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  • The Greats: Florence Welch, Lorna Simpson, Jonathan Anderson and Theaster Gates

    The Greats: Florence Welch, Lorna Simpson, Jonathan Anderson and Theaster Gates

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    O winged Lady,
    Like a bird
    You scavenge the land.
    Like a charging storm
    You charge,
    Like a roaring storm
    You roar,
    You thunder in thunder,
    Snort in rampaging winds.
    Your feet are continually restless.
    Carrying your harp of sighs,
    You breathe out the music of mourning.

    — from “Hymn to Inanna” by Enheduanna,
    translated from the Sumerian by Jane Hirshfield

    PROPHETESS

    ONE RISKS ANGERING the gods if one visits an oracle empty-handed. When I rang the Camberwell, South London, doorbell of Florence Welch, I held a tribute: “The Penguin Book of Spiritual Verse” (2022), edited by Kaveh Akbar. It has a poem in it by Enheduanna, the first named poet in written historical records, a Sumerian princess and priestess who lived over 4,000 years ago. Ancient priestesses made their bodies a conduit for collective transcendence and, now that the old gods have abandoned us, we secular souls tend to find our collective transcendence at concerts. I’ve never seen Welch’s band, Florence and the Machine, perform live, only on YouTube, I’ve only heard her music streaming on repeat for years, and yet I often find myself carried out of my body by Welch’s enormous voice, her rage and power. There’s a sizzling line that starts with Enheduanna and runs all the way to Welch; they’re both performers of spiritual enormity who, through incantation of words, open a channel to vast mysteries.

    What was I expecting? Impossibilities. A modern Madame Blavatsky all dressed in gauze, trembling shadows, eyes like dark whirlpools. Instead, on that July day, after her assistant let me in, Welch ran up from her garden a creature of flesh and blood, wearing a prim prairie dress with flowers speckled all over it. She is tall — somewhere near 5-foot-10 — ardent and elegant, with long red Pre-Raphaelite hair and the strong-boned face of a medieval saint. She has an incredible vigor to her speech, which is frequently crowded with images. She was talking even before coming into the room and spoke nonstop for hours, thoughtfully, in loops and circuits; I only interjected a few times. With other people, being monologued at like this might have been hellish, but Welch was a little goofy, quite funny — her laugh is deep, sudden, frequent and startlingly loud. On multiple occasions during our hours together, she paced in excitement. Once she sped off upstairs to fetch something, coming down the staircase with such fast footsteps that I was briefly afraid she’d tumble the rest of the way.

    “Poems!” said Welch, flipping through the book I brought. “Great!” And then in a flash the book vanished, never to be seen again.

    The singer on the Fleetwood Mac song that feels like riding a roller coaster.

    Video by Jerome Monnot

    In fairness, a single book would be easily lost among the stuffed bookshelves everywhere in her house. Welch is a real reader: She presides over a book club called Between Two Books and, in full disclosure, drew from my 2018 short story collection, “Florida,” when she was writing lyrics for the song “Florida!!!,” her 2024 collaboration with Taylor Swift. Her rooms replicate her maximalist, ecstatic music: high ceilings; many paintings and drawings; thick woolen Oriental rugs. Everything is layered and made of complex patterns, with William Morris prints and hand-marbled boxes in intense colors like peacock blue, goldenrod, raspberry sorbet.

    Because the best way is often straight through, I tried to start our conversation with a question about mysticism, but she refused to be boxed in. She said, laughing, that she can read tarot, but she refused to define her spirituality, beyond repeating a quip of her mother, Evelyn Welch’s, a Renaissance expert and currently the vice chancellor of the University of Bristol, who called her daughter “an animist.” Maybe she meant that, to her daughter, things like sunlight and the ocean have a soul. Welch’s earliest spiritual moment came when she was an imaginative small child in Camberwell — where her parents lived, not far from her current house — just looking at beams of light coming through her bedroom window and feeling connected to something larger.

    Chanel coat, price on request, (800) 550-0005; Valentino tights (worn underneath), $1,000; and Welch’s own dress, headband and jewelry.

    Photograph by Luis Alberto Rodriguez. Styled by Vanessa Reid

    This resistance to being pigeonholed would become a motif of our weekend: Welch wouldn’t say whom she was dating, only that he was a British guitarist, so that she wouldn’t be defined by her relationship (honestly, good for her!); she’s as vulnerable and honest as an incredibly famous human could possibly be: She gently but firmly resisted every time I tried to ask if she considered herself a pop star, or even what kind of music, actually, she would say she makes.

    An aversion to definition is a great gift to an artist like Welch. It allows her to change and grow in public. But it’s an equal source of confusion to critics, who’ve struggled to place her since the first of her five albums, 2009’s “Lungs.” Of course, no artist is truly sui generis — art is built out of other art — but it’s odd that Welch so confounds critics with her mix of soul and goth-punk and ethereal power ballads, as well as the way that she presents herself as closer kin to 1960s rock goddesses than to the hyperproduced pop stars of today, that the aforementioned critics have only rarely likened her to the musicians who’ve been her truest influences. Among these are Nick Cave, Patti Smith, Stevie Nicks, Tom Waits, Jeff Buckley, Sam Cooke and Otis Redding, whose live version of 1967’s “Try a Little Tenderness” Welch watched obsessively on YouTube in her early 20s when she was teaching herself how to perform, his energy building as the song goes until, she said, “he just tears the stage apart.”

    Perhaps it’s enough to say that Welch has one of the most distinctively powerful voices in popular music. My friend the 33-year-old performer Ganavya Doraiswamy, who’s trained in both jazz and South Asian devotional singing — the only other person I’ve ever met with a voice whose power and distinctiveness could match Welch’s — said that she has uyir, Tamil for “life breath,” in her voice, which Doraiswamy was trained to listen for as the soul of vocal art. “It sounds sometimes like [she] is singing to herself and we get to listen in, like we are privy to someone singing to themselves, and they’re making the world less unbearable,” she said. Uyir seems to be something like Federico García Lorca’s duende, of which the great Spanish poet said in a 1933 lecture, “All that has dark sounds has duende. … The duende is a force not a labor, a struggle not a thought. I heard an old maestro of the guitar say: ‘The duende is not in the throat: the duende surges up, inside, from the soles of the feet.’ Meaning, it’s not a question of skill but of a style that’s truly alive: meaning, it’s in the veins: meaning, it’s of the most ancient culture of immediate creation.”

    Uyir and duende may be lofty claims to make of a creator and performer of pop songs, but we have all been brainwashed to discount popular culture because of its very popularity, to believe that anything beloved by the masses is inherently lesser than esoteric art. This is a begging-the-question fallacy disproved all the time by great popular geniuses like Shakespeare, Mozart, Toni Morrison, Lorca himself. The music of Florence and the Machine is ubiquitous — the night before I left Florida for London, some stranger covered 2008’s “Dog Days Are Over” at karaoke; the band’s 2011 “Shake It Out” was piped over the loudspeakers while I waited for my plane in the airport — and it is excellent. It’s absurd to have to insist that both popularity and excellence can coexist.

    The music’s ubiquity is perhaps because of the fact that Florence and the Machine sound like nothing else out there in the musical landscape. It’s also, perhaps, because of the spooky vastness of Welch’s vision. Jack Antonoff, the 40-year-old producer and musician with whom Welch worked on her last album, 2022’s “Dance Fever,” said that she might be “literally clairvoyant.” And it’s true: Over and over, her songs predict the world to come. For instance, she wrote the lyrics for several of the album’s songs in 2019, including those of “Choreomania,” a song that Welch based on the 1518 dancing sickness in Strasbourg, where people actually danced until they died. The lyrics, with their frantic repetition of “Something’s coming, so out of breath” became prophetic when Covid-19 started spreading in 2020. “I didn’t know exactly what was coming,” Welch said, “but I knew it was dark.”

    Welch may not call herself spiritual, but the thing she kept pulling herself away from speaking about is the thing at the center of her, which she sometimes calls “the monster,” sometimes “the beast.” She struggles to control it, but it seems to be the source of her creative energy. “The beast is very good when it’s onstage. The monster is really useful and full of rage and glory and power,” she said. But as soon as she began talking about the beast, she grew agitated; it felt wrong. Her spiritual sense “doesn’t feel like something I should advertise, because it’s really sacred,” she told me, and changed the topic once more.

    When an oracle hears the voice of God and shares what she heard with others, she’s doing the same thing that an artist does while making art. Art is the alchemy by which grand abstractions become material. More than anything else, art requires the body of the artist, readied through time and practice and effort and some sort of innate spark, to become a sort of portal. Welch steps onstage and this portal is immediately available to her. To have the kind of transparency and vulnerability that allows such immediate access to the eternal, mysterious energy requires a great deal from the artist. Which is to say that art so powerful and immediate is demonic in its demands on the small, fleshly human that holds it.

    Ferragamo dress, $5,000, ferragamo.com; Chanel hat, $4,500; and Welch’s own shawl.

    Photograph by Luis Alberto Rodriguez. Styled by Vanessa Reid

    HARP OF SIGHS

    HOW DO YOU build a modern priestess? Welch was born like ordinary humans in August 1986; she’s currently 38. Her father, Nick Welch, is a former British advertising executive and, as his daughter called him, “bohemian”; he was the one who introduced her to bands like the Ramones and the Smiths when she was little. Through her mother’s specialty in Renaissance history, as well as family visits to ancient churches, Welch was deeply impressed as a child by the glorious, gory, vermilion-and-gold Catholic imagery, with its St. Sebastians pierced by arrows and St. Agathas with breasts on platters. She loved Greek mythology, she loved history. But nightmares plagued even her daylight hours, and her only escape from the monsters, ghosts and demons that her anxiety summoned was into books. Her mother wanted her to be an academic, but Welch was a daydreamer and had difficulty at school, having dyslexia, dyspraxia and something close to dyscalculia, and she would sneak out of the classroom to sing in the school hallways where the acoustics were good.

    Even when Welch was small, she had a Big Voice. She showed me a photo of herself as this little girl in a gingham dress, clutching a trophy for singing. The voice that “came out of that was oddly adult, sensual,” she said. Her mother was always yelling at her to shut up because she’d be singing at the top of her lungs while her mother was trying to write her books. It turns out that the Big Voice is as much a physiological gift as it is a vocation: Welch has a strong diaphragm, a large rib cage with huge lung capacity — which makes finding the vintage dresses that she loves tricky — as well as vocal cords of titanium. Once, fearing that she was losing her voice on tour, she went to see a specialist in Toronto, who looked down her throat only to respond, “Oh, yeah, your vocal cords are like a tank. You’re never gonna lose your voice,” she said. Music was the only thing she ever wanted to do, “Like, I will die if I don’t do it,” she said; singing was the companion that kept her from being alone with the terror. She longed to be in musical theater, but her mother was “the opposite of a stage mom,” Welch added dryly, and only reluctantly conceded to classical voice lessons. The singer trained in opera as a soprano and was only allowed to belt out a Disney song or show tune at the end of her lessons.

    The first time she appeared onstage, it was in a school performance of the musical “Bugsy Malone” (1976), and she blew everyone out of the water. “From a really young age, probably like 10, we knew that she was going to be really famous,” said her sister, Grace, who is younger than Welch by three years. (They have a brother, as well, and three stepsiblings.) Welch was hurt after their parents divorced when she was 10, the couple suffering from “simmering, silent resentment but no fights,” she said. She developed an eating disorder when she was a young adolescent. Then, when she was 14, she had her first taste of vodka and felt herself rise, transcendent, out of her anxieties. “Somehow alcohol allowed me to expand, to have freedom from the constraints of the body,” she said. “The first time I had hard spirits, it felt spiritual. I felt warm, I felt free, I felt at peace. It freed me from the relentlessness of thoughts.”

    All Welch wants is the grace that male performers get. The grace to age in public; the grace to put art at the center of one’s life and not have to be a woman or a mother first.

    Suddenly she was a party girl, dancing barefoot over broken glass in nightclubs in ripped vintage dresses. She bartended for a year after secondary school and got deeper into the “doomed Dickensian pirate ship,” as she described it, that was the South London music scene in the early 2000s, when rebellious young artists lived in squats. Welch, like the rest of them, drank to excess and screamed onstage in punk bands. She entered Camberwell College of Arts but dropped out after one year. As a teenager, she also experimented with folk, country and hip-hop-influenced rock. She got her first gig by singing in a nightclub bathroom — more good acoustics — and called her band the Machine after the nickname of one of its long-term members, Isabella Summers, who was a close co-writer, producer and collaborator on the first few albums but hasn’t been involved in the most recent ones. While still a teenager, Welch co-wrote the first song — the punk-pop “Kiss With a Fist” — that, after the band was signed in 2008, became big for them worldwide.

    “Lungs,” released the next year, is very much a first album, exuberant in its range of styles. “Dog Days Are Over” was the second single, and the first song that would contain everything that Welch’s music has become known for: intense and pure feeling; elliptical lyrics; strange, catchy drums; a tune that starts soft and builds into a great crescendo of sound. Again, critics didn’t get the album — they likened Welch to Fiona Apple, Kate Bush, Regina Spektor, Annie Lennox, Joanna Newsom, Sinead O’Connor, artists whose music has very little to do with one another’s but, well, they’re songwriters and women at the same time, so they must be similar! Some critics were weirdly condescending in their incomprehension: One wrote in Rolling Stone that the “best bits feel like being chased through a moonless night by a sexy moor witch,” which … what is that supposed to sound like? Screaming in terror while trying to run with an erection?

    The pressure of new fame was so intense that the singer kept dancing with self-destruction. “In order to protect myself from the public gaze,” she said, “I shrank myself offstage.” When she and her band were working on what would become their first singles, her partying was so out of hand that she nearly blew it with the record company; she was too much of a liability, disappearing for three days into a bender and showing up at a pub mysteriously covered in blue paint. She was also in thrall to an eating disorder, a way to try to impose control on a life that felt uncontrollable. Grace became her personal assistant, and a great deal of the burden of the singer’s bad behavior fell on her. Grace loved her sister, looked up to her and now regrets bitterly how she enabled her. Welch lost days partying, blackout drunk, on drugs. Grace says now that the family has “this joke, like, ‘Thank God she was famous.’ She’s always been supercreative and supercomplicated and supertroubled, and if she didn’t have all that money and, like, a team of people propping her up in her 20s, she’d totally be dead.” Back then, Welch still lived at the family home in Camberwell; she’s an artist who needs to be rooted in place to make her art and hasn’t ever moved away from the neighborhood. Still, no matter how drunk or brutally hung over she was, she was always able to get up onstage and perform.

    There’s a rigid cycle in music making: One starts in the studio, creating the songs, which at this point with streaming are practically given away for free; to make money, one has to embark on a grueling two- to three-year schedule of performances, a lifestyle that lends itself easily to drugs and alcohol. Performing in massive venues is hugely physically taxing, particularly when one does it with Welch’s commitment. She throws her entire body into her songs, dances barefoot because she needs to feel the ground beneath her. She has twice broken her foot midway through her concerts but never stopped, instead singing through the pain. A great performer is something of an energy worker, creating a collective experience through her voice and body, and energy needs to be rebuilt before it’s expended again. She tried to control her alcoholism by not drinking when she was performing, but that was worse: She began to binge when she wasn’t on tour.

    In 2011, the band released the album “Ceremonials,” which Welch described as a “wall of sound, a wall of aesthetic,” a tumultuous wrestling with her addiction. “I was wandering around like a superhigh Gustav Klimt painting,” she said. The recurrent imagery is that of drowning; in the single “Shake It Out,” the line “It’s hard to dance with a devil on your back” repeats so often it becomes almost frantic.

    Not long after, on the singer’s 27th birthday, her mother gave a moving speech, begging her daughter not to join the 27 Club, the group of tormented artists who’d died as a result of addiction, the rock ’n’ roll lifestyle and the radical exposure it requires to be an artist at that age: Jimi Hendrix, Janis Joplin, Jim Morrison, Kurt Cobain. Welch had shown up to her birthday party drunk and high. Perhaps because of the immensity of her shame, she smashed her whole face into her birthday cake.

    There was a moment in the months afterward, lying on the floor of her room, that Welch began to tell me about, saying that she was praying, “Help me, please help me, help me, help me,” but then she trailed off. One doesn’t speak about the holy. “It feels like a betrayal to the thing that helped me,” she said. In any event, after that night, Welch became sober.

    For a year, the singer was a “completely broken person,” she said. She’d always loved clothes, had delighted in her dresses onstage, but now she wore the same “horrible blue tracksuit” everywhere. Later on, she had treatment for her eating disorder. When I asked her what had taken the place of the addictions, she told me matter-of-factly, “The performance. The music.”

    The albums that came afterward were a kind of resetting. For 2015’s “How Big, How Blue, How Beautiful,” Welch had just been broken up with and had herself broken up with drugs and alcohol. As a result, the music was stripped down instrumentally, the cover image was black and white and onstage she wore a more masculine suit instead of her previous flowy dresses. Welch was, perhaps not coincidentally, taken more seriously as an artist. When Dave Grohl of the Foo Fighters broke his leg and the band had to pull out of headlining the 2015 Glastonbury Festival, Florence and the Machine were asked to replace them. She began to write more poetry. In 2018, Florence and the Machine released “High as Hope,” which is even more stripped down and intimate, with Welch’s poetry becoming its lyrics.

    In addition to her albums, the singer has been working for eight years on a musical version of F. Scott Fitzgerald’s 1925 novel, “The Great Gatsby,” called “Gatsby: An American Myth,” which I saw in June at the American Repertory Theater in Cambridge, Mass. She was drawn to the book, she said, by the drunkenness and hangover in it, the doomed romanticism, “the way the page sings.” The show got a standing ovation. I thought it was fine. At times, everything was so on the nose that I felt I was being hit with a soft right hook. The set is half nightclub, half car crash, just like the Roaring Twenties; all the characters’ costumes have dirty hems, as though to semaphore that none of them have quite risen above the muck of the American dream. The music is a collaboration between Welch and Thomas Bartlett, who, in addition to being a co-producer and co-writer on some songs on Florence and the Machine’s “High as Hope,” is a gifted musician who’s worked with everyone from Nico Muhly to Yoko Ono and Sufjan Stevens. The songs they made are excellent and surprising, with exciting and slithery Jazz Age rhythms. But art gets in trouble when it becomes polemical, which many of the songs were. I began to wonder if a musical would ever be the right vehicle for a story like “The Great Gatsby.” Musical theater is the most American art form that exists, all dazzle and jazz hands, but Fitzgerald’s novel draws its power from the lightness of its allusions. Things that are hinted at in the book — like Nick Carraway’s crush on Jay Gatsby, or Gatsby’s gangster past — get their own numbers. That said, songs are still being made and discarded. The version I saw, which might one day move to Broadway, hadn’t settled into its final form, and it’s a sin to judge art before it’s finished.

    Welch’s most recent album, “Dance Fever,” is my favorite; I played it so often that my younger son began to call it “Mommy’s church.” I find it almost unbearably beautiful, a confirmation that Welch’s songwriting keeps getting more powerful. She had already written the first two songs — “King” and “Free” — and was in the studio in New York City in March 2020 with Antonoff when the pandemic hit, and they had to flee to their respective corners. The rest of the songs arrived as Welch’s anxiety spiraled in her London home, the project something of a diary of those years of isolation. Listening now, it feels like a wild, anxious, terrified, hedonistic catharsis of that awful time, a ritual cleansing of the collective grief that we still haven’t fully processed as a culture.

    Louis Vuitton dress, price on request, louisvuitton.com; and Welch’s own dress (worn underneath) and jewelry.

    Photograph by Luis Alberto Rodriguez. Styled by Vanessa Reid

    PORTRAITURE

    THE DAY AFTER I visited her house, I met Welch at the Tate Britain to see a John Singer Sargent exhibition. The turn-of-the-20th-century portraits were huge and dramatic and vividly emotional, the rooms thickly crowded. I said I loved the subjects’ expressions; Sargent was a master of distilling character in the subtle look on a face. “I love the fashion,” Welch responded and gestured at “Portrait of Miss Elsie Palmer” (1889-90), depicting a young American girl with reddish hair and bangs like Welch’s, wearing a layered pale pink dress with a pleated underskirt and bodice, her waist tightly cinched.

    As we walked, astonishment took hold in me that nobody seemed to recognize the superstar beside me. I’d been sure we’d be so swarmed that I’d had fantasies I’d have to double as a bodyguard, fending fans off with my enormous Muji notebook. But no one did, despite the fact that Welch was on such a state of hyperalert that, when I once tried to take a photo of a stunning Sargent dress on a dummy and her head happened to be in the frame, she swiveled so fast toward me and gave me a look of such searing disdain that I felt flayed. The monster had risen up in her face for a moment. It was terrifying.

    Perhaps people in crowds at art museums are deeply unobservant of those around them, only anxious to see the works on the wall; perhaps it was because, with her pale, thin elegance and her feminine dress — delicate flowers on a green field, discreet ruffles and a filigree of off-white lace — she looked as though she were herself a Sargent subject stepping out of the frame. Most likely, however, it was because Welch has built such a powerful public image, a glamorous pagan priestess hologram, that the human person behind it simply didn’t square. Maybe her fans didn’t recognize her because the performer is a giantess and the person is merely person-size.

    The image of Florence and the Machine is a curious thing. It’s intricate and carefully constructed, vivid and clear in its referents and set intentionally outside of the contemporary moment, which allows the singer to change and refine the way she presents herself to the world. She seized on it early, after some industry people’s unhappy experiments with trying to market the young singer-songwriter in miniskirts and high-heeled shoes. But she couldn’t sell sex. “I’ve always looked like a haunted painting,” she said, and it’s true that, though she’s beautiful, a bad photograph would show her features as harsh, stern. She also didn’t want to sell sex: “I wanted to be scary when I was younger, not sexy.”

    To refuse to do so was intentional; it was also lucky. A female artist who’s marketed as sexy must stay at the same level of sexy even as she ages, which is increasingly hard to do, what with gravity and slipping hormones and the frankly fascinating processes of living beyond the body’s natural fertility. Britney Spears will never not exist in the public imagination as a nubile teen in a schoolgirl kilt. Dolly Parton is closing in on 80 with the same blond bouffant and enhanced breasts that she once, at an awards ceremony, called “Shock” and “Awe.” I’d never judge any performer for using her sexuality to sell records; trying to sell art at all is a grind, particularly at the beginning of one’s career, and if the universe has given you a gift of such reach and power, it would be difficult not to use it. But this form of beauty is something of a gilded cage, a safe place for a little time, though also a trap that a woman can’t escape.

    Chloé dress, $6,490, and dress (worn underneath), $3,990, chloe.com; and Welch’s own crown, shawl and jewelry.

    Photograph by Luis Alberto Rodriguez. Styled by Vanessa Reid

    Instead of selling a sexualized image, Welch, with the collaboration of music video and photography directors, has created a visual world that’s been seized on by her fans and replicated at her concerts, which can resemble teeming fantasy fashion shows. From the stage, she can look out on a sea of bloody prairie maidens with flower crowns, mermaids with sharp teeth, weeping martyrs, witches in purple silken cloaks, Jesus, tattered ghosts, all images from her songs and videos. Autumn de Wilde, 54, first directed Welch in the 2018 music video for “Big God,” which is shot as though in outer space, on a stark black stage in a shining one-inch pool of water pierced with high-contrast light. As Welch sings, the dancers’ colorful veils darken as they get wet, then are discarded, until at last Welch levitates the dancers with her voice. “Given the opportunity,” de Wilde said, “if you put her in any world, she will make it iconic and gigantic. You can’t have that without her vulnerability.” The Florence and the Machine aesthetic draws from Pre-Raphaelite tawny goddesses; photos by the 19th-century artist Julia Margaret Cameron; Surrealist 20th-century paintings by Leonora Carrington and Remedios Varo; the modern dancer Loie Fuller; exhausted cancan dancers; pastel moths. All come from the same spiritual universe, as dark as true fairy tales tend to be, confections of extreme beauty with neon venom laced through.

    It wasn’t until I spoke with de Wilde that I changed my mind about Welch’s image; at first I thought she wielded it like a shield, meaning that she’d constructed it purely to protect the fragility beneath. After, I saw it was something of a seashell, all spikes, dazzling colors, mother-of-pearl gleam. Both shield and shell are created in order to protect the tender flesh within, but a shield is the result of a huge amount of human labor, mining and refining and beating of the hot metal, and a shell is a natural emanation of the beast that builds it. Florence and the Machine is the singer’s true self, but writ large, her imagination allowed freedom to play. The child who spent hours gazing at the light in her room has taken her visions of monsters and saints and demons and graces and made them real.

    One of the final portraits at the Sargent show was the well-known “Ellen Terry as Lady MacBeth” (1889), the actress bloody mouthed, with long red braids to her knees, wearing a shining green-and-gold dress, placing a crown upon her head. “We drew on this painting a lot to build our look for ‘Dance Fever,’” Welch told me quietly, smiling.

    At this — seeing the queen, her face become a stark mask of ambition — I had a powerful moment of déjà vu. I thought of the lyrics to “King,” when, at the beginning, Welch sings in a low register: “We argue in the kitchen about whether to have children / about the world ending, and the scale of my ambition / And how much art is really worth / The very thing you’re best at is the thing that hurts the most.”

    Christ on a stick! Show me another popular song that speaks in such a compact way of such vast things: the moral burden of bringing children into the Anthropocene, huge ambition in a female artist, how it’s all complicated when one considers a baby’s hijacking of the body for 40 weeks — and beyond, if the mother is nursing. There are so few examples of female musicians who were able to uphold a rigorous touring schedule after they’d had children that Welch and I could only think of one: Beyoncé. Exacerbating the mixed craving for and fear of having a baby and what it would mean for her art, Welch feels the intense pressure of aging as a female performer. “At 40, what are you supposed to do? Die?” she asked, then laughed darkly. “King” goes on to insist, “I am no mother, I am no bride, I am king.” She isn’t a queen, accessory to power; she’s power itself. “I was also thinking of the King of Rock,” Welch said, referring to Elvis Presley; she was thinking of the right of male artists to let their art be separate from the body, to let the art be so central that everything else is peripheral. In the latter part of the song, Welch raises her voice in a long howl of rage. Maybe I revel in her work because so much of it is simply overflowing with rage, her perfect voice embodying all that subsumed rage that I swallow every day and allowing it to bloom out into the world, a gorgeous shining pitch-black flower.

    All Welch wants is the grace that male performers get. The grace to age in public; the grace to put art at the center of one’s life and not have to be a woman or a mother first. If the universe gives an artist the nearly unlimited ability to become a conduit to the astonishing eternal mysteries, what a grinding check to her momentum when she bumps up against human-imposed boundaries of misogyny. How much worse must be the body’s own betrayal! How enraging that, even as an artist earns more wisdom and depth and artistry — begins to understand how to pull the uncanny powers of the beyond down into constant display on the earth — the body begins to lose its vital energy, and the cost of being alive begins to wear you down.

    Art begins in the body; art is limited by the limitations of the body; at some point, art exceeds the body and can live beyond the scope of flesh. I watched Welch look deeply at the gothic, gory Sargent painting of Ellen Terry, and I saw — or imagined I saw — the beast in her surfacing for a moment, hungry for the magic that Sargent enacted on his subjects, allowing them to be fully seen, to be held in the brightest of colors, to be shown to the world eternal in the moment of their greatest glory. Among the many other things Welch refuses to be defined by, she refuses to be defined by time. The tragedy of the Cumean Sibyl, according to the ancient Roman poet Ovid, was that, though the god Apollo did cede to her pleas to give her life beyond the scope of the mortal span, over a thousand years her body shrank until only her voice remained. This is the fate of all artists. All have to come to terms with it at some point. Welch, preternaturally gifted as she is, isn’t exempt.

    But until then, oh, you gods who power her, oh, you humans who make her life hum, just let the woman sing.

    Hair by Anthony Turner at Jolly Collective. Makeup by Thom Walker at Art + Commerce. Set design by Afra Zamara at Second Name. Production: Farago Projects. Lighting technician: Jack Symes. Digital tech: Sam Hearn. Photo assistants: Daiki Tajima, Federico Covarelli. Manicurist: Emily Rose Lansley at The Wall Group. Hairstylist’s assistant: John Allan. Makeup assistant: Samanta Falcone. Set designer’s assistant: Ollie Kariel. Tailor: Pip Long at Karen Avenell. Styling assistants: Andreea Georgiana Rădoi, Sam Wright

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  • Landscaping on a Budget: 10 Ways I Saved Money on My Garden Remodel – Gardenista

    Landscaping on a Budget: 10 Ways I Saved Money on My Garden Remodel – Gardenista

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    All week, we’re republishing some of our favorite Garden Visits that have a personal connection to our writers. No public gardens here, no vast estates, no professionally designed landscapes—just the backyards, vegetable patches, and flower beds that remind our writers of home. This story by Gardenista founder Michelle Slatalla is from 2017.

    Whether it’s a new patio or a complete garden overhaul, any landscaping project can quickly outgrow its budget unless you plan ahead. I speak from experience.

    In the six years since I moved into my house on a small lot (0.15 acres in downtown Mill Valley, California), I’ve changed nearly every aspect of the outdoor space, from the backyard to the front garden. The upgrades included a new patio, garden beds, paths, a gate, and a privacy hedge. Every step of the way, there were decisions to make on where to splurge and where to save.

    As with most budgets, mine required more saving than splurging. Here are the top 10 ways I saved money on landscape design without cutting corners.

    Photography by Matthew Williams for Gardenista.

    1. Don’t toss; transform.

    My backyard gate is a repurposed vintage iron trellis, which we discovered leaning against the facade soon after we moved to the house and began to liberate the garden from years of overgrowth.
    Above: My backyard gate is a repurposed vintage iron trellis, which we discovered leaning against the facade soon after we moved to the house and began to liberate the garden from years of overgrowth.

    “Don’t toss; transform” is a lesson I learned from my friend Jean Victor, who wrote the chapter on Expert Advice: Garden Design in our Gardenista book: “Avoid the temptation to rip out and discard everything in your existing landscape,” Jean recommends. “Repurpose bricks from a planter for a new pathway; use old fence pickets to make a gate; dig up hardy perennials and move them to a new bed.”

    2. Embrace the slippery slope.

    Rather than trying to change the grade of my sloping front garden, I planted perennials and grasses that would accentuate the lay of the land.
    Above: Rather than trying to change the grade of my sloping front garden, I planted perennials and grasses that would accentuate the lay of the land.

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  • A Troubling Sign for 2024

    A Troubling Sign for 2024

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    Updated at 12:43 p.m. ET on March 7, 2023

    Twilight offered welcome concealment when we met at the prearranged hour. “I really haven’t gone out anywhere” since well before the election, Bill Gates, the outgoing Republican chair of the Maricopa County board of supervisors, told me in mid-November. He’d agreed to meet for dinner at an outdoor restaurant in the affluent suburb of Scottsdale, Arizona, but when he arrived, he kept his head down and looked around furtively. “Pretty much every night, I just go home, you know, with my wife, and maybe we pick up food, but I’m purposely not going out right now. I don’t necessarily want to be recognized.” He made a point of asking me not to describe his house or his car. Did he carry a gun, or keep one at home? Gates started to answer, then stopped. “I’m not sure if I want that out there,” he said.

    As a younger politician, not so long ago, Gates had been pleased and flattered to be spotted in public. Now 51 years old, he never set out to become a combatant in the democracy wars. He shied away from the role when it was first thrust upon him, after the 2020 election, recognizing a threat to his rising career in the GOP. But the fight came to him, like it or not, because the Maricopa County board of supervisors is the election-certification authority for well over half the votes in the state.

    When we spoke, Kari Lake was still contesting her loss in Arizona’s gubernatorial election. Months later, she is still anointing herself “the real governor” and saying that election officials who certified her defeat are “crooks” who “need to be locked up.” She reserves special venom for Gates. Speaking to thousands of raucous supporters in Phoenix on December 18, beneath clouds of confetti, Lake denounced “sham elections … run by fraudsters” and singled him out as the figurehead of a corrupt “house of cards.”

    “They are daring us to do something about it,” she said. “We’re going to burn it to the ground.” Then she lowered her mic and appeared to mouth, with exaggerated enunciation, “Burn the fucker to the ground.” To uproarious applause, she went on to invoke the Second Amendment and the bloody American Revolution against a tyrant. “I think we’re right there right now, aren’t we?” she said.

    All of that may seem a little beside the point from afar, an inconsequential footnote to a 2022 election season that, mercifully, felt more normal than the last one. But Lake shares Donald Trump’s dark gift for channeling the rage of her supporters toward violence that is never quite spoken aloud.

    In part as a result of her vilification campaign, Gates is stalked on social media, in his inbox and on voicemail, and in public meetings of the board of supervisors. Based on what law enforcement regarded as a credible death threat, Maricopa County Sheriff Paul Penzone removed Gates and his wife from their home in Phoenix on Election Night and dispatched them to a secure location under guard. They knew the drill. “I’ve done it so many times,” Gates recalled. “It’s like, ‘Here we go again.’”

    In two successive elections, 2020 and 2022, Gates has had to choose: back his party, or uphold the law. Today, he is a leading defender—in news conferences, in court, and in election oversight—of Arizona’s democratic institutions.

    I’d come to Phoenix to try to understand this moment in American politics. November’s midterm election was the first in the country’s history to feature hundreds of candidates running explicitly as election rejectionists. Enough of them were defeated to mark a salutary trend: Swing voters did not seem to favor blatant, self-serving lies about election fraud. That was an encouraging result for democracy, and a balm to many Americans eager for a return to something like political normalcy.

    But it was not the whole story. Election deniers won races for secretary of state—the post that oversees election administration—in Alabama, Indiana, South Dakota, and Wyoming. They make up most of the Republican freshman class in Congress. Even some of the losers came very close. Lake’s election-denying ticket mate, Abe Hamadeh, lost the Arizona attorney general’s race by 280 votes.

    Of greatest interest to me was the extent to which the narrow losses of MAGA conspiracists gained legitimacy from the words and actions of people like Gates—otherwise low-profile electoral officials, many of them Republican. I wanted to know how he saw the recent election, and what he expected of the next one. The more time I spent with him, and in Arizona, the more uncertain the reprieve of last November appeared.

    “I’m politically dead,” Gates told me. It’s what he thinks most of the time, though not always. He toys with thoughts of running again, even running for higher office, but calculates that he has next to no chance of securing his party’s nomination for any office in 2024. If Trump or a successor tries to overturn the vote in January 2025, somebody else will have to be found to push back.

    In Maricopa County alone, four of the five supervisors, all of whom have stood shoulder to shoulder in defense of the county’s election machinery, are Republicans. As ultra-MAGA conspiracists continue to dominate the GOP base, what kind of Republicans will be around to safeguard the next election, or the one after that?

    Left: Ballot drop box outside the election center in Phoenix, Arizona. Right: “Unborn Lives Matter,” “Trump 2024 Take America Back,” and “Kari Lake for Governor” flags in a residential backyard in Peoria, Arizona. (Adam Riding for The Atlantic)

    Something goes wrong in just about every voting cycle, and even when things go right, there are always details that can be made to look suspicious by fabulists intent on breaking public confidence. Sound elections rely on the competence, the fairness, the transparency, and, in recent years, the courage of election workers.

    On Election Day 2022, Gates and other county authorities planned to ward off conspiracy theories with a smooth and efficiently functioning vote. The technology gods had other plans.

    The first sign of trouble turned up around 6:30 a.m. One polling center reported what looked like a tabulator malfunction. Ballots were printing on demand, and voters were filling them in, but the tabulator spat them out unread. The troubleshooting hotline logged a second call a few minutes later, then a third. Soon, dozens of polling places had tabulation failures. Trouble spots filled the status board at the Maricopa County Tabulation and Election Center, which stood behind a newly built security fence to keep protesters outside.

    “And then it’s like, ‘Oh, crap,’” Gates recalled. “This is a widespread issue.” And “we have literally the eyes of the world on this election.” Voter lines backed up and tempers flared. Nobody knew what was wrong. Gates got on the phone with the president of Dominion Voting Systems, which made the tabulators.

    Lake and the far-right information ecosystem had promoted the lie that the ballot was rigged long before Election Day. Social media now lit up with claims that election officials had sabotaged their own machines to suppress the vote in Republican neighborhoods. Lake went on television to say, falsely, that her voters were being turned away.

    Gates and Stephen Richer, the county recorder, rushed out a video message at 8:52 a.m. Standing in front of a tabulator, Gates said, “We’re trying to fix this problem as quickly as possible, and we also have a redundancy in place. If you can’t put the ballot in the tabulator, then you can simply place it here where you see the number three. This is a secure box where those ballots will be kept for later this evening, where we’ll bring them in here to Central Count to tabulate them.”

    It was the sort of rapid public response—factual, practical, and reassuring—that’s become essential since Trump first began poisoning voter confidence with false claims of fraud. But the Lake campaign and its allies nonetheless saw an opportunity to sow doubt and confusion.

    “No. DO NOT PUT YOUR BALLOT IN BOX 3 TO BE ‘TABULATED DOWNTOWN,’” Charlie Kirk of Turning Point USA tweeted repeatedly to nearly 2 million followers. Kelli Ward, the Arizona Republican Party chair, posted the same urgent, all-caps advice, adding falsely that “Maricopa County is not turning on their tabulators downtown today!”

    Many Lake supporters refused to use the Box 3 option, fearful that their votes would not be counted, and Gates ordered that voters be allowed to try the tabulators as many times as they wanted. The chaos at some polling stations worsened.

    The technical error, diagnosed by midmorning, turned out to be that the printers in 43 of the 223 polling places were printing ballots with ink too faint for the tabulators to read. Nobody knew why; the same settings and equipment had worked fine in the August primaries. By early afternoon, technicians had solved the problem by increasing the heat setting on the print fuser.

    Lake spread conspiracy theories throughout the day and in the days that followed, as the vote count went on. All Gates and Richer could do was stand in front of cameras, over and over again, answering every question. Box 3, by one or another name, was a standard voting option, employed in most Arizona counties for decades. There were plenty of polling places with short lines. Fewer than 1 percent of ballots were affected by printer issues, and all of them were being counted anyway. A live public video feed showed the tabulation operations, 24 hours a day. No voter had been turned away because of the glitch.

    The office of Mark Brnovich, Arizona’s Republican attorney general, amplified Lake’s accusations and warned in a letter against certifying the election results without addressing numerous “concerns regarding Maricopa’s lawful compliance with Arizona election law.” Gates’s lawyer responded that the attorney general’s office had its facts wrong. Gates and his fellow supervisors certified the canvass on November 28. Katie Hobbs, the Democrat, had beaten Lake by 17,117 votes.

    Lake filed a lawsuit on December 9, a 70-page complaint filled with florid accusations: sabotaged printers and tabulators, “hundreds of thousands of illegal ballots,” thousands of Republican voters who’d been disenfranchised—all in Maricopa County alone. The judge threw out most of her charges in pretrial rulings. At trial, Lake was unable to supply any persuasive evidence of wrongdoing or identify even one disenfranchised voter or illegal ballot. She lost again in the Court of Appeals on February 16, and now vows to go to the state supreme court. She has raised more than $2.6 million since Election Day, spoke at the Conservative Political Action Conference in Washington, D.C., this past weekend, and seems likely to run for the U.S. Senate next year.

    Picture of the Election center in Phoenix
    Interior building details of the election center in Phoenix, Arizona (Adam Riding for The Atlantic)

    M

    ost of the election deniers who lost their races around the country in November conceded defeat, with varying degrees of grace. Pretending to win elections they lost turned out to be harder than Trump made it look. Not many politicians have the former president’s bottomless capacity to live and breathe an alternate reality—or make millions of people care. A pair of Joe Biden speeches on democracy, together with the public hearings of the January 6 committee, had also helped discredit election-fraud charges among independent voters. And right-wing media may have been more cautious about baseless fraud claims after the defamation lawsuits brought against them following their performance in 2020. Lake, a charismatic presence who had honed her television skills as a local news anchor, was one of the few candidates who doubled down on conspiracy talk.

    But the impact of Lake’s performance was not hard to see. More than 1.2 million people voted for Lake in the governor’s race, three-quarters of a million of them in Maricopa. Many, swept up in her reality-distortion field, believed sincerely that the election had been stolen. Scores of them surged into the board of supervisors’ hearing room on November 16, eight days after the election. Gates had scheduled public comments on election procedures. He sat on the dais with the demeanor of a nervous high-school principal, determined to keep rowdy students under control.

    “I’m just going to say this right now: We have children watching this,” he told the crowd, improbably. “So please, no profanity.”

    Everyone who signed up to speak would have two minutes. No interruptions. “We’re not going to have any outbursts, okay?” he said. The audience laughed, mocking him.

    A woman named Raquel stood up.

    “Mr. Chairman Bill Gates and Recorder Richer, you both have lost all credibility and any shred of integrity—”

    Applause interrupted her. Gates narrowed his eyes.

    Raquel accused Gates of founding “a political-action committee to specifically defeat MAGA candidates” and asked how he could fairly run an election. In 2021, amid a spurious “forensic audit” that tried to prove that Trump had won Arizona the previous year, Gates had made a $500 contribution to a PAC formed by Richer, the county recorder, called Pro-Democracy Republicans of Arizona—“The Arizona election wasn’t stolen” was the first line on its website—but he’d had no role in distributing its funds.

    Another woman, Kimberly, told the supervisors that she knew they had sabotaged the ballot printers. “As a former programmer myself, I can tell you there’s no such thing as a glitch,” she said. The crowd, stirring, murmured its assent.

    Jeff Zink, a MAGA Republican who had just lost his race for U.S. Congress, brought a more direct sense of grievance. The only reason he had not won, he said, was that “an algorithm took place which shows that at no time did I ever gain any ground whatsoever.” He did not explain what he thought an algorithm is. It did not matter: He had the room behind him.

    Some witnesses made specific allegations. Many simply flung vitriol. “I’m just disgusted by your behavior,” said Sheila, a retired city worker. “Look at all these people out here who are suffering so badly because of your falsehoods.”

    “You are the cancer that is tearing this nation apart,” said Matt, another speaker, to louder and angrier applause.

    “Thank you,” Gates replied tightly.

    Several speakers invoked higher powers and threatened divine retribution—or, anyway, retribution in God’s name. “Beware, your sins will find you out,” one speaker said in a quavering voice. Another, a hulk of a man named Michael, said that “God knows what you’ve done … I warn you and I caution you, we got a big God in Jesus’s name.”

    Another burst of applause amid angry buzzing. Audience members were beginning to rise from their seats. Two sheriff’s deputies made as if to move toward them and then thought better of it. My sense, sitting near the front, was that the gathering was just below full boil. If the crowd got any hotter, two deputies would not be enough.

    “You need to resign today. And I pray that God is going to convict your heart and for what you’ve done,” yelled a furious Lake supporter named Lisette.

    Gates tried to respond, beginning to speak of the electoral redundancies that ensure that every vote is counted. But the crowd was standing and shouting. He adjourned the meeting and slipped out a side door, stage right. I joined him a few minutes later in his office across the street. I told Gates that it had looked to me as though the crowd had been making up its mind about whether to rush the dais.

    “This is not a game,” he said. “This is very serious. And the danger of violence is just right under the surface.”

    Gates picked without enthusiasm at a container of plain chicken and steamed carrots that his wife, the county’s associate presiding judge, had cooked for his lunch. “We’re doing this diet right now,” he said, a bit mournfully. “We’re trying to be good.”

    He had rejected the option of packing the room with security, he said. “These are challenging times, because you also don’t want to create a police state, you know? And that’s something that we’re balancing.”

    Gates has learned to live with a constant stream of abuse. It began long before the 2022 midterms and has not let up since those elections concluded. One persistent correspondent has written to him several times a month since early 2021. One day, he writes, “Hey I hear little bitch Bill Gates is in hiding? Why? Cause you worked extra hard to steal tao elections … or more? Keep hiding rat shit.” Four days later: “You are scum and deserve to be tried for treason.”

    A voicemail left for his chief of staff, Zach Schira, twisted with rage: “I really believe that what we used to do to traitors is what we should do today. Give ’em a fucking Alabama necktie, you piece of shit. Fucking traitor, just like your fucking boss, rigging the election for a little bit of dough, you know? Piece of shit.” (The good old boy who left the message was probably aiming for a lynching metaphor, but he had hit on something else.)

    In December, Gates woke up one morning and was moved to post on Twitter about the beauty around him: “If you are in @maricopacounty, step outside and look at the sunrise. We are blessed to live here.” The responses, dozens of them, were almost comically savage.

    “Hopefully soon you won’t be able to see that beautiful sunrise, bc you’ll be locked up!”

    “Treeeeaaasooon.”

    “Quick question. Do you happen to know the penalty for treason? Just curious is all.”

    There was more, calling him subhuman, soulless, satanic.

    Every now and then, something sufficiently threatening crosses Sheriff Penzone’s desk, and he notifies Gates that it is time to sleep somewhere else. On other occasions, the sheriff will post a pair of undercover deputies outside his home. Most of the time, though, Gates walks and drives and puts himself out there in the world all alone.

    Picture of a residential property in Peoria, Arizona
    A residential property in Peoria, Arizona (Adam Riding for The Atlantic)

    Gates knows he is far from the only election official under threat. On January 16, police in Albuquerque, New Mexico, arrested a failed Republican political candidate who’d rejected his defeat and allegedly paid gunmen to shoot at the homes of four Democratic officeholders. On January 26, over in Arizona’s Cochise County, the elections director resigned her post after years of abuse, citing an “outrageous and physically and emotionally threatening” working environment.

    According to a fall 2022 survey by the nonpartisan Democracy Fund, one in four election officials has experienced threats of violence because of their work. In the largest jurisdictions, that number increases to two out of three.

    Gates stays in touch with peers around the country, mostly Republicans, who have stood up against election denial and faced the consequences. They form a little community, like an internet support group, dishing out comfort on bad days and dispatching a friendly word when they see one another in the news.

    One member of this informal group is Al Schmidt, who was the sole Republican on the Philadelphia board of elections in the 2020 election and received a deluge of death threats after Trump accused him of being party to corruption. Gates also corresponds with Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger and his chief operating officer, Gabriel Sterling, both of whom pushed back against Trump’s demands to “find” enough votes to upend Biden’s victory in that state.

    “We have done Zoom meetings,” he told me. “We have met in person. We talk on the phone. We text one another. And it’s very helpful because … if you haven’t gone through this, you don’t really understand. And if you have gone through it, you do.”

    The simple banter reminds Gates that he has allies, even if far away.

    “Yesterday, Trump endorsed an all-in stop the steal candidate for AG so look for me in handcuffs in early 2023. 😊,” Gates said in a text last June to Maggie Toulouse Oliver, the secretary of state of neighboring New Mexico. He was only half-joking: Abe Hamadeh, who nearly went on to win the attorney general’s race, was vowing to prosecute election officials whom he accused of fraud.

    “Omg. Well I’ll come bail you out!! ❤️,” Oliver replied.

    Chair of the board of supervisors is not even a full-time job in Maricopa, the fourth-largest county in America, with a population of 4.5 million and a $4.5 billion budget. Gates’s day job is associate general counsel for Ping, a large Phoenix-based manufacturer of golf clubs and bags. His position is not undemanding, but election controversies sometimes keep him away from the office for days or weeks at a time. His bosses, he said, “have been very understanding.”

    It is hard to convey how little his world resembles the one Gates signed up for when he first ran for county supervisor. He grew up as a self-described “political dork” in Phoenix and chose Drake University, in Des Moines, for college because of its champion mock-trial team and because he wanted to see the Iowa caucuses in person. Jack Kemp, Ronald Reagan, and George H. W. Bush were his political heroes.

    In 2009, Gates won an appointment to the Phoenix city council, where he developed a reputation as an urban technocrat. When he ran for county supervisor in 2016, the planks of his platform involved vacant strip malls, water and sewer problems, and garbage pickup. He called himself an “economic-development Republican” who “wants government to get out of the way to allow … free enterprise to flourish.”

    Pictures of the Election Center in Phoenix, Arizona
    Left: A polling-place tabulator and ballot box. Right: Election canvassing books at the election center in Phoenix. (Adam Riding for The Atlantic)
    Picture of the warehouse section of the Election center in Phoenix, Arizona
    The warehouse section of the election center in Phoenix (Adam Riding for The Atlantic)

    Gates did not much like Trump in the 2016 campaign, and voted for John Kasich in the primary. When Trump came to town for a rally, Gates told The Arizona Republic that Trump’s views “do not reflect the majority of Arizonans and the majority of Arizona Republicans.”

    Even so, like a lot of reluctant Republicans, Gates voted for Trump over Hillary Clinton that year. “I believed he would nominate judges to the federal bench who would exercise judicial restraint, and that Mike Pence would have a calming influence,” he told me. Now that he represents the election-certification authority, Gates will not say how he voted in 2020.

    If 2022 was hard on Gates and his colleagues, 2020 was worse—a fact that can reasonably support either optimism or pessimism for 2024. The presidency was at stake, not the governor’s office, and the aftermath of the election fell upon Gates and his fellow supervisors like a toxic spill. Arizona, and Maricopa County in particular, became a major focus of Trump’s cries of fraud. Angry mobs descended on the election command center and the homes of some of the supervisors, shouting “Stop the steal.” Alex Jones of Infowars and Representative Paul Gosar worked up the crowds. Gates called the scene outside the command center “Lollapalooza for the alt right.” Police put up temporary fencing to protect the ongoing tabulation. Inside, the staff could hear chanting and the reverberation of drums.

    The incumbent president, wielding all the authority of his position, mobilized not only the MAGA grassroots but also the GOP establishment in service of his pressure campaign. Trump twice tried to get one of Gates’s colleagues, then-chair Clint Hickman, on the phone. Ward, the state Republican chair, began calling and texting Gates relentlessly as the deadline neared to certify the presidential vote, on November 20. “Here’s Sidney Powell’s phone number,” she said, according to Gates, referring to a Trump lawyer who would become notorious for outlandish claims. “Will you please call her?”

    “I’m going, ‘Who’s Sidney Powell?’” Gates told me. “I never returned that call.”

    In her text messages, which Gates provided to me, Ward recited multiple alleged anomalies and conspiracy theories. She attributed a baseless allegation about the corrupt design of Dominion software to an unnamed “team of fraud investigators.” She worried that “fellow Repubs are throwing in the towel. Very sad. And unAmerican.” She noted, “You all have the power that none of the rest of us have.”

    The texts went on and on, alternately lawyerly, angry, and pleading.

    Gates replied in the end with four words: “Thanks for your input.”

    Had he felt threatened by all the arm-twisting from the state party chair? I asked.

    Threat is a strong word,” he told me, adding, “I felt pressure. I felt like if I didn’t do what she wanted to do, that there would be political ramifications, certainly.”

    Gates grew up in local government and had a politician’s instinct not to make enemies. But if he fulfilled his lawful duty, he would become a pariah in the state GOP and an enemy of the president of the United States. Knowing that—and Ward made sure he knew—was supposed to crush all thoughts of resistance.

    “Once you make that vote to certify, you know you’re not coming back from that,” Gates said. “People thought because I was nice over all these years that I was weak.”

    Gates and his fellow supervisors voted unanimously, on schedule, to certify the 2020 election. But that didn’t slow the campaign to overturn the results. “Stop the steal” sentiment intensified as the year drew to a close. The Republican-dominated State Senate issued a subpoena for all of the county’s paper ballots and voting machines, planning to hand them over to a MAGA-run outfit called Cyber Ninjas to “audit” the results. Gates and his colleagues refused to comply, believing that would be illegal. They filed a lawsuit to void the subpoena.

    Gates was doing last-minute shopping at Walgreens at about 5 p.m. on Christmas Eve when Rudy Giuliani called him. He did not recognize the number and ignored it, but he kept the voicemail, which he played for me.

    “I have a few things I’d like to talk over with you,” Giuliani says, after introducing himself. “Maybe we can get this thing fixed up. You know, I really think it’s a shame that Republicans, sort of, we’re both in this kind of situation. And I think there may be a nice way to resolve it for everybody. So give me a call, Bill. I’m on this number, any time, doesn’t matter, okay? Take care. Bye.”

    Gates shook his head at the memory.

    “Someone who on 9/11 I had great respect for,” he said. “I didn’t return his call.”

    In early 2021, state legislators moved to have Gates and his colleagues taken into custody for contempt if they did not hand over the ballots, notwithstanding the pending court case. Gates assured his crying daughters—there are three of them, now all in college—that he would be all right.

    “So I actually shot a video on my camera—this was sort of like, you know, a hostage video,” Gates said. “Like, ‘If, you know, if you’re watching this, I’m now in custody,’ kind of explaining why I had done what I did, why I thought we were right.”

    For all the sense of menace, there was something liberating about this period, Gates told me, and it was around this time that he began to speak out more often and more forcefully in defense of elections and the people who run them.

    “They made allegations that our employees had deleted files, basically committed crimes,” Gates said. “That’s when this board, along with Recorder Richer and other countywide electeds, stood up and said, ‘We’re going to push back now. This is a lie. You’re accusing our folks of committing crimes. We can’t stand by silent.’”

    The county court eventually ruled that Maricopa had to turn over the ballots and voting machines, and the Cyber Ninjas circus began. It found no evidence of fraud but stretched on for months, keeping Gates in the news as a foil.

    His career, he believed then, was finished. He had no reason to hold back.

    “Once you’re dead, there’s nothing they can do to you,” he said. “Right?”

    Picture of pedestrians walking along Mill Avenue in Tempe, AZ.
    Pedestrians walking along Mill Avenue in Tempe, Arizona (Adam Riding for The Atlantic)

    “You know,” Gates told me, “I think this is the most dangerous time for the state of our democracy other than the Civil War.”

    By any accounting, the 2020 election was more dangerous than the one last year. Gates knows as well as anyone that it’s too soon to say the worst is behind us. As a presidential nominee, Trump or another candidate could bring a subversive focus and intensity to the party that’s all but impossible during the midterms. More than a third of Republicans are still hard-core Trump supporters, and nearly two-thirds still believe the 2020 election was rigged. The race late last month for chair of the Republican National Committee pitted an incumbent who was all in for Trump against two challengers who competed to be more so.

    Yet for all that, and despite what he’s just been through (again), Gates does see hopeful possibilities—possibilities he didn’t see two years ago. Many of the most strident election deniers did lose, he points out. Gripped by MAGA fever, the GOP has now experienced three successive setbacks at the ballot box, in 2018, 2020, and 2022. Some of the party’s elected leaders have distanced themselves from Trump since the midterms, and polls of GOP voters show some softening of support.

    If Arizona rejected the extremists who ran for statewide office—Lake and Hamadeh and Mark Finchem, who ran for secretary of state—does that mean a politician like Gates might still have a chance? It’s an important question, because extremists who win primaries won’t always lose local general elections, and in the worst case, it wouldn’t take many extremists in roles like his to throw the country into chaos.

    There is no clear answer yet, for Gates or for American democracy. In the biggest picture, the range of plausible outcomes in 2024 is as wide as it has been in living memory.

    On January 11, Gates handed over the chair’s gavel to his colleague Clint Hickman. Until next year, when his term expires, Gates will simply be one of five members of the county board.

    Recently, he has allowed himself to imagine running for statewide office. Democrats defeated all of the Arizona election deniers in 2022, but perhaps a mainstream Republican could win next time.

    “Maybe we can take another shot at this. Maybe we can fight to get candidates who can appeal to the big tent,” he said. “That was the party that I joined.”

    Did he really think it could happen as soon as 2024? I asked.

    “I don’t know,” he said. “Things change. Two years is a long time in politics.”


    This article initially misstated Bill Gates’s job title at Ping.

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    Barton Gellman

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