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Tag: Gang

  • Number of children abducted in Nigerian school attack raised to more than 300

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    A total of 303 schoolchildren and 12 teachers were abducted by gunmen during an attack on St. Mary’s School, a Catholic institution in north-central Nigeria’s Niger state, the Christian Association of Nigeria said Saturday, updating an earlier tally of 215 schoolchildren.The tally was changed “after a verification exercise and a final census was carried out,” according to a statement issued by the Most. Rev. Bulus Dauwa Yohanna, chairman of the Niger state chapter of CAN, who visited the school on Friday.He said 88 other students “were also captured after they tried to escape” during the attack. The students were both male and female and ranged in age from 10 to 18.The school kidnapping in Niger state’s remote Papiri community happened four days after 25 schoolchildren were seized in similar circumstances in neighboring Kebbi state’s Maga town, which is 170 kilometers (106 miles) away.No group has yet claimed responsibility for the abductions and authorities have said tactical squads have been deployed alongside local hunters to rescue the children.Yohanna described as false a claim from the state government that the school had reopened for studies despite an earlier directive for schools in that part of Niger state to close temporarily due to security threats.“We did not receive any circular. It must be an afterthought and a way to shift blame,” he said, calling on families “to remain calm and prayerful.”School kidnappings have come to define insecurity in Africa’s most populous nation, and armed gangs often see schools as “strategic” targets to draw more attention.UNICEF said last year that only 37% of schools across 10 of the conflict-hit states have early warning systems to detect threats.The kidnappings are happening amid U.S. President Donald Trump’s claims of targeted killings against Christians in the West African country. Attacks in Nigeria affect both Christians and Muslims. The school attack earlier this week in Kebbi state was in a Muslim-majority town.The attack also took place as Nigerian National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu was visiting the U.S. where he met Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth on Friday.

    A total of 303 schoolchildren and 12 teachers were abducted by gunmen during an attack on St. Mary’s School, a Catholic institution in north-central Nigeria’s Niger state, the Christian Association of Nigeria said Saturday, updating an earlier tally of 215 schoolchildren.

    The tally was changed “after a verification exercise and a final census was carried out,” according to a statement issued by the Most. Rev. Bulus Dauwa Yohanna, chairman of the Niger state chapter of CAN, who visited the school on Friday.

    He said 88 other students “were also captured after they tried to escape” during the attack. The students were both male and female and ranged in age from 10 to 18.

    The school kidnapping in Niger state’s remote Papiri community happened four days after 25 schoolchildren were seized in similar circumstances in neighboring Kebbi state’s Maga town, which is 170 kilometers (106 miles) away.

    No group has yet claimed responsibility for the abductions and authorities have said tactical squads have been deployed alongside local hunters to rescue the children.

    Yohanna described as false a claim from the state government that the school had reopened for studies despite an earlier directive for schools in that part of Niger state to close temporarily due to security threats.

    “We did not receive any circular. It must be an afterthought and a way to shift blame,” he said, calling on families “to remain calm and prayerful.”

    School kidnappings have come to define insecurity in Africa’s most populous nation, and armed gangs often see schools as “strategic” targets to draw more attention.

    UNICEF said last year that only 37% of schools across 10 of the conflict-hit states have early warning systems to detect threats.

    The kidnappings are happening amid U.S. President Donald Trump’s claims of targeted killings against Christians in the West African country. Attacks in Nigeria affect both Christians and Muslims. The school attack earlier this week in Kebbi state was in a Muslim-majority town.

    The attack also took place as Nigerian National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu was visiting the U.S. where he met Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth on Friday.

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  • Trump is using Tren de Aragua to justify a military buildup and strikes in Latin America

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    To help justify a sweeping deportation campaign, an extraordinary U.S. military buildup in the Caribbean and unprecedented strikes on boats allegedly trafficking drugs, President Trump has repeated a mantra: Tren de Aragua.

    He insists that the street gang, which was founded about a decade ago in Venezuela, is attempting an “invasion” of the United States and threatens “the stability of the international order in the Western Hemisphere.” Speaking at the United Nations General Assembly on Tuesday, Trump described the group as “an enemy of all humanity” and an arm of Venezuela’s authoritarian government.

    According to experts who study the gang and Trump’s own intelligence officials, none of that is true.

    While Tren de Aragua has been linked to cases of human trafficking, extortion and kidnapping and has expanded its footprint as Venezuela’s diaspora has spread throughout the Americas, there is little evidence that it poses a threat to the U.S.

    “Tren de Aragua does not have the capacity to invade any country, especially the most powerful nation on Earth,” said Ronna Rísquez, a Venezuelan journalist who wrote a book about the gang. The group’s prowess, she said, had been vastly exaggerated by the Trump administration in order to rationalize the deportation of migrants, the militarization of U.S. foreign policy in Latin America, and perhaps even an effort to drive Venezuela’s president from power.

    “It is being instrumentalized to justify political actions,” she said of the gang. “In no way does it endanger the national security of the United States.”

    Before last year, few Americans had heard of Tren de Aragua.

    The group formed inside a prison in Venezuela’s Aragua state then spread as nearly 8 million Venezuelans fled poverty and political repression under the regime of Nicolás Maduro. Gang members were accused of sex trafficking, drug sales, homicides and other crimes in countries including Chile, Brazil and Colombia.

    As large numbers of Venezuelan migrants began entering the United States after requesting political asylum at the southern border, authorities in a handful of states tied crimes to members of the gang.

    It was Trump who put the group on the map.

    While campaigning for reelection last year, he appeared at an event in Aurora, Colo., where law enforcement blamed members of Tren de Aragua for several crimes, including murder. Trump stood next to large posters featuring mugshots of Venezuelan immigrants.

    “Occupied America. TDA Gang Members,” they read. Banners said: “Deport Illegals Now.”

    Shortly after he took office, Trump declared an “invasion” by Tren de Aragua and invoked the Alien Enemies Act, a rarely used 18th century law that allows the president to deport immigrants during wartime. His administration flew 200 Venezuelans to El Salvador, where they were housed in a notorious prison, even though few of the men had documented links to Tren de Aragua and most had no criminal records in the United States.

    In recent months, Trump has again evoked the threat of Tren de Aragua to explain the deployment of thousands of U.S. troops and a small armada of ships and warplanes to the Caribbean.

    In July, his administration declared that Tren de Aragua was a terrorist group led by Maduro. That same month, he ordered the Pentagon to use military force against Latin American cartels that his government has labeled terrorists.

    Three times in recent weeks, U.S. troops have struck boats off the coast of Venezuela that it said carried Tren de Aragua members who were trafficking drugs.

    The administration offered no proof of those claims. Fourteen people have been killed.

    Trump has warned that more strikes are to come. “To every terrorist thug smuggling poisonous drugs into the United States of America, please be warned that we will blow you out of existence,” he said in his address to the United Nations.

    While he insists the strikes are aimed at disrupting the drug trade — claiming without evidence that each boat was carrying enough drugs to kill 25,000 Americans — analysts say there is little evidence that Tren de Aragua is engaged in high-level drug trafficking, and no evidence that it is involved in the movement of fentanyl, which is produced in Mexico by chemicals imported from China. The DEA estimates that just 8% of cocaine that is trafficked into the U.S. passes through Venezuelan territory.

    That has fueled speculation about whether the real goal may be regime change.

    “Everybody is wondering about Trump’s end game,” said Irene Mia, a senior fellow at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, a think tank focused on global security.

    She said that while there are officials within the White House who appear eager to work with Venezuela, others, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio, are open about their desire to topple Maduro and other leftist strongmen in the region.

    “We’re not going to have a cartel operating or masquerading as a government operating in our own hemisphere,” Rubio told Fox News this month.

    Top U.S. intelligence officials have said they don’t believe Maduro has links to Tren de Aragua.

    A declassified memo produced by the Office of Director of National Intelligence found no evidence of widespread cooperation between his regime and the gang. It also said Tren de Aragua does not pose a threat to the U.S.: “The small size of TDA’s cells, its focus on low-skill criminal activities and its decentralized structure make it highly unlikely that TDA coordinates large volumes of human trafficking or migrant smuggling.”

    Michael Paarlberg, a political scientist who studies Latin America at Virginia Commonwealth University, said he believes Trump is using the gang to achieve political goals — and distract from domestic controversies such as his decision to close the investigation into convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

    Tren de Aragua, he said, is much less powerful than other gangs in Latin America. “But it has been a convenient boogeyman for the Trump administration.”

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    Kate Linthicum

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  • ‘I thought I was going to die there’: Voices of migrants deported to a Salvadoran prison

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    In March, President Trump invoked the 1798 Alien Enemies Act to declare Venezuela’s Tren de Aragua gang a foreign terrorist group.

    Shortly after, the U.S. sent more than 250 Venezuelans who it said were a part of the gang to El Salvador, where they were jailed for months in one of the country’s most notorious prisons, the Terrorism Confinement Center, also known as CECOT.

    Many of the men insist that they have no ties to the gang and were denied due process.

    After enduring months in detention, the men were sent home in July as part of a prisoner exchange deal that included Venezuela’s release of several detained Americans.

    Venezuela’s attorney general said interviews with the men revealed “systemic torture” in the Salvadoran prison, including daily beatings, rancid food and sexual abuse. The men have been adjusting to life back in Venezuela, which most fled because of their home country’s political and economic instability.

    The Times photographed four of the Venezuelans — Arturo Suárez, Angelo Escalona, Frizgeralth Cornejo and Ángelo Bolívar — as they got reacquainted with their families and life outside prison.

    A man with a dark beard, wearing glasses, headphones and a dark ballcap, sings

    Arturo Suárez records a song at a studio in Caracas’ Catia neighborhood. He composed the song in prison in El Salvador.

    Arturo Suárez, 34

    Suárez, a musician, was detained in North Carolina while gathered with friends to record a music video. Ten people were arrested that day. Inside the Salvadoran prison, he said, music was forbidden and guards beat him repeatedly for singing. But he refused to stay silent. From his cell, he wrote a song that spread from cell to cell, becoming an anthem of hope for the Venezuelans imprisoned with him.

    “From Cell 31, God spoke to me,” the lyrics go in part. “He said, son, be patient, your blessing is coming soon…. Let nothing kill your faith, let nothing make you doubt because it won’t be long before you return home.”

    1

    A brown-colored handmade heart displayed on an open palm

    2

    A dark-bearded main with a tattoo of a bird on his neck

    1. Suárez holds a heart he fashioned in prison out of tortillas and toothpaste, with letters made from threads of the white shorts he wore. 2. This tattoo of a bird enabled his family to identify Suárez in videos released by the Salvadoran government.

    A man with dark hair, seated under a hand-drawn sign and a cluster of red and purple balloons, looks at his phone

    Suárez checks his phone beneath a poster welcoming him home in Caracas.

    I thought I wasn’t going to make it out of there. I thought I was going to die there.

    Posters depicting individual people line a fence near a street vendor selling watermelons

    Posters depicting Suárez and other Venezuelan migrants deported to El Salvador are seen in Caracas’ El Valle neighborhood.

    Angelo Escalona, 18

    Escalona had turned 18 just three months before Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents detained him in the same raid that swept up his friend Suárez, the musician. His dream was to become a DJ, and Escalona had saved up to buy equipment that he showed Suárez just before they were arrested. He had no tattoos, no criminal record and was just at the wrong place at the wrong time, he said.

    When the deportation flight landed in El Salvador, he and the other Venezuelans tried to resist being taken off the plane. “We all fastened our seat belts because we’re Venezuelans — we weren’t supposed to be there” in El Salvador, he said. “But the Salvadoran police boarded the plane and started beating the people in the front.”

    1

    A young man with dark hair, in a dark T-shirt, stands for a portrait with arms crossed

    2

    A hand-drawn poster on a rack with items on different shelves

    3

    A woman with glasses, holding a large white hand-drawn poster with words and a photo of a young man

    1. Angelo Escalona said that the other Venezuelan prisoners called him “El Menor,” or the minor, because at 18 he was the youngest of the deportees.
    2. A poster family members held during protests demanding his release says, “Your family has not abandoned you.”
    3. Escalona’s aunt displays a poster with a letter his mother wrote to him upon his release. “Son, I love you,” it says in red.

    When we arrived [at the prison], they told us, ‘Welcome to the real hell — no one leaves here unless they’re dead.’

    A view of homes covering a hillside, with dark clouds overhead

    A view of Caracas’ Antímano neighborhood, where Frizgeralth Cornejo lived with his family before traveling north to the United States.

    Frizgeralth Cornejo, 26

    In mid-2024, Frizgeralth Cornejo made the long trek through the Darién Gap, the dangerous jungle separating Central and South America and made his way north with three friends. Hoping to obtain asylum in the United States, he had applied for an appointment with immigration officials through Customs and Border Protection’s CBP One app.

    But when Cornejo, 26, presented himself at the border, officials accused him of gang affiliation because of his tattoos. Everyone else in his group was allowed through, but not him.

    1

    Two men and a woman seated at a table inside a home

    2

    Two men walk near other people. Behind them are buildings

    1. Cornejo has lunch with his mother, Austria, and his brother, Carlos, in Caracas’ Antímano neighborhood. 2. Cornejo walks with his brother, Carlos, in the neighborhood of Sabana Grande in Caracas.

    A man in a dark ballcap, with tattoos, kisses the top of a brown-haired woman's head

    Cornejo kisses his mother, Austria.

    1

    A bearded man in a cap, with a rose tattoo on his neck

    2

    A man lifts his shirt to show a tattoo of an angel carrying an assault weapon and a rose

    1. Cornejo shows the neck tattoo that allowed his family to identify him in videos released by the Salvadoran government. 2. U.S. authorities claimed this tattoo linked him to the Tren de Aragua gang.

    I never imagined being imprisoned just for getting tattoos.

    A view of people near vehicles, one riding a bicycle, on a street near buildings

    A view of the neighborhood where the family of Ángelo Bolívar lives in Valencia.

    Ángelo Bolívar, 26

    Bolívar was living in Texas when he was arrested by ICE agents and sent to El Salvador’s CECOT prison. His many tattoos are part of a family legacy, one he shares with his mother, Silvia Cruz. His late father was a tattoo artist. His tattoos led to his imprisonment, he said, because authorities saw them as proof of membership in the Tren de Aragua gang. He is now back in the city of Valencia, about 80 miles east of Caracas.

    They said I was a gang member because of my tattoos — because I had a watch and a rosary. Even though the ICE agents had tattoos of roses and watches too.

    A blond woman covered in tattoos holds the face of a young man, with her other hand over his

    Bolívar and his mother, Silvia Cruz, in Valencia.

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    Kate Linthicum, Gabriela Oráa

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  • Search warrants issued, gang targeted in killing of ‘General Hospital’ actor Johnny Wactor

    Search warrants issued, gang targeted in killing of ‘General Hospital’ actor Johnny Wactor

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    Los Angeles police are serving search warrants, seeking to make arrests in the slaying of “General Hospital” actor Johnny Wactor, law enforcement sources said Thursday.

    The sources, who were not authorized to speak publicly about the case, said the investigation is focusing on Florencia 13 gang members tied to catalytic converter thefts in the region.

    A statement of probable cause used to obtain the warrants named Robert Barceleau, Sergio Estrada and Leonel Gutierrez as suspects. The three were targeted after police said their fingerprints matched those lifted from a floor jack they used while trying to steal Wactor’s catalytic converter.

    After reviewing videos and interviewing witnesses, homicide detectives with the Los Angeles Police Department identified three men, one with distinctive facial tattoos, who they say jacked Wactor’s car on Hope Street near Pico Boulevard to steal its catalytic converter before shooting and killing him May 25.

    A statement of probable cause used to obtain the warrants named Robert Barceleau, Sergio Estrada and Leonel Gutierrez as suspects. The three were targeted after police said their fingerprints matched those lifted from a floor jack they used while trying to steal Wactor’s catalytic converter.

    Wactor had finished a shift at the nearby Level 8 bar about 3:20 a.m. when he and co-worker Anita Joy were walking to his car and interrupted the thieves.

    Wactor first thought his car was being towed, Joy said. After realizing that wasn’t the case, he asked the men to leave, showing his open hands to indicate he wasn’t a threat. Nevertheless, he was shot at close range, Joy said. A security guard from the bar said he found Joy and the mortally wounded Wactor and called 911.

    Joy asked Wactor whether he was OK, and he responded, “Nope. I’ve been shot,” according to the statement of probable cause.

    After the shooting, the suspects fled north on Hope Street in a stolen getaway car described as a 2018 black four-door Infiniti Q50 with a tan interior, police said.

    Thieves target catalytic converters because they contain precious metals, including rhodium, palladium and platinum. They can sell for hundreds of dollars to auto parts suppliers or scrapyards, where they can be melted down and the valuable metals extracted.

    Thefts of catalytic converters skyrocketed in California during the COVID-19 pandemic. That prompted new state laws that make it illegal for recyclers to buy the parts from anyone other than the vehicle’s legal owner or a licensed dealer. Penalties were increased for buyers who fail to certify that a catalytic converter wasn’t stolen.

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    Richard Winton, Noah Goldberg, Libor Jany

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  • Gascón faces off against 11 challengers in hotly contested L.A. D.A. race

    Gascón faces off against 11 challengers in hotly contested L.A. D.A. race

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    Los Angeles County Dist. Atty. George Gascón is expected to advance to a November runoff, but it’s too early to tell who his challenger will be.

    While polls show Gascón has grown deeply unpopular with a significant portion of L.A. County residents, polls and local political observers have suggested his strong progressive base will carry him out of a crowded primary field replete with challengers who spent more time attacking him than they did defining their own candidacies.

    Four years after taking office on a popular criminal justice reform platform in the wake of George Floyd’s murder in 2020, Gascón found himself facing a different political landscape in this primary cycle. Multiple polls showed the incumbent with a disapproval rating over 50%, and a mix of frustrations with his policies and his perceived vulnerability led 11 candidates to challenge him.

    While Gascón has undoubtedly had some successes in his term — including stepped up efforts to exonerate wrongfully convicted persons and an increased focus on prosecutions of police officers accused of misconduct and excessive force — his term has been rocked by public disputes with his own prosecutors and a litany of civil suits that have already cost the county roughly $7 million. Some of his reforms were deemed illegal by a judge in 2021 and critics have also blamed his policies directly for heinous crimes.

    Property and violent crime rose in L.A. County from 2019 to 2022, according to California Department of Justice data. But other counties with more traditional prosecutors saw violent crime surge at much higher rates in the same time frame, a data point Gascón often stresses. LAPD data also show homicides and robberies have declined over the past two years and criminologists argue its disingenuous to solely blame a district attorney’s policies for crime spikes or declines.

    The field chasing Gascón includes four prosecutors from within his own office, three judges and two former federal prosecutors. With resumes and messages that largely mirrored one another — 10 of the 11 challengers promised to roll back nearly all of the policies Gascón announced during his inaugaration speech — it became hard for a challenger to stand out from the pack.

    Nathan Hochman, a former federal prosecutor who unsuccessfully ran for state attorney general in 2022 as a Republican, raised the most money in the primary. Now running as an independent, Hochman promised to “get politics out” of an office he says was made increasingly partisan by Gascón and the broader progressive prosecutor movement nationwide.

    While he favors alternative sentencing outcomes for nonviolent defendants struggling with mental illness or drug addiction, Hochman also promised to seek the death penalty in some cases and make use of sentencing enhancements for gang and gun crimes, measures that can sometimes double the prison time for certain defendants. Critics have argued enhancements are disproportionately used against people of color.

    Running as a moderate who can balance reform with justice, ex-federal prosecutor Jeff Chemerinsky was one of lone candidates to embrace criminal justice reform while challenging Gascón. Chemerinsky disagrees with much of what Gascón has done, but also said he’d largely eschew trying juveniles as adults and had serious reservations about the use of gang enhancements. Such positions have led other challengers to describe him as “mini-Gascón.”

    Other top challengers include Deputy Dist. Attys. Jonathan Hatami and Eric Siddall, and Superior Court Judge Debra Archuleta.

    Hatami was one of the three biggest fundraisers in the field, and the pugnacious prosecutor’s long history of publicly criticizing Gascón and his involvement with attempts to recall the D.A. made him popular with victims’ rights advocates. He was the only candidate to break from the pack in a USC/Dornsife poll earlier this year, snaring 8% of the vote and finishing a clear second to Gascón. Along with Archuleta, he received the endorsement of the Los Angeles Police Protective League, the largest law enforcement union in L.A. County.

    Siddall, a veteran prosecutor of cases involving gang crime and attacks on police officers, bagged the endorsement of the union representing rank-and-file prosecutors and has also frequently antagonized the district attorney through the union. Siddall was also running as a moderate, claiming to represent a “new generation of prosecutors” who want to balance reform and aggressive prosecution of violent criminals, but he and Chemerinsky often found themselves fighting for the same airspace.

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    James Queally, Sonja Sharp

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  • Prison for man who shot three people in Auckland CBD, including Jay-Jay Feeney’s brother – Medical Marijuana Program Connection

    Prison for man who shot three people in Auckland CBD, including Jay-Jay Feeney’s brother – Medical Marijuana Program Connection

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    Poull Andersen and two others were injured in the shooting on Fort St, Auckland, in March 2022. Photo / Supplied

    A man with gang ties who wounded three people with a single shot from a homemade firearm outside a central Auckland kebab shop – including business owner Poull Andersen, the brother of well-known radio personality Jay-Jay Feeney – has been sentenced to prison.

    The defendant, now 20 and with continuing interim name suppression, appeared before Judge Kathryn Maxwell in Auckland District Court this morning as she mused over his unusually substantive criminal history for someone so young.

    He has spent some of his time since the March 5, 2022, shooting remanded in a maximum security jail cell, where he has at times spent 23 hours per day in lockdown.

    “You have to take some responsibility, though, of course, for that difficulty on remand,” the judge said, blaming the difficult conditions on “how you are acting in prison”.

    The defendant was ordered to serve a sentence of five years and seven months for three counts of wounding with intent to cause grievous bodily harm with a firearm and a concurrent six-month sentence for receiving $1700 worth of stolen goods as the result of an unrelated road rage incident.

    He was 18 when arrested last year for the shooting, which took place around 2am on a Saturday on central Auckland’s Fort St, where some businesses catering to the nightclub scene remained open.

    Court documents state the teen…

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  • NSW Police say Alameddine organised crime network under ‘immense pressure’ after brawl arrests – Medical Marijuana Program Connection

    NSW Police say Alameddine organised crime network under ‘immense pressure’ after brawl arrests – Medical Marijuana Program Connection

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    Sydney’s Alameddine organised crime network is under “immense pressure” after the arrest of an alleged key figure, and the departure of others overseas, according to NSW police .

    Raptor Squad officers arrested six people over an alleged brawl which erupted at a shopping centre in the city’s CBD last week.

    Among those was Ali Elmoubayed, 30, who organised crime detectives believe holds a senior role within the Alameddine crew.

    Police have been targeting the clan, and other criminal networks in the state, since the early stages of a so-called gangland war, which began in mid-2020.

    Raptor Squad Commander Superintendent Andrew Koutsoufis said the crackdown saw senior members of the gang move overseas or interstate.

    Those members include the alleged head of the group, Rafat Alameddine, with social media posts published in May appearing to show him in Lebanon.

    Mr Alameddine has not been charged with any offences related to the underworld war.

    “I haven’t spoken to him about why he’s moved,” Superintendent Koutsoufis said.

    “The legalisation we use makes it very difficult to continue with their criminal operations here.

    “I can just imagine the pressure he would be under to remain here in New South Wales.”

    Police say the exodus of influential members has caused “a number…

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