said Israel was committed to ending the war that began when Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, without addressing potential gaps with the militant group. Netanyahu has come under increasing pressure from the international community and Trump to end the conflict. The official told the AP that Netanyahu put out the rare late-night statement on the sabbath, saying that Israel has started to prepare for Trump’s plan due to pressure from the U.S. administration.The official also said that a negotiating team was getting ready to travel, but there was no date specified.A senior Egyptian official says talks are underway for the release of hostages, as well as hundreds of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli detention. The official, who is involved in the ceasefire negotiations, also said Arab mediators are preparing for a comprehensive dialogue among Palestinians. The talks are aimed at unifying the Palestinian position towards Gaza’s future.On Saturday, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, the second most powerful militant group in Gaza, said it accepted Hamas’ response to the Trump plan. The group had previously rejected the proposal days earlier.Also on Saturday, Gaza’s Health Ministry said that the death toll in the nearly two-year Israel-Hamas war has topped 67,000 Palestinians. The death toll jumped after the ministry said it added more than 700 names to the list whose data had been verified.Gaza’s Health Ministry does not say how many were civilians or combatants. It says women and children make up around half of the dead. The ministry is part of the Hamas-run government, and the U.N. and many independent experts consider its figures to be the most reliable estimate of wartime casualties.Progress, but uncertainty aheadYet, despite the momentum, a lot of questions remain.Under the plan, Hamas would release the remaining 48 hostages — around 20 of them believed to be alive — within three days. It would also give up power and disarm.In return, Israel would halt its offensive and withdraw from much of the territory, release hundreds of Palestinian prisoners and allow an influx of humanitarian aid and eventual reconstruction.Hamas said it was willing to release the hostages and hand over power to other Palestinians, but that other aspects of the plan require further consultations among Palestinians. Its official statement also didn’t address the issue of Hamas demilitarizing, a key part of the deal.Amir Avivi, a retired Israeli general and chairman of Israel’s Defense and Security Forum, said while Israel can afford to stop firing for a few days in Gaza so the hostages can be released, it will resume its offensive if Hamas doesn’t lay down its arms.Others say that while Hamas suggests a willingness to negotiate, its position fundamentally remains unchanged.This “yes, but” rhetoric “simply repackages old demands in softer language,” said Oded Ailam, a researcher at the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs. The gap between appearance and action is as wide as ever and the rhetorical shift serves more as a smokescreen than a signal of true movement toward resolution, he said.Unclear what it means for Palestinians suffering in GazaThe next steps are also unclear for Palestinians in Gaza who are trying to piece together what it means in practical terms.Israeli troops are still laying siege to Gaza City, which is the focus of its latest offensive. On Saturday, Israel’s army warned Palestinians against trying to return to the city, calling it a “dangerous combat zone.”Experts determined that Gaza City had slid into famine shortly before Israel launched its major offensive there aimed at occupying it. An estimated 400,000 people have fled the city in recent weeks, but hundreds of thousands more have stayed behind.Families of the hostages are also cautious about being hopeful.There are concerns from all sides, said Yehuda Cohen, whose son Nimrod is held in Gaza. Hamas and Netanyahu could sabotage the deal or Trump could lose interest, he said. Still, he says, if it’s going to happen, it will be because of Trump.”We’re putting our trust in Trump, because he’s the only one who’s doing it. … And we want to see him with us until the last step,” he said.Magdy reported from Cairo.
TEL AVIV, Israel (AP) —
Israel’s army said Saturday that it would advance preparations for the first phase of U.S. President Donald Trump’s plan to end the war in Gaza and return all the remaining hostages, after Hamas said it accepted parts of the deal while others still needed to be negotiated.
Related video above: President Trump announces ceasefire proposal to end Gaza conflict
The army said it was instructed by Israel’s leaders to “advance readiness” for the implementation of the plan. An official who was not authorized to speak to the media on the record said that Israel has moved to a defensive-only position in Gaza and will not actively strike. The official said no forces have been removed from the strip.
This announcement came hours after Trump ordered Israel to stop bombing Gaza once Hamas said it had accepted some elements of his plan. Trump welcomed the Hamas statement, saying: “I believe they are ready for a lasting PEACE.”
Trump appears keen to deliver on pledges to end the war and return dozens of hostages ahead of the second anniversary of the attack on Tuesday. His proposal unveiled earlier this week has widespread international support and was also endorsed by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
On Friday, Netanyahu’s office said Israel was committed to ending the war that began when Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, without addressing potential gaps with the militant group. Netanyahu has come under increasing pressure from the international community and Trump to end the conflict. The official told the AP that Netanyahu put out the rare late-night statement on the sabbath, saying that Israel has started to prepare for Trump’s plan due to pressure from the U.S. administration.
The official also said that a negotiating team was getting ready to travel, but there was no date specified.
A senior Egyptian official says talks are underway for the release of hostages, as well as hundreds of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli detention. The official, who is involved in the ceasefire negotiations, also said Arab mediators are preparing for a comprehensive dialogue among Palestinians. The talks are aimed at unifying the Palestinian position towards Gaza’s future.
Abdel Kareem Hana
Mourners attend the funeral of Palestinians killed in an Israeli army strike, outside Al-Aqsa Hospital in Deir al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, Saturday, Oct. 4, 2025.
On Saturday, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, the second most powerful militant group in Gaza, said it accepted Hamas’ response to the Trump plan. The group had previously rejected the proposal days earlier.
Also on Saturday, Gaza’s Health Ministry said that the death toll in the nearly two-year Israel-Hamas war has topped 67,000 Palestinians. The death toll jumped after the ministry said it added more than 700 names to the list whose data had been verified.
Gaza’s Health Ministry does not say how many were civilians or combatants. It says women and children make up around half of the dead. The ministry is part of the Hamas-run government, and the U.N. and many independent experts consider its figures to be the most reliable estimate of wartime casualties.
Progress, but uncertainty ahead
Yet, despite the momentum, a lot of questions remain.
Under the plan, Hamas would release the remaining 48 hostages — around 20 of them believed to be alive — within three days. It would also give up power and disarm.
In return, Israel would halt its offensive and withdraw from much of the territory, release hundreds of Palestinian prisoners and allow an influx of humanitarian aid and eventual reconstruction.
Hamas said it was willing to release the hostages and hand over power to other Palestinians, but that other aspects of the plan require further consultations among Palestinians. Its official statement also didn’t address the issue of Hamas demilitarizing, a key part of the deal.
Ohad Zwigenberg
People look at photos of hostages held by Hamas in Gaza, in Jerusalem, Saturday, Oct. 4, 2025. A Hebrew sign reads, “don’t forget us.”
Amir Avivi, a retired Israeli general and chairman of Israel’s Defense and Security Forum, said while Israel can afford to stop firing for a few days in Gaza so the hostages can be released, it will resume its offensive if Hamas doesn’t lay down its arms.
Others say that while Hamas suggests a willingness to negotiate, its position fundamentally remains unchanged.
This “yes, but” rhetoric “simply repackages old demands in softer language,” said Oded Ailam, a researcher at the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs. The gap between appearance and action is as wide as ever and the rhetorical shift serves more as a smokescreen than a signal of true movement toward resolution, he said.
Unclear what it means for Palestinians suffering in Gaza
The next steps are also unclear for Palestinians in Gaza who are trying to piece together what it means in practical terms.
Israeli troops are still laying siege to Gaza City, which is the focus of its latest offensive. On Saturday, Israel’s army warned Palestinians against trying to return to the city, calling it a “dangerous combat zone.”
Experts determined that Gaza City had slid into famine shortly before Israel launched its major offensive there aimed at occupying it. An estimated 400,000 people have fled the city in recent weeks, but hundreds of thousands more have stayed behind.
Families of the hostages are also cautious about being hopeful.
There are concerns from all sides, said Yehuda Cohen, whose son Nimrod is held in Gaza. Hamas and Netanyahu could sabotage the deal or Trump could lose interest, he said. Still, he says, if it’s going to happen, it will be because of Trump.
“We’re putting our trust in Trump, because he’s the only one who’s doing it. … And we want to see him with us until the last step,” he said.
TEL AVIV, Israel — Israel’s army said Saturday that it would advance preparations for the first phase of U.S. President Donald Trump’s plan to end the war in Gaza and return all the remaining hostages.
The army said it was instructed by Israel’s leaders to “advance readiness” for the implementation of the plan. An official who was not authorized to speak to the media on the record said that Israel has moved to a defensive-only position in Gaza and will not actively strike. The official said no forces have been removed from the strip.
This announcement came hours after Trump ordered Israel to stop bombing Gaza once Hamas said it had accepted some elements of his plan. Trump welcomed the Hamas statement, saying: “I believe they are ready for a lasting PEACE.”
Trump appears keen to deliver on pledges to end the war and return dozens of hostages ahead of the second anniversary of the attack on Tuesday. His proposal unveiled earlier this week has widespread international support and was also endorsed by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
On Friday, Netanyahu’s office said Israel was committed to ending the war that began when Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, without addressing potential gaps with the militant group. Netanyahu has come under increasing pressure from the international community and Trump to end the conflict. The official told the AP that Netanyahu put out the rare late-night statement on the sabbath saying that Israel has started to prepare for Trump’s plan due to pressure from the U.S. administration.
The official also said that a negotiating team was getting ready to travel, but there was no date specified.
A senior Egyptian official says talks are underway for the release of hostages, as well as hundreds of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli detention. The official, who is involved in the ceasefire negotiations, also said Arab mediators are preparing for a comprehensive dialogue among Palestinians. The talks are aimed at unifying the Palestinian position toward Gaza’s future.
On Saturday, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, the second most powerful militant group in Gaza, said it accepted Hamas’ response to the Trump plan. The group had previously rejected the proposal days earlier.
Also on Saturday, Gaza’s Health Ministry said that the death toll in the nearly two-year Israel-Hamas war has topped 67,000 Palestinians. The death toll jumped after the ministry said it added more than 700 names to the list whose data had been verified.
Gaza’s Health Ministry does not say how many were civilians or combatants. It says women and children make up around half the dead. The ministry is part of the Hamas-run government, and the U.N. and many independent experts consider its figures to be the most reliable estimate of wartime casualties.
Progress, but uncertainty ahead
Yet, despite the momentum, a lot of questions remain.
Under the plan, Hamas would release the remaining 48 hostages – around 20 of them believed to be alive – within three days. It would also give up power and disarm.
In return, Israel would halt its offensive and withdraw from much of the territory, release hundreds of Palestinian prisoners and allow an influx of humanitarian aid and eventual reconstruction.
Hamas said it was willing to release the hostages and hand over power to other Palestinians, but that other aspects of the plan require further consultations among Palestinians. Its official statement also didn’t address the issue of Hamas demilitarizing, a key part of the deal.
Amir Avivi, a retired Israeli general and chairman of Israel’s Defense and Security Forum, said while Israel can afford to stop firing for a few days in Gaza so the hostages can be released, it will resume its offensive if Hamas doesn’t lay down its arms.
Others say that while Hamas suggests a willingness to negotiate, its position fundamentally remains unchanged.
This “yes, but” rhetoric “simply repackages old demands in softer language,” said Oded Ailam, a researcher at the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs. The gap between appearance and action is as wide as ever and the rhetorical shift serves more as a smoke screen than a signal of true movement toward resolution, he said.
Unclear what it means for Palestinians suffering in Gaza
The next steps are also unclear for Palestinians in Gaza who are trying to piece together what it means in real terms.
“What we want is practical implementation. … We want a truce on the ground,” said Samir Abdel-Hady, in Gaza’s Khan Younis. He worried that talks will break down like they’ve done in the past.
Israeli troops are still laying siege to Gaza City, which is the focus of its latest offensive. On Saturday Israel’s army warned Palestinians against trying to return to the city calling it a “dangerous combat zone”.
Experts determined that Gaza City had slid into famine shortly before Israel launched its major offensive there aimed at occupying it. An estimated 400,000 people have fled the city in recent weeks, but hundreds of thousands more have stayed behind.
Families of the hostages are also cautious about being hopeful.
There are concerns from all sides, said Yehuda Cohen, whose son Nimrod is held in Gaza. Hamas and Netanyahu could sabotage the deal or Trump could lose interest, he said. Still, he says, if it’s going to happen it will be because of Trump.
“We’re putting our trust in Trump, because he’s the only one who’s doing it. … And we want to see him with us until the last step,” he said.
During a White House visit from Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu this week, President Trump unveiled his administration’s plan to end the war in Gaza almost two years after it began with Hamas’ horrific invasion. The complex 20-point proposal is heavily weighted toward Israel. Among other things, it calls for the quick release of remaining Israeli hostages held by Hamas — roughly 20 of whom are thought to be alive — and for the group to lay down its weapons and cede power to a transitional government, which would eventually be supplanted by the West Bank–governing Palestinian Authority. The deal also specifies that Gaza residents would not have to leave the territory (unlike in a previous far-fetched Trump plan) and includes a passage asserting Palestinians’ ultimate desire for statehood. On Friday, in the face of threats from Trump, Hamas agreed to the deal’s basic outlines, including release of hostages, but specified that it wanted to negotiate further on the details. It was an unsurprisingly tentative “yes” from the shifty group, which nonetheless signals a chance of imminent peace — with many caveats attached. In any case, Hamas’ answer quickly received Trump’s stamp of approval.
Israel has faced increasing international isolation in recent months as Netanyahu continues prosecuting a devastating assault on Gaza that has reduced much of the territory to rubble and killed more than 65,000 Palestinians, per the Gaza Health Ministry. The United Nations and multiple governments have accused Netanyahu of genocide, and the International Criminal Court issued a warrant for his arrest. Several European countries were initially supportive of Israel’s war but have gradually distanced themselves from Israel since. France, the U.K., and others recognized a Palestinian state over the past few weeks. Though Trump’s Gaza plan is favorable to Netanyahu, those countries have enthusiastically embraced the deal, as have nominal Palestinian allies in the Middle East including Egypt, Gaza’s other neighbor. Netanyahu, meanwhile, is less concerned about international reaction than a long-threatened revolt from two right-wing ministers who favor annexation of Gaza and could sink his fragile government.
Before Hamas issued its response to Trump’s plan, I spoke about the possibility of a cease-fire with Michael Koplow, the chief policy officer of Israeli Policy Forum, a group that has long advocated for a two-state solution. We discussed why Netanyahu may finally be ready to end the war, the concessions both sides are making, and how a fragile peace deal could survive.
You’ve outlined how risky this peace deal could be for Benjamin Netanyahu in terms of domestic politics. Why is he doing it, given those risks? I think there are a couple of reasons. First and foremost, he doesn’t want to say “no” to President Trump, who is probably the only person Prime Minister Netanyahu is scared of politically. He does not want to be on the receiving end of a Trump blast on Truth Social or criticism along the lines that Trump has levied against other world leaders, like Volodymyr Zelenskyy. So when Trump asks him to say “yes” to something, he’s almost certainly going to say “yes.” Second, I think Netanyahu is probably looking at this as somewhat of a low-risk proposition, because he is almost certainly expecting Hamas to say “no,” or if not to say outright “no” to say “yes” with so many qualifications or reservations that it functionally becomes a “no.” Then he doesn’t suffer politically at all because he will keep his coalition, he has said “yes” to Trump, and he gets to move forward.
Even in a scenario where Hamas says “yes,” and the deal begins to move forward, there’s still an argument for Netanyahu to do this politically because he has to face an election no later than a year from now. His party and his coalition have been underwater since well before the October 7 attacks two years ago, so the only chance he has of remaining prime minister is going to an election where he can run on something and siphoning off enough seats — and it’s probably only two or three seats — to force a deadlock with the opposition. If he agreed to a deal that gets the hostages back, that requires full Hamas disarmament, that allows the IDF to stay in Gaza more or less indefinitely, and that determines the standards and timetable for its own withdrawal — he’s banking that that will be enough to move some of the voters who deserted him back into his camp. And then he can force at least a deadlock in the next election and he remains prime minister. So I think his calculus here on all those fronts is to say “yes,” and whatever happens next, he still may be in decent shape.
Is Netanyahu fearful of crossing Trump because it would make him less popular in Israel? Or is it more a policy thing where Trump could actually withhold arms and money that Israel wants, even if it’s hard to imagine him doing that?
I think it’s both. He has seen the way Trump has treated other world leaders. Zelenskyy of course is one, and Modi is another — someone who had a famously excellent relationship with Trump that seemed to dissipate for no conceivable reason. So I think he looks around at other leaders’ experiences, and he certainly does not want to put Israel on a back foot with Trump. I think this has been compounded over the last year, when Israel has become even more isolated. At this point, in many ways, the U.S. is the last country standing with Israel in a full and complete way. So Netanyahu is even more dependent on the U.S. than he was before and even more dependent on this president, who’s particularly volatile. And the trends in Congress are not great for Israel in both parties.
There’s also a political angle, which is that, as Trump himself liked to note, he’s very popular in Israel, far more popular than Netanyahu. And the last thing Netanyahu needs, especially as he’s out there arguing that he’s going to prevent a Palestinian state and that he’ll do that in tandem with his good friend President Trump, is Trump pulling the rug out from underneath him.
This idea that there will be no Palestinian State under his watch, that he’s the one guy who would prevent that from happening — this has been integral to his political persona for decades now. Correct. And we actually saw him make that argument on Tuesday, after he had said publicly “yes” to the deal. He recorded a video in Hebrew that he posted on social media where he claimed that there was absolutely nothing in the 20-point plan about a Palestinian state and that it’s not going to happen. Now, the plan does talk about Palestinian self-determination and statehood. It doesn’t use the phrase “Palestinian state.” He was clearly stretching the facts there a bit. But this is the thing that he has to run on, especially if the deal doesn’t actually go through and the hostages don’t come back. He doesn’t really have anything left. He can’t run on security, he can’t run on the economy, he can’t run on expanding the Abraham Accords and regional normalization. Many of the things he’s done are very unpopular with Israelis.
I thought he had rebounded a little bit in public opinion after the successful Israeli attacks on Hezbollah and Iran — that he was playing up the “regional protector” role. Has that faded? The pager and beeper attacks in September 2024 on Hezbollah gave him a very temporary bump of maybe a seat or two, but that disappeared. And the strikes on Iran actually gave him nothing. What you see is that his party, Likud, will in some polls pick up a seat or two, but the coalition itself is even more underwater now than it was a year ago.
There’s been this ever-present threat from his right, with two ministers, Smotrich and Ben-Gvir, always on the brink of pulling their support because he’s not severe enough on Palestinians. Is that a legitimate threat to him now, or would they bide their time and see what happens with a deal? So far, they’re waiting to see what happens. Smotrich issued a statement on Tuesday blasting the deal, but notably did not, in that statement, threaten to pull out of the government. Ben-Gvir has been uncharacteristically silent. He hasn’t said anything about it, so I think that the two of them, like Netanyahu, are probably betting that Hamas is going to say “no.” And if Hamas says “no,” and this doesn’t move forward, there’s no reason for them to leave the government. They can blast the idea of the deal itself, but they’ll still be getting the policies they want. So they’re going to wait and see what Hamas does, and they’re making what’s probably a pretty decent bet on Hamas’s continued intransigence.
There’s this vague allusion to Palestinian statehood in the proposed deal. Is that there to mollify other countries in the region that eventually signed on to this? Was that a sticking point for them? Yeah, I don’t think there’s any scenario in which they would’ve signed onto this without some language about future Palestinian statehood and some language about a peace process, both of which are in there. And if you saw the joint statement by eight foreign ministers after the press conference last week — they emphasized two states and the political horizon for Palestinians more than anything else in the 20-point plan. So it’s clearly something that they want to see and need for their domestic politics. What’s going on in Gaza has created a lot of difficulties for them, but in some ways, what creates an even bigger problem is this idea that the war will end and there will be nothing for Palestinians at the end of the process. So they absolutely need this.
It’s interesting when you compare the 21-point plan that was given to reporters before last weekend and then the actual 20-point plan that was released. There are a bunch of changes that were made, reportedly at the Israeli government’s behest. But the one thing that didn’t really change was the last two clauses on Palestinian self-determination and statehood and a peace process. So that’s clearly something the Trump administration heard from Arab states that had to stay in there.
That brings us to Hamas. They’re not getting much out of this deal, and they’re surrendering their arms, which is something they said they would never do. But perhaps they could spin this by positioning the deal as a possible pathway to freedom and statehood, thus justifying their attack in some sense. Or am I making stuff up here? I don’t know how much they actually care about a path to statehood, but I do think that they have an argument here, which is that for about a year and a half, Prime Minister Netanyahu and the Israeli government have been talking about total victory over Hamas. And this plan is not total victory over Hamas. It calls for IDF withdrawal from Gaza, which is the No. 1 thing that Hamas has been calling for. It allows Hamas members to have amnesty if they decommission their weapons and if they commit to peaceful coexistence.
You wrote that a positive response from Hamas would still mean that “implementation of this proposal is still far from assured” — which would be fitting for this conflict in which nothing is ever simple or easy. So what might happen next in that case? If Hamas is a conditional “yes,” it lays the groundwork for the first steps of this deal to be carried out, which are the release of the hostages and then the first phase of IDF withdrawal to the second line on the map that accompanies the plan. If that happens, you at least have some progress on both sides. But I think after that, things are going to get very sticky. Even before that point, Hamas will play games with the release of hostages, which we saw in the previous two cease-fires as well. There’s no way that they are going to abide by the 72-hour deadline. They’re already making noise about needing more time because they don’t know where all the hostages are. And that’s going to lead to the IDF not wanting to withdraw to the line on the timetable the deal lays out.
Even in the most optimistic scenario, I don’t think this deal is going to go through exactly as it is detailed and on the timeline laid out. But what you need for even some measure of success is the hostage release, the end of the end-of-act fighting, and some measure of IDF withdrawal. And if that happens, then I think you probably get pretty intensive pressure from the U.S. and from Arab states to keep things going. So even if it looks very messy and sticky for months, if not years, getting past that first hurdle is a big deal.
You have long advocated for a two-state solution yourself. Obviously it isn’t happening anytime soon, but at least there’s some lip service to it here. If this deal does go through, even if partially, how would you feel about the outlook compared to before? It’s important. I think a lot of what we’re seeing in terms of Israel’s isolation — part of it, of course, is the war in Gaza and Israeli conduct — but I think a fair amount of it is over this idea of the near closing-off of a political horizon for Palestinians. When you see what the Brits and the French and the Canadians were talking about when they were pushing Palestinian-statehood recognition at the U.N. last week, you see them clearly frustrated and trying to figure out some way to put two states back on the agenda.
It’s tough to sit here with the war still going on in Gaza and with everything going on in the West Bank and think that two states is around the corner or to be optimistic about the long-term prospects.
But there’s now an international push on two states that we haven’t seen in decades, and it’s coming from pretty much all quarters save the U.S. And you can argue that the U.S. has now weighed in with the 20-point plan. So I think at some point the Israeli government will seriously grapple with what this means and how they proceed. And when the war in Gaza ends, the push is going to become even more intense. Israel will have to figure out if they will continue to rule it out categorically without any caveats or any future vision for it, or if they’re willing to get behind something like the New York declaration that lays out a vision for two states that has all sorts of things in it that Israel has been demanding for a long time.
If the current government remains in power, I don’t think they’ll engage on two states in any real way, even down the road. But I think a different Israeli government is likely to have the common sense to say “We’re not interested in two states right now. We’re still too close to October 7. There’s still too much that has to happen in terms of eliminating Hamas from Palestinian politics and in terms of PA reform, but we’re at least willing to talk about the pathway back to that, even if it takes a long time.” And I think even if you get that slight opening from the Israeli government, it will give the U.S. and other countries, Arab states in particular, something to work with and to really nest a two-state process in a regional normalization process and try to get this across the finish line, even if it’s still 10, 15, 20 years away.
Why is this happening now? Of course there’s pressure on both sides, but it seemed like Netanyahu was fine with pursuing the war, no matter the international cost or how many civilians Israel killed, as long as he stayed in power. The push is coming from Trump. It may be that he is getting sick and tired of having to deal with Gaza and the war. It may be that it’s a direct result of what seems to be the failed Israeli strike in Doha, where if it had been successful, maybe things would’ve been different. But ultimately Israel struck the capital of a major non-NATO U.S. ally, where we have CENTCOM headquarters. And I think that meant Trump had to do something. So this is what emerged, and we’ll see if it works. And if it doesn’t, I think the real risk is that Trump just washes his hands of all of it and tells Netanyahu to do whatever he wants in Gaza. As he’s oddly said to both Russian and Ukraine, best of luck to both of you.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
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Charlotte, a young professional in her mid-30s who lives in Bushwick, started seeing her therapist following a serious mental-health crisis in 2021. (Like all the people referenced by first name in this story, Charlotte is using a pseudonym.) Although the therapist never revealed her politics, it became apparent over the years that she was a fairly observant Jew. At one point long before October 7, 2023, Charlotte told her therapist that she was pro-Palestine, and she said the information was accepted neutrally. But in the weeks after that cataclysmic day, Charlotte, who is also Jewish, felt deep in her bones that she couldn’t tolerate hearing anything in her therapy session other than “Free Palestine” echoed back to her — and she assumed that her therapist wasn’t up for that particular task. “I told her, ‘I don’t think that I can handle having a conversation where we don’t see eye to eye,’” Charlotte recalled. “And she said something like, ‘I understand why you feel the way you do, and I don’t think that we see fully eye to eye on this either. I respect that you have a lot of empathy and that you’re very troubled by this. And if it’s important that we have a conversation of equal opinion, then that might not be a productive conversation for us.’ She was very empathetic and caring.”
They moved on to other topics, but soon after the session, over email, Charlotte ended the relationship. She now sees a non-Jewish anti-Zionist therapist who she said understands her rage and grief but doesn’t quite grasp what she calls the “existential dark despair” of being Jewish right now. She thinks about her former therapist sometimes but doesn’t regret the switch. “I don’t think that I could be in a therapeutic relationship with somebody supportive of the State of Israel at this point. I wouldn’t feel like they have the same baseline understanding of what constitutes care and empathy and a good world,” she said. “I would not trust them enough to provide psychological care to me or to anyone, really.”
Joshua, a 30-something writer in Brooklyn, was facing perhaps the most common New York Jewish dilemma of his generation: He felt constantly stressed, trapped between conservative Zionist older family members and progressive anti-Zionist friends. His therapist — elderly, Jewish — was unable to listen neutrally as Joshua discussed his friends’ beliefs; instead, she openly argued against their viewpoints. Soon, the two found themselves in full-on debates about the nature of therapy itself. “I would argue that she was showing her hand too much and that I needed her to accept that these ideas were a large part of my life. We both lost our composure several times,” he said. “I think I took a lot of my general frustration around the fissures within the Jewish community out on her.” One session became so heated that Joshua ended the Zoom call midway through. Soon after, Joshua paused the sessions entirely, refusing his therapist’s requests to meet again to repair their relationship and restart. “I’m not particularly proud of my handling of the therapy,” Joshua wrote to me. He hasn’t seen a therapist since.
It took less than five minutes for Aubrey’s relationship with their new therapist to fall apart. Over a handful of sessions, the 37-year-old discussed their journey to sobriety, their struggles with neurodivergence at work, their nonbinary gender identity, their Jewishness, and their feelings of social isolation and grief since October 7, when many of Aubrey’s friends had declared themselves hard-line anti-Zionists, some of them calling Hamas’ attack and kidnapping of Israelis justifiable. Aubrey, who supports Israel as a Jewish state and homeland, had been plunged into social isolation with no one to talk to about their wrenchingly complicated feelings. They lost friends, cut off contact with a sponsee in their 12-step program, and ceased attending queer- and trans-focused recovery meetings. Aubrey had sought out a Jewish therapist with the hope that a shared culture could make talking about their current situation easier. The therapist “seemed like a person who was validating my experiences and feelings,” Aubrey told me from their living room in Queens, where the AC was cranked up on an unusually stifling September afternoon. “I felt like I could trust her and had positive hopes for the relationship.”
But as their third session wound down, the therapist explained that she had people in her life who were Palestinian activists and that she herself had split from her Zionist family. She said she knew colleagues who were accepting Zionist clients and didn’t have “weird dual ties.” She wondered if Aubrey would feel more “heard” with one of them. Aubrey was stunned. “I’m not anti-Palestinian or anything, and I would never hold anything against somebody who believes in Palestinian self-determination, because I also do,” Aubrey told her therapist. “I don’t see being pro-Palestinian as being anti-Israel.” Though Aubrey would have stayed in her care, the therapist continued to push to refer Aubrey to someone else. After the session, the two never spoke again.
In the months since the breakup, Aubrey has reflected on it frequently. The rejection jolted them, and what the therapist assumed about Aubrey’s beliefs offended them. “I had been seeking therapy to deal with the trauma of losing inclusive spaces,” Aubrey told me. “It felt really ironic. And hurtful.”
In the two years since Hamas’ October 7 attack on Israel and the beginning of the brutal war in Gaza, the American Jewish community has ruptured. Hostile factions have formed over support of Israel, leaving just about everyone, no matter where they stand, feeling judged and alienated and angry. Colleagues and friends are horribly estranged. Family members aren’t speaking to one another. Some observant anti-Zionist Jews cannot find a place to comfortably pray. Others are afraid to gather, seeing news of deadly hate crimes, including one this Yom Kippur at a synagogue in Manchester, England. In New York City, which has the largest population of Jews in the U.S., Jewish people across the political spectrum have told me they’ve developed a new and persistent insecurity, wondering what assumptions others might be making about them and their beliefs. The terms Zionism and anti-Zionism have become proxy labels for unambiguous moral positions, said Halina Brooke, a psychotherapist and founder of the Jewish Therapist Collective, an online community that helps patients find Jewish practitioners and offers support to Jewish therapists. “When people see you as a living caricature of the worst of humanity, it’s a lot.”
Fraught relationships, guilt, loneliness, anger, anguish, fear — those are precisely the types of messy feelings often best explored in the sanctuary and confidentiality of a therapist’s office. Yet when Israel or Gaza comes up, it doesn’t take much to shatter the trust between therapist and patient. Sometimes it comes down to a single loaded word. “I’ve seen people who said their therapist said genocide and they freaked out, and then I’ve had people who themselves said genocide and their therapist freaked out,” said Yael, a Jewish therapist who works with both Zionist and anti-Zionist patients in the city. “Therapists are dropping their Jewish patients basically because they’re coming in saying, ‘My husband is Israeli, and I’m suffering,’ or ‘My father is Israeli,’ or ‘I went to Israel last summer,’” said Sasha, a Jewish psychotherapist in lower Manhattan. “They hear patients say, ‘I’m a Zionist, and it’s been really hard for me. I’ve lost a lot of my friends and family.’ And the therapist just immediately shuts it down. They are sending letters saying their values do not align.”
The contentiousness has extended beyond the cozy offices up and down Manhattan lined with John Gottman books and white-noise machines. It has ripped apart the consultation listservs and referral groups that therapists rely on to treat their patients. It has also created controversy in and around therapists’ professional organizing bodies, including the American Psychological Association and the International Psychoanalytical Association, over which topics can be discussed at conferences or what kinds of official statements should be published. In an era of desperate Facebook and Reddit pleas for like-minded practitioners (“Finding a Jewish therapist who isn’t anti-Israel?”; “Is my therapist a Zionist extremist?”; “Any other Jewish therapists feeling really alone?”), many Jews are coming to the sinking realization that some subjects are too sensitive for the therapist’s office. Eyal Rozmarin, a clinical psychologist and psychoanalyst in Tribeca who asked to be identified as from Israel-Palestine, said the tension Jews are feeling that has spilled into therapy is particularly intense, even as the rupture has shaken so many non-Jews, too. “We were the center of one terrible story 80 years ago that has influenced the whole world with international law, and now we’re back in the center but the other way. We find ourselves in a very tricky position.”
The Catholics have confession, and the Jews have therapy,” my husband, a Jewish psychiatrist, said to me the other night as I mentioned how therapy has become, for so many New York City Jews, an awkward or contentious space. The history of the profession, especially in New York, is intricately tied up with the Jewish Diaspora — imported or informed by European Jews including Sigmund Freud, Viktor Frankl, and Alfred Adler as well as others who spread the burgeoning craft as they fled persecution in the 1930s and ’40s. More recently, a survey from the early aughts estimated that almost one in three psychiatrists in the U.S. were Jewish — compared with 13 percent of medical doctors — a figure that is especially striking when you consider how only 2.4 percent of the American population is Jewish. “Psychotherapy is a very Jewish profession,” Leonard Saxe, a social psychologist and scholar of contemporary Jewish life at Brandeis University, told me. “Jews, whether they are observant or not, are part of a culture that is introspective, questioning, and that sees personal responsibility as key,” Saxe said. “These issues are central to psychotherapy.”
The field is now populated with all kinds of practitioners, and the types of therapy that are practiced can look very different from those of a hundred, or even 20, years ago. The trope of the neutral observer sitting by a couch asking, “And how did that make you feel?,” has somewhat faded as a variety of modalities have evolved and gained popularity. Personal disclosures on the part of the therapist — once completely taboo — can now be seen as a potentially useful part of some practitioners’ therapeutic practice, a means to help patients relate and dig deeper. To varying degrees, a therapist’s background and experience have now entered the office, and patients increasingly want to know who their therapist really is. This itself puts therapists on the spot.
Philip Herschenfeld, a psychiatrist and psychoanalyst who has been in practice on the Upper East Side for 55 years, said that he, like many therapists, would not talk about his politics with patients but that some seek confirmation of their suspicions. “They may ask, ‘Are you outraged by what Netanyahu is doing? Are you outraged by what Hamas did?’ That sort of thing,” he told me. He handles those questions “analytically” by trying to understand what’s behind them. He may respond, “Are you trying to find out if we’re on the same team?”
Lynn Bufka, a clinical psychologist and head of the American Psychological Association’s psychology practice, said the matter of disclosing one’s relationship to Zionism or anti-Zionism is a bit of a gray area, but so is any kind of personal disclosure. “As a clinician, you think very carefully about the question of What do I reveal about myself and what I might be experiencing to any patient? and do so only in what you believe to be the interest of the patient,” she said. “It’s not about an opportunity to self-discover or to be joined with another person.”
Every topic is complicated in some way. Bufka said she had a colleague whose partner died after suffering from Parkinson’s disease. “When she has a new patient who comes in who has a family member with Parkinson’s, she has to think about, What does she say? What does she not say? How does this impact that?” If the therapist offers too much information about their own struggle with the illness, it could alienate the patient. But helping the patient relate to another person who understands what they are going through may bolster that patient’s ability to face the pain of the situation.
Kevin Hershey, a psychotherapist and licensed master social worker who practices in the Financial District, said that, for many patients, a therapist’s Zionism orientation (pro- or anti-) has become as significant as their gender or sexual identity, adding that he is seeing “way more need for Zionist and anti-Zionist therapists” on the therapist listservs he browses. One in particular is regularly inundated with specific stipulations. “I even saw one posting that was like, ‘I need a therapist who is a liberal Zionist who believes in a two-state solution,’” he said.
Some therapists — mostly anti-Zionists — have made their stance an explicit part of their treatment. Alex, a licensed master social worker in Brooklyn, identifies as anti-Zionist on their web page. “I believe in offering it as an indication that I’m a safe space for certain conversations,” they told me. I asked Alex if they had ever treated a Zionist patient, and they declined to answer, in deference to patient confidentiality. I rephrased my question: “As a policy, are you open to treating Zionist clients?” “I don’t think it would be safe or comfortable for someone who identifies as a Zionist to work with me — for them,” they said. “There would be a level of dissonance that would get in the way of their healing.”
“There’s a genocide of the Palestinian people happening, and there is a lot of focus on Jewish needs, anxieties, and perceived antisemitism,” Alex continued. “If there’s anything I say that I’d want you to publish, it would be that we have to decenter Jewish feelings.” They later clarified that they also see decentering as an active practice, urging their clients to go to rallies or to volunteer.
Another licensed mental-health counselor who sees lots of Jewish clients told me about patients they knew — people who had been actively examining their politics — who were unnerved when the therapists they saw asserted their own perspectives. The clients felt hemmed in and eventually sought new care, feeling “their therapists’ value system imposing on their sessions,” the counselor said.
In his own practice, when Hershey senses a patient wants to gauge his Zionism status, he double-checks that he has intuited their desire correctly: “I’ll ask, ‘Do you want to know what I think about this?’ Some of them have said ‘yes.’” Hershey is not Jewish but feels a kinship with the Jewish community, having participated in a Jewish social-justice leadership program. He has many Jewish patients and considers himself anti-Zionist, though he doesn’t advertise himself as such. “I’ve been pretty involved with Jewish Voice for Peace,” he told me. “I’ve told that to a couple Jewish clients. One is probably further to the left than I am about it, and I think, for him, it just helps him feel like he doesn’t have to explain himself so much.”
He also told that to an Israeli client, a woman whose stance he described as against settlements and in favor of a cease-fire but also very much wanting her homeland to continue to exist. Disclosing some of his own experience to her led to an outcome that seems rare in therapy offices and even less likely in the real world: “We discovered we can trust each other and really like each other and not have 100 percent alignment on everything.” Zionist friends of the client had cut off communication with her, and she was worried her anti-Zionist friends might do the same. She told Hershey that, though she dislikes JVP, she still felt comfortable talking to him: “She said, ‘It’s a relief that you and I can tolerate this ambiguity.’”
In a few stories I heard, the conflict in the therapist’s office just sounded like bad therapy: A Jewish attorney in her 30s told me that after October 7, when she started having panic attacks during her solo morning runs, her therapist, who was not Jewish, mentioned she had “heard Hamas was treating the hostages well.” Another client, who isn’t Jewish but has a Jewish wife, left the care of an older Jewish therapist after he implied she should vote for Andrew Cuomo because Zohran Mamdani is pro-Palestinian.
But for the most part, the therapists I talked to emphasized that they prize the patient’s therapeutic experience above all else, in some cases being hypervigilant not just about what they disclose but how they respond to their patients in the moment as they feel their stomach drop because of an offensive or divisive statement. “The whole point of therapy is to help the patient learn more about their own mind,” said -Herschenfeld. In general, “if somebody leaves their therapy over a political issue, there’s been some error on the part of the therapist, either in revealing too much or in taking a stand of some sort.”
Some therapists and patients told me therapy had been helpful and productive when it came to grappling with their angst over Israel. A 48-year-old Jewish woman in Brooklyn shared that she has felt more comfortable speaking openly about the war with her longtime therapist than with her husband, who disagrees with her on aspects of the conflict — an issue that has led to marital tension. I also talked to a Modern Orthodox queer woman in Sheepshead Bay who said her non-Jewish Caribbean therapist has listened neutrally — and with a lot of empathy — as she talks about her Zionism. Still, in many cases, I realized acrimony can have a way of creeping in despite therapists’ best intentions and regardless of the therapeutic modality. Sometimes “the patient is looking for a fight. That’s not uncommon,” Herschenfeld said.
Therapy, like so much else, is not a perfect art. “As therapists, our self is the tool,” Rozmarin said. “That’s what I have to work with — my insight, my thinking, my feeling, my unconscious.”
When a therapist has a patient who falls outside their comfort zone, cultural competency, or personal boundaries, the first step, said Bufka, “is always to try to consult with colleagues and say, ‘Here’s the dilemma I’m struggling with.’” Especially for therapists in private practice, that’s where email listservs, Facebook groups, and, more recently, Discord groups and Slack channels come in. But many people I talked to said that during the past two years, these listservs have themselves exploded over the same issues tearing therapists and clients apart.
Discussions about patient referrals have gone off the rails. Some therapists said forums that used to be populated by mundane questions about office space or insurance reimbursement have been overtaken by heated altercations, some devolving into arguments about whether it’s even acceptable to devote time and space in these forums to questions about Jewish patients. Some Jewish therapists have left these forums entirely.
“If someone is looking for anything for a Jewish person who’s been through trauma — let’s say someone says, ‘I need a Russian-speaking therapist for a Jewish family whose house burned down,’ that was one of them — the comments will be full of ‘I wonder if maybe it’s good for them to know what it’s like in Gaza.’ And it’s, like, this is a family that has never lived in Israel. This is their house in Westchester,” said Brooke, the founder of the Jewish Therapist Collective.
In Chicago earlier this year, a member of an anti-racist therapists’ Facebook group was reprimanded by the Illinois professional licensing body for creating and distributing a blacklist of therapists with Zionist affiliations. Some on the list had not publicly identified themselves as Zionist; they told Jewish Insider their only unifying factor was being Jewish. (In a twist, some redditors began recommending the blacklist as a resource for Zionist patients.) In February 2025, a group called Psychologists Against Antisemitism sent an open letter to the APA calling for, among other things, decorum on its listservs, where they say members have openly cheered for Hamas. (In July, the Academic Council of Jewish Voice for Peace sent its own open letter to the APA endorsing a petition from Psychologists for Justice in Palestine that demands the APA change its definition of antisemitism to allow for open criticism of Israel and its supporters.)
Brooke told me she founded the Jewish Therapist Collective after an incident in a national therapists’ Facebook group in which a non-Jewish therapist asked if anyone could help with a Jewish patient feeling anxiety. A few Jewish therapists responded in the comments section to offer their guidance. “Then, all of a sudden, someone came in and went, ‘How dare you focus on Jews right now?’ Essentially as though one Facebook post would rob the space for another,” she said. “And the poor original poster apologized and turned off comments and said she was going to think about her transgressions.” (She said this Facebook group is no longer active.)
The fighting in the mental-health profession isn’t limited to online spaces or national organizations. A few months ago, the famed psychiatrist Bessel van der Kolk was banned from teaching at the Omega Institute, a holistic education center upstate, after he went off-script from his talk about trauma therapy and compared Israelis to Nazis in front of an audience that included American Jews and Israelis as well as at least one descendant of Holocaust survivors. Van der Kolk later issued an apology, calling his comments “gratuitous, offensive, inaccurate and completely unnecessary.” In an email to New York Magazine, however, he wrote that he now regrets the “over the top” language in his apology and wished he had instead compared what is happening in Gaza “to what Andrew Jackson did to the Seminoles in their ‘trail of tears.’” He said in his Omega Institute talk he was speaking about how the “deep need to belong often leads to people applying completely different moral standards to their own communities.”
For Brooke, anecdotes like this underscore why many Jewish therapists have come to feel they need separate, insulated spaces for professional support. Her group now has thousands of members, many of whom, she said, use it as their primary place for referrals and advice. “The Jewish flight from greater therapy spaces to more insulated ones — we have a right to do it, and it’s important that we find care for ourselves,” Brooke said. “But my goodness, the therapists who’ve pushed us out — they have no idea the emptiness of insight that is left when the Jews leave.”
For those of us who believe in therapy at all, it’s as a place to unpack and process our heaviest issues so each of us can face the world with a deeper understanding of ourselves and a better ability to handle hardship and conflict. But when there is so much estrangement that even a longtime therapist can’t be trusted, who can be confided in? And if we can no longer use the therapist’s office as a place to explore the dark nuances of our own grief and confusion, where can we go instead?
When the first therapist I interviewed told me a therapeutic relationship could be wrecked by the mention of a Birthright Israel trip, I laughed. The idea seemed absurd. But over the hours I spent talking about it with therapists, I started to understand how quickly things could go sideways. Every so often, I felt it: the jolt of awkwardness and dislocation as I took in a comment that struck me as out of bounds — potentially even interview-ending if I’d failed to maintain a neutral demeanor. Patients and therapists, Zionist and anti-Zionist alike, blithely shared extreme viewpoints that I would have found disqualifying had they been uttered by my own therapist or that, I imagine, would have been hard to hear week after week if I were their therapist. One used the R-word to describe anti-Zionists. Another suggested there is beauty in the idea of the Jews being a placeless people. My mind flashed to my traumatized Jewish grandparents emerging from a forest in what is now Belarus, homeless and nationless, after narrowly escaping the fate of their own children, spouses, siblings, and parents. I struggled for a moment when someone referred to October 7 as “an infringement.” When another person suggested Jews shouldn’t draw attention to their anxiety, I felt sort of abandoned — like I was being told I wasn’t deserving of help.
More than a few times, I was also struck by the fact that the therapist across the Zoom screen was really wise. Gently, as they shared their therapeutic philosophies, I found my own thinking adjust. I momentarily regretted that I had now made myself ineligible to be their patient. With those practitioners, I wanted to disclose more.
Sometimes, when a therapist teared up sharing a story of discomfort or their own difficulty in dealing with this moment, I felt as if I were the therapist’s therapist. I could see how much this crisis pained them on so many levels. But the stories that really stuck with me were from Jewish patients who had been scared off from therapy entirely after alienating experiences or, somewhat more hauntingly, who love working with their therapist and find themselves unwilling to risk the breach that might occur if they shared how they feel or the hard things they grapple with about their Judaism. With so few like-minded Jews to talk to, they can’t afford to lose another important relationship and disrupt a peaceful rapport.
Eliza, who lives on the Upper West Side, was on maternity leave with her second daughter on October 7, 2023. Like many Jewish mothers I know, she struggled to turn away from the news and photos of slain and kidnapped Jewish children, seeing her own babies looking back at her. She became familiar with individual hostage stories and grieved the victims as if they were her own family members. She talked about this often with her therapist, who helped her feel less broken and abnormal for letting a tragedy that happened to strangers affect her so deeply. On one particularly rough news day, Eliza broke down in tears, and her therapist, perhaps no longer able to keep her guard up, or perhaps having intentionally opted to disclose her own emotions, began to weep too. At the time, the shared grief was healing — an emotional release for Eliza alongside the best therapist she’d ever had. But months later, Eliza has come to realize that knowing the depth of her therapist’s sadness and connection to Israel is also getting in the way of her own evolution.
As time passed and the hostages became less central to the news, Eliza told me she has been able to look at the situation as more of an uninvolved observer, and she has diversified her reading with books about the history of the land. In doing so, her support for Israel has begun to waver. The process has left her at loose ends: “I feel like I shouldn’t be wishy-washy. I’m confused, and I feel like I shouldn’t be confused, like I should be able to take a stance quickly. Why does my mind feel like cobwebs all the time — like I’m still trying to figure out what I’m thinking and what is real?” She told me she also carries shame that her parents are proud Zionists who lived on a kibbutz and that she herself feels attached to what they love about the country. She hasn’t told her therapist about any of this.
“My husband will be like, ‘Did you talk to her today?’ And I can’t — there’s a block. I don’t want her to be disappointed in me, and I don’t want to feel that way about her. But it’s fine,” Eliza told me, hurrying the interview to its conclusion. “Honestly, I’ve moved past it.”