ReportWire

Tag: fox news channel

  • Small Sponsors Gain Bigger Voice at Fox News

    [ad_1]

    Watch an hour of Fox News Channel, and you’ll no doubt see the usual commercials from pharmaceutical giants and auto companies. Increasingly, you may also encounter Anna Brakefield or her father, Mark Yeager, talking about their upstart family business while standing in an honest-to-goodness cotton field.

    “We’re proud to say that 100% of our products are made right here in the U.S.A.” says Yeager, whose family owns and operates Red Land Cotton, in one spot, dressed in a farmer’s hat and a gray button-down shirt. Brakefield tells viewers in a separate commercial that her family’s textiles all start “with a seed in the ground, a hope, and a prayer.”

    Brakefield says the company was accustomed to reaching customers via digital media, and accordingly put its focus on finding customers online. “We built where we are with Google ads, Meta ads — all that you’d typically think an e-commerce business would grow their advertising on,” she says. But her father, a 60-year old farmer in northern Alabama, is “a religious Fox News watcher, and so it was his idea to approach Fox about an advertising opportunity.” The company tested commercials on Fox News in 2023, she says, “and to my surprise, it was successful.” Now, Red Land Cotton tries to maintain a regular presence on “Fox & Friends” and “America’s Newsroom,” along with some commercials on “The Five.”

    “‘I saw you on TV,’” says Brakefield. “That is still a thing for people.” Now, she and her father are quickly becoming as important to Fox News as Madison Avenue stalwarts like Novo Nordisk and Lowe’s.

    Fox has sold ads to a growing number of companies that in a previous era might not have run TV commercials. A regular Fox News viewer might in recent weeks have seen spots from Blue Compass R.V.; the Good Ranchers meat-delivery service; Boll & Branch luxury bedding; or Fire Department Coffee, which was founded by a former Navy veteran with experience working as a firefighter and paramedic in Illinois. In some cases, Fox News sales staff have found these sponsors by listening to podcasts and watching video programs on social-media outlets, searching for advertisers that might find favor with Fox News viewers. Some might make all their goods in America. Others might seek a faith-based audience.

    Commercials for smaller businesses represent “one third of our national business right now,” says Trey Gargano, Fox News Media’s executive vice president of ad sales during a recent interview, and it’s not something owed to happenstance. Fox News has since the start of 2024 made a priority of finding independent companies that often spotlight patriotic themes or other elements that might appeal to its core viewers, then lined them up to sponsor its programs. “Sometimes they are veteran owned. Sometimes, a CEO we know is like-minded and wants to reach the audience on Fox News,” Gargano adds.

    Fox News isn’t the only TV outlet thinking small to get big. Several media giants have been on the hunt for so-called “SMB” advertisers — or “small-and-medium-sized businesses” — for the past several years. NBCUniversal said in July that it had seen a 30% uptick in ad buys from “SMB” clients. Hulu, now part of Disney, in 2020 offered use of a “Hulu Ad Manager” that would allow advertisers willing to spend at least $500 on the streamer’s commercials to launch, manage and track the commercials. Paramount Global last year named a new senior vice president to oversee all its efforts tied to “SMB Advertising.

    “SMB ads have become more important as TV publishers try to maximize, diversify, and increment their advertising’s yield,” says Nikhil Lai, a principal analyst with Forrester who tracks the advertising industry. “SMB advertisers are saturating search and social, which have diminishing returns. They need to scale acquisition without escalating acquisition costs, so they turn to TV.”

    The TV networks have been chasing what are in many cases unlikely national TV advertisers while many traditional Madison Avenue categories are in the midst of significant change. Ad spending from big auto companies has been in flux since the coronavirus pandemic, according to various TV ad-sales executives, as manufacturers struggled with supply chain issues, and then how much of their product lines to convert to electric vehicles. Beverage makers are grappling with consumers’ desires for healthier fare, and sales of beer and soda have ebbed. And now, one of TV’s sturdiest sources of ad spending, pharmaceutical marketers, are fretting over potential restrictions from the Trump administration that could potentially force them to run longer ads to detail potential side effects; the costs of doing so could spur them to be more careful about how they use their ad dollars.

    At the same time, some of the marketers who are thriving are upstarts who cultivate online crowds. Today’s digital entrepreneur might be tomorrow’s Wayfair or Warby Parker, and big media companies want to strike partnerships now.

    And while Fox News is enjoying a noticeable ratings surge in President Trump’s second term in office, it is not immune from the challenges all traditional media outlets continue to face. Fox News Channel is projected to see overall advertising decline over the next two years, according to estimates from Kagan, a market-research firm that is part of S&P Global Intelligence. Ad spending at Fox News is seen falling about 5% from $1.44 billion in 2024 to about $1.36 billion through the end of 2026. Advertisers tend to spend more highly on cable-news networks during a significant election year, like 2024, when a broader set of viewers tend to watch.

    Some of the smaller advertisers require a personal touch. In some cases, says Gargano, Fox News sales executives fan out to make a pitch directly to a company’s founder. “You are going to their house, or their ranch. They invite you in,” he says. “They ask for an awful lot, and it’s an education for them,” because typically they have little experience with buying and running TV ads.

    The entrepreneurs behind Grill Rescue, a grill-cleaning tool that relies on steam cleaning rather than wire bristles, have only been advertising on Fox News Channel for a few weeks. They had largely stuck to digital advertising, but grew intrigued when the McLemore Boys, a father-and-son cooking duo, were barbecuing during a “Fox & Friends” segment and briefly mentioned their product. Anthony Tranchida, one of the founders, noticed.

    “I always had the belief that the new age of advertising is online,” he says. After launching TV commercials on Father’s Day, he says, “we are spending millions with Fox,” and might consider other TV outlets, too.

    He was impressed by the network’s willingness to put him in touch with other small advertisers who bought commercial inventory. “I asked them, ‘You’re asking me to put quite a bit of money into advertising on the network. I’ve never done this before. I want a little bit of reassuring,’” recalls Tranchida, who sometimes appears in his company’s ads. “Everyone else is like, ‘Nope, we don’t do that.’ Fox made it their mission to find someone.”

    He puts a lot of emphasis on monitoring the company’s sales channels after a TV ad runs. “You can see pretty clearly if stuff comes in,” he says, “Whenever an ad runs, what comes in within the next hour or so?”

    Many of the ads spark recognition, says Red Land Cotton’s Brakefield, but what really gets consumers interested are the occasional appearances executives can make on shows like “Fox & Friends” in lifestyle segments. Of course, such cameos likely hinge on having a strong relationship with the network — much as they would for a product placement created for a major blue-chip sponsor. “The more segments you can hit, it’s definitely the way to go,” says Tranchida. But “I don’t think they just hand those things out.”

    (Above, pictured: Anna Brakefield, owner, Red Land Cotton, in a commercial that has aired on Fox News Channel)

    [ad_2]

    Brian Steinberg

    Source link

  • Inside Fox News Host Dana Perino’s New Jersey Beach Home

    [ad_1]

    Dana Perino, dressed in pink pants, a pink and white shirt and silver shoes sits at a desk in her beach home. The bright green wallpaper behind her displays a plant motif.

    Soon after Dana Perino joined the Fox News Channel in July of 2011 to be one of the five hosts on the talk show “The Five” her boss asked about her off-camera summer plans.

    Dana Perino, dressed in pink pants, a pink and white shirt and silver shoes sits at a desk in her beach home. The bright green wallpaper behind her displays a plant motif.

    “And I remember thinking ‘I don’t think I can afford a summer plan in New York,’” said Ms. Perino, who was the White House press secretary for the last 16 months of George W. Bush’s administration.

    Dana Perino, dressed in pink pants, a pink and white shirt and silver shoes sits at a desk in her beach home. The bright green wallpaper behind her displays a plant motif.

    But in 2017, thanks to a sufficiently bulked-up bank account, she and her husband, Peter McMahon, the founder and CEO of a start-up that manufactures medical devices, had not just a summer plan, but a summer place — a newly acquired house in Bay Head, New Jersey. Without traffic, it was precisely one hour and six minutes from the couple’s primary residence on the west side of Manhattan.

    [ad_2]

    Joanne Kaufman

    Source link

  • The End Is Coming for Trump’s GOP Rivals

    The End Is Coming for Trump’s GOP Rivals

    [ad_1]

    The arctic chill that upended the final weekend of the Iowa Republican caucus provided a fitting end to a contest that has seemed frozen in place for months.

    This caucus has felt unusually lifeless, not only because former President Donald Trump has maintained an imposing and seemingly unshakable lead in the polls. That advantage was confirmed late Saturday night when the Des Moines Register, NBC, and Mediacom Iowa released their highly anticipated final pre-caucus poll showing Trump at 48 percent and, in a distant battle for second place, Nikki Haley at 20 percent and Ron DeSantis at 16 percent.

    The caucus has also lacked energy because Trump’s shrinking field of rivals has never appeared to have the heart for making an all-out case against him. “I think there was actually a decent electorate that had supported Trump in the past but were interested in looking for somebody else,” Douglas Gross, a longtime GOP activist who chaired Mitt Romney’s 2012 campaign in Iowa, told me. But neither DeSantis nor Haley, he adds, found a message that dislodged nearly enough of them from the front-runner. “Trump has run as an incumbent, if you will, and dominated the media so skillfully that it took a lot of the energy out of the race,” Gross said.

    In retrospect, the constrictive boundaries for the GOP race were established when the candidates gathered for their first debate last August (without Trump, who has refused to attend any debate). The crucial moment came when Bret Baier, from Fox News Channel, asked the contenders whether they would support Trump as the nominee even if he was convicted of a crime “in a court of law.” All the contenders onstage raised their hand to indicate they would, except for Chris Christie and Asa Hutchinson, two long shots at the periphery of the race. With that declaration, the candidates effectively placed the question of whether Trump is fit to be president again—the most important issue facing Republicans in 2024—out of bounds.

    That collective failure led to Christie’s withering moral judgment on the field when he quit the race last week: “Anyone who is unwilling to say that he is unfit to be president of the United States is unfit themselves to be president of the United States.” But even in practical political terms, the choice not to directly address Trump’s fitness left his principal rivals scrambling to find an alternative way to contrast with the front-runner.

    Over time, DeSantis has built a coherent critique of Trump, though a very idiosyncratic one. DeSantis runs at Trump from the right, insisting that the man who devised and articulated the “America First” agenda can no longer be trusted to advance it. In his final appearances across Iowa, his CNN debate with Haley last week, and a Fox town hall, DeSantis criticized Trump’s presidential record and 2024 agenda as insufficiently conservative on abortion, LGBTQ rights, federal spending, confronting the bureaucracy, and shutting down the country during the pandemic. He has even accused Trump of failing to deport enough undocumented immigrants and failing to construct enough of his signature border wall.

    On issues where politicians in the center or left charge Trump with extremism, DeSantis inverts the accusation: The problem, he argues, is that Trump wasn’t extreme enough. The moment that best encapsulated DeSantis’s approach came in last week’s CNN debate. At one point, the moderators asked him about the claim from Trump’s lawyer that he cannot be prosecuted for any presidential action—including ordering the assassination of a political rival—unless he was first impeached and convicted. DeSantis insisted the problem was that in office, Trump was too restrained in using unilateral presidential authority. He complained that Trump failed to call in the National Guard over the objections of local officials to squelch civil unrest in the Black Lives Matter protests following the 2020 murder of George Floyd. When DeSantis visited campaign volunteers last Friday, he indignantly complained “it’s just not true” that he has gone easy on Trump in these final days. “If you watched the debate,” DeSantis told reporters, “I hit on BLM, not building the wall, the debt, not draining the swamp, Fauci, all those things.”

    Perhaps the prospect of impending defeat has concentrated the mind, but DeSantis in his closing trek across Iowa has offered perceptive explanations for why these attacks against Trump have sputtered. One is that Trump stifled the debates by refusing to participate in them. “It’s different for me to just be doing that to a camera versus him being right there,” DeSantis told reporters. “When you have a clash, then you guys have to cover it, and it becomes something that people start to talk about.” The other problem, he maintained, was that conservative media like Fox News act as “a praetorian guard” that suppresses criticism of Trump, even from the right.

    Those are compelling observations, but incomplete as an explanation. DeSantis’s larger problem may be that the universe of voters that wants Trumpism but doesn’t think Trump can be relied on to deliver it is much smaller than the Florida governor had hoped. One top Trump adviser told me that the fights Trump engaged in as president make it almost impossible to convince conservatives he’s not really one of them. Bob Vander Plaats, a prominent Iowa evangelical leader who has endorsed DeSantis, likewise told me that amid all of Trump’s battles with the left, it’s easier to try to convince evangelical conservatives that the former president can’t win in November than that he has abandoned their causes.

    The analogy I’ve used for DeSantis’s strategy is that Trump is like a Mack truck barreling down the far-right lane of American politics, and that rather than trying to pass in all the space he’s left in the center of the road, DeSantis has tried to squeeze past him on the right shoulder. There’s just not a lot of room there.

    Even so, DeSantis’s complaints about Trump look like a closing argument from Perry Mason compared with the muffled, gauzy case that Haley has presented against him. DeSantis’s choice to run to Trump’s right created a vacuum that Haley, largely through effective performances at the early debates, has filled with the elements of the GOP coalition that have always been most dubious of Trump: moderates, suburbanites, college-educated voters. But that isn’t a coalition nearly big enough to win. And she has walked on eggshells in trying to reach beyond that universe to the Republican voters who are generally favorable toward Trump but began the race possibly open to an alternative—what the veteran GOP pollster Whit Ayres calls the “maybe Trump” constituency.

    The most notable thing in how Haley talks about Trump is that she almost always avoids value judgments. It’s time for generational change, she will say, or I will be a stronger general-election candidate who will sweep in more Republican candidates up and down the ballot.

    At last week’s CNN debate, Haley turned up the dial when she that said of course Trump lost the 2020 election; that January 6 was a “terrible day”; and that Trump’s claims of absolute immunity were “ridiculous.” Those pointed comments probably offered a momentary glimpse of what she actually thinks about him. But in the crucial days before the caucus, Haley has reverted to her careful, values-free dissents. At one town hall conducted over telephone late last week, she said the “hard truths” Republicans had to face were that, although “President Trump was the right president at the right time” and “I agree with a lot of his policies,” the fact remained that “rightly or wrongly, chaos follows him.” Talk about taking off the gloves.

    Jennifer Horn, the former Republican Party chair in New Hampshire who has become a fierce Trump critic, told me, “There’s no moral or ethical judgment against Trump from her. From anyone, really, but we’re talking about her. She says chaos follows him ‘rightly or wrongly.’ Who cares? Nobody cares about chaos. That’s not the issue with Trump. He’s crooked; he’s criminal; he incited an insurrection. That’s the case against Trump. And if his so-called strongest opponent won’t make the case against Trump, why should voters?”

    Gross, the longtime GOP activist, is supporting Haley, but even he is perplexed by her reluctance to articulate a stronger critique of the front-runner. “I don’t know what her argument is,” Gross told me. “I guess it’s: Get rid of the chaos. She’s got to make a strong case about why she’s the alternative, and it’s got to include some element of judgment.”

    The reluctance of DeSantis and Haley to fully confront the former president has created an utterly asymmetrical campaign battlefield because Trump has displayed no hesitation about attacking either of them. The super PAC associated with Trump’s campaign spent months pounding DeSantis on issues including supporting statehood for Puerto Rico and backing cuts in Social Security, and in recent weeks, Trump’s camp has run ads accusing Haley of raising taxes and being weak on immigration. In response, DeSantis and Haley have spent significantly more money attacking each other than criticizing, or even rebutting, Trump. Rob Pyers, an analyst with the nonpartisan California Target Book, has calculated that the principal super PAC supporting Trump has spent $32 million combined in ads against Haley and DeSantis; they have pummeled each other with a combined $38 million in negative ads from the super PACs associated with their campaigns. Meanwhile, the Haley and DeSantis super PACs have spent only a little more than $1 million in ads targeting Trump, who is leading them by as much as 50 points in national polls.

    Haley’s sharpest retort to any of Trump’s attacks has been to say he’s misrepresenting her record. During the CNN debate, Haley metronomically touted a website called DeSantislies.com, but if she has a similar page up about Trump, she hasn’t mentioned it. (Her campaign didn’t respond to a query about whether it plans to establish such a site.)

    “Calling him a liar right now is her strongest pushback, but I just don’t think GOP voters care about liars,” Horn told me. “If she engaged in a real battle with him for these last days [before New Hampshire], that would be fascinating to see. The fact that she’s not pushing back, the fact that she’s not running the strongest possible campaign as she’s coming down the stretch here, makes me wonder if she is as uncertain of her ability to win as I am.”

    Some Republican strategists are sympathetic to this careful approach to Trump, especially from Haley. A former top aide to one of Trump’s main rivals in the 2016 race told me that “nobody has found a message you can put on TV that makes Republicans like Trump less.” Some other veterans of earlier GOP contests believe that Haley and DeSantis were justified in initially trying to eclipse the other and create a one-on-one race with Trump. And for Haley, there’s also at least some argument for preserving her strongest case against Trump for the January 23 New Hampshire primary, where a more moderate electorate may be more receptive than the conservative, heavily evangelical population that usually turns out for the caucus.

    “She has to draw much sharper contrasts,” Gross told me. “And to be fair to her, once she gets out of here, maybe she will. What she strikes me as is incredibly disciplined and calculating. So, I do think you’re going to see modulation.”

    DeSantis has the most to lose in Iowa, because a poor showing will almost certainly end his campaign, even if he tries to insist otherwise for a few weeks. For Haley, the results aren’t as important because whatever happens here, she will have another opportunity to create momentum in New Hampshire, where polls have shown her rising even as DeSantis craters. Still, if Haley is unable or unwilling to deliver a more persuasive argument against Trump, she too will quickly find herself with no realistic hope of overtaking the front-runner, whose lead in national polls of Republican voters continues to grow. That’s one thing common to winter in both Iowa and New Hampshire: It gets dark early.

    [ad_2]

    Ronald Brownstein

    Source link

  • Listen to the DeSantis-Newsom Debate Live on FOX News Channel

    Listen to the DeSantis-Newsom Debate Live on FOX News Channel

    [ad_1]

    FOX News Channel (Ch. 114) will air the much-anticipated political showdown between Democratic California Governor Gavin Newsom and Republican Florida Governor Ron DeSantis. “The Great Red vs. Blue State Debate” will broadcast live from Alpharetta, Ga., at 9pm ET this Thursday (November 30). The debate will also be available on the SiriusXM app after it airs.

    DeSantis-Newsom Debate Preview

    Moderated by FOX News host Sean Hannity, known for his weeknight show in the 9 pm slot, the 90-minute debate will delve into key issues facing both states. Hannity will lead discussions on the economy, the border, immigration, crime, and inflation, providing a comprehensive examination of each governor’s stance.

    Hannity will not only moderate the debate but also offer live reactions alongside a panel of guests from 10:30-11 pm. Following this analysis, “Fox News at Night with Trace Gallagher” will air at its regular 11 pm slot.

    Let’s take a closer look at the debaters:

    Governor Gavin Newsom (D-Calif.):

    Newsom, representing the Golden State, has been in office since January 2019. His policies have often mirrored progressive ideals, focusing on issues like climate change, healthcare, and social justice. California’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic and its economic recovery will likely be key points of discussion.

    Governor Ron DeSantis (R-Fla.):

    Leading the Sunshine State since January 2019, DeSantis is known for his conservative approach to governance. His strategies, particularly concerning COVID-19 restrictions, have gained national attention. Expect discussions on Florida’s economic resilience, border policies, and the governor’s stance on individual liberties.

    [ad_2]

    Matt Simeone

    Source link