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Tag: Florida amendments

  • Video spreads misinfo about immigrants, driver’s licenses

    Video spreads misinfo about immigrants, driver’s licenses

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    A video shared across social media showed what it said were hundreds of Somalis illegally in the U.S. lined up to get driver’s licenses in south Florida.

    “BREAKING! 100s of illegal migrants in line to get drivers licenses???” read a screengrab of an X post that overlaid the video on Instagram. “Isn’t that all you need to be able to vote? 1955 N Federal Hwy, Pompano Beach, FL.”

    In a voice-over on the video, a man said he’d obtained the video from a friend who was taking her nephew to get his driver’s license in Pompano Beach and was told to return at 6 a.m. only to find this scene. “She said most were Somali illegal immigrants,” the narrator said.

    This post was flagged as part of Meta’s efforts to combat false news and misinformation on its News Feed. (Read more about our partnership with Meta, which owns Facebook, Instagram and Threads.)

    The video came from David J. Harris Jr., a conservative commentator, who shared the claim Aug. 2 on his X and TikTok accounts. The voice-over appears to be his —  in a subsequent X post, Harris identified his friend as “Michele” and said that the address in the video, which he said Michele gave him, was inaccurate.

    “She showed up at 6 in the morning to this,” the narrator said, showing a video of Black people waiting in line at a driver’s license office. “Are you kidding me? Are you kidding me? She said most were Somali illegal immigrants, a whole lot of military-age men there. And listen they don’t want anybody to film them. They don’t want the public to see this. And all you need to vote is a driver’s license. Kamala (Harris) let these people in.” 

    (Screengrab from Instagram)

    The video is full of misinformation. First, the video was not from a DMV in Pompano Beach (in a subsequent post David J. Harris Jr. said he had posted the wrong address and that the video was from a different location, an address in Lauderdale Lakes near Fort Lauderdale.)

    But the video’s main point  — that immigrants in the U.S. illegally are getting driver’s licenses and therefore can vote — is wrong. Harris’ post drew responses from Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis spokespeople Bryan Griffin and Christina Pushaw, who sought to debunk its claims.

    Florida doesn’t issue driver’s licenses to immigrants in the U.S. illegally, unlike some states. And people must be U.S. citizens to vote in federal elections. A small number of Democratic-led cities let certain noncitizens vote in municipal elections, but cities in Florida are not among them. Nothing in the video proved that the people in line were Somalis or immigrants illegally in the U.S.

    Harris’ video and his tweet directed viewers to his online store that sells merchandise promoting former President Donald Trump’s campaign.

    We contacted Harris to ask for his evidence and received no reply.

    DMV office in video was featured in news report about long wait times

    Pushaw wrote in an X thread that the video originated from a July 25 WPLG-TV news report about long lines at local DMV offices. The report’s footage didn’t match the video  in Harris’ X post exactly, but it was filmed at the same location. The news report quoted people in line who said they arrived early in the morning and waited for hours to get a driver’s license. The TV report, set in Lauderdale Lakes — a city near Pompano Beach — showed the line of people wrapped around the building’s exterior. It didn’t mention immigrants.

    “For those who don’t know, Florida is a diverse state, and we have American citizens of all races,” Pushaw wrote. “The people waiting for driver licenses & IDs in the video are black AMERICANS. Not Somalians or any type of illegal aliens!”

    There are few Somali immigrants in Florida. Statewide as of 2022, there were about 6,000 people in Florida out of a total population of about 22 million who were foreign-born and spoke Amharic, Somali or other Afro-Asiatic Language, according to the Migration Policy Institute, a nonpartisan source of immigration data.

    “Thanks to laws signed by @GovRonDeSantis, Florida BANS illegal aliens from getting driver licenses and does NOT recognize licenses issued in other states to illegals,” Pushaw wrote. 

    In 2023, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis signed Senate Bill 1718, which prohibits people from operating a motor vehicle if their driver’s license comes from another state that provides licenses to immigrants in the U.S. illegally.

    On Aug. 5, PolitiFact went to the Pompano Beach address listed in the video and saw that it is not the location in the video. We found the DMV office on the second story in the mall’s rear. Several dozen people were waiting in line — mostly on an outdoor staircase in 90-degree Fahrenheit weather.

    “It’s just horrible, the one word to describe it is ‘horrible,” said David Thompson, a resident of Boca Raton said about having to stand in line to renew his driver’s license.

    We also visited the DMV location in Lauderdale Lakes on Oakland Boulevard, which was a match for the location in Harris’ video.

    A long line at the Florida Highway Safety and Motor Vehicles in Pompano Beach, Florida, on Aug. 5, 2024. (PolitiFact/Amy Sherman)

    A Florida Department of Highway Safety and Motor Vehicles spokesperson Molly Best said people must provide proof of legal presence to receive credentials from the agency.

    “Lines in Fort Lauderdale and Miami area offices are the busiest in the state, with the highest number of visitors each day,” Best said. “The department is hiring more examiners to assist and address processing customer requests.”

    Immigrants in Florida with certain documentation such as a green card can get a driver’s license.

    U.S. citizenship is a requirement to vote in federal elections

    Some conservative politicians and some social media influencers, including billionaire entrepreneur Elon Musk, who owns X, have amplified unfounded election-year claims that noncitizen voting is widespread or done at Democrats’ behest.

    In 1996, Congress banned noncitizen voting in federal elections as part of an effort to toughen penalties for people in the country illegally.

    The Broward Supervisor of Elections office told PolitiFact that it had received no evidence that immigrants in Broward are illegally trying to register to vote.

    “You must be a U.S. citizen in order to vote,” said Joe Scott, the elections supervisor in Broward County, which includes Pompano Beach and Lauderdale Lakes. “Having a Florida driver’s license does not make you a U.S. Citizen.”

    Think tanks, academics, courts and journalists have analyzed claims about noncitizen voting for years and have found only sporadic cases that wouldn’t swing federal elections.

    Our ruling

    A video shared on social media claimed to show Somali immigrants in line to get driver’s licenses in Pompano Beach, Florida, and said, “All you need to vote is a driver’s license.”

    The video footage was filmed in Lauderdale Lakes, Florida, and captured scenes of long wait times at the DMV, which had been the subject of a local news report from the same location. There is no evidence the people pictured were immigrants in the country illegally, or from Somalia.

    Florida law prohibits immigrants in the U.S. illegally from getting driver’s licenses. And to vote, people must have U.S. citizenship.

    We rate this statement False.

    RELATED: Mike Johnson’s false claim about noncitizens registering to vote at DMV, ‘welfare’ offices

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  • FL House Speaker Paul Renner misleads on abortion amendment

    FL House Speaker Paul Renner misleads on abortion amendment

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    In November, Floridians will vote on a ballot amendment that, if approved, will expand abortion access up to the point of fetal viability, overriding the state’s current six-week abortion ban that took effect May 1.

    Amendment 4 says abortions cannot be prohibited before fetal viability, typically considered around 24 weeks of pregnancy, or when a health care provider determines it’s necessary to protect the patient’s health, which is called a health risk exception.

    Florida’s Republican House Speaker, Paul Renner, who has spoken out against the amendment, took exception to the fact that “health care provider” is not defined in the text.

    Health risk exceptions are “in the hands of a health care provider that’s not defined,” Renner told South Florida radio station WLRN in an April 4 interview. “Is that a receptionist at the abortion clinic? Is that a tattoo artist? It doesn’t say. It’s certainly not a physician, as other amendments in other states have provided. So, you’re not even talking to a doctor to make that determination on what could be something that’s risky to the mother at a late stage in pregnancy.”

    Similar claims about the amendment allowing “any person that provides a health care service, like tattoo artists” to determine when women qualify for health risk exceptions also circulated in a Miami Spanish-language radio show and have been repeated by the amendment’s opponents.

    PolitiFact contacted Renner’s office for comment but received no reply. 

    The terms “health care provider” and “practitioner” are used and defined in Florida statute in several different ways, depending on the regulation the statute covers, legal experts told PolitiFact. No single statute would apply, and the definition of “health care provider” for abortion care would be determined by Florida’s Department of Health. If the amendment passes and is challenged in court, the state court system would weigh in on the definition.

    In response to our questions about whether professionals such as tattoo artists can authorize health risk exceptions or certify viability under Florida law, Weesam Khoury, Florida Department of Health deputy chief of staff, said, “No, tattoo artists are not health care providers.”

    Experts in health and constitutional law and reproductive health physicians also said Renner’s statement isn’t accurate. Florida’s amendment would not allow people who aren’t licensed to provide health care to determine whether a patient qualifies for a health risk exception. They said such claims ignore the rules and laws governing the practice of medicine. 

    Nicole Huberfeld, a Boston University health law professor, said there’s “zero truth” to the statement.

    “This is not enigmatic terminology,” she said. “Not only are tattoo artists, 911 operators or receptionists not considered health care providers, if they held themselves out as providing health care, that would be unlicensed practice of medicine.” That’s against the law in Florida.

    What does the amendment say? 

    The summary for Amendment 4, titled, “Amendment to Limit Government Interference with Abortion,” reads: 

    “No law shall prohibit, penalize, delay, or restrict abortion before viability or when necessary to protect the patient’s health, as determined by the patient’s healthcare provider. This amendment does not change the Legislature’s constitutional authority to require notification to a parent or guardian before a minor has an abortion.”

    PolitiFact contacted Floridians Protecting Freedom, the committee sponsoring the amendment, to find out more about how the language was decided.

    Michelle Morton, an American Civil Liberties Union attorney and senior adviser with Floridians Protecting Freedom, said “health care provider” is a generic term that’s used in statutes for multiple state regulations, and the professions included under that term depend on the context.

    In this case, “health care provider,” Morton said, would be interpreted in the context of who is qualified to determine whether patients meet criteria for health risk exceptions for an abortion. She said different statutory definitions of what constitutes a health care provider are not necessarily applicable if they aren’t related to abortion care. 

    For example, in some places in Florida statute, the term “health care provider” includes podiatrists, who specialize in the treatment of feet. But a podiatrist would not be called on to determine an abortion health risk exception. 

    Morton said the amendment would not change that health care providers are bound by standards of care and medical ethics, as well as oversight from the state.

    Florida health care regulation

    Florida doctors are regulated by the state’s Board of Medicine, and must follow the “standards of practice,” or they can be disciplined, up to and including losing their license.

    We also asked the Florida Medical Association, the state’s professional association of medical providers, whether it considers professionals such as tattoo artists or receptionists to be “health care providers.” We did not receive a response by publication.

    However, in a 2022 report that discusses public policies adopted by the organization’s delegates and board of directors, the association outlines its abortion policy, including under what circumstances, and by whom, it should be performed.

    “Abortion is a medical procedure and should be performed only by a duly licensed physician in conformance with standards of good medical practice and the laws of the state,” the report said. “No physician or other professional personnel shall be required to perform an act violative of good medical judgment or personally held moral principles.”

    The association has defined the term “health care provider” in other documents to include a “healthcare professional, healthcare facility, or entity licensed or certified to provide health services in this state as recognized by the board,” and has clarified that “scope of practice” should be “specifically defined” to keep “health professionals’ responsibilities in line with their training and respective titles.”

    How Florida statute defines health care provider

    PolitiFact found several definitions for “health care provider” or “practitioner” in Florida law. These statutes cover a range of regulations and include rules governing professions and occupations, patient’s rights and medical malpractice.

    • Florida Statute 765, which covers advance directives to inform providers about a patient’s preferences at the end of life, defines a health care provider as “any person licensed, certified, or otherwise authorized by law to administer health care in the ordinary course of business or practice of a profession.” 

    • Florida Statute 766, which covers medical malpractice, says a “health care provider” can be a medical doctor, an osteopathic doctor and a podiatrist. 

    • In Florida’s Patient Bill of Rights, which is intended to ensure that patients are treated respectfully and can exercise informed consent, “health care provider” is defined as a “physician” licensed under Florida statute chapters 458, 459 and 461, which covers medical doctors, osteopathic doctors and podiatrists. 

    • In another section of Florida law, “health care practitioner,” which is slightly different from the amendment’s wording, includes professions such as acupuncturists, dental hygienists, nutritionists and massage therapists. (Tattoo artists and receptionists are not included.)

    Legal experts said none of these provisions are directly related to abortion health risk exceptions.

    “All states license health care providers to practice medicine, sometimes calling them providers, sometimes practitioners, but this is a longstanding set of state regulations that is not mysterious or controversial,” Huberfeld, from Boston University, said.

    Bob Jarvis, a Nova Southeastern University law professor, took issue with the amendment not defining the term.

    “I think the drafters of Amendment 4 did a poor job, and either should have left the term ‘health care provider’ out altogether or should have explicitly defined it,” Jarvis wrote in an email to PolitiFact. “In the end, however, it probably won’t matter because the courts probably will (if the amendment passes) read into it a requirement that the health care provider be a licensed medical professional.”

    Others said they thought the answer was obvious.

    “I think it is fair to say a common sense, textual reading of the amendment anticipates that the health care provider referred to would be the one qualified to determine that the abortion was necessary to protect a pregnant woman’s health,” said Louis Virelli, a Stetson University College of Law professor, wrote in an email. “I therefore find it hard to imagine how a tattoo artist would be able to make that determination.”

    Health risk exceptions require specialized knowledge

    More than 90% of abortions take place in the first trimester, or up until around 13 weeks of pregnancy, according to U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data. Abortions after fetal viability, which marks the point at which a fetus is able to survive outside the womb, are rare and typically happen because of severe fetal anomalies or health risks to the pregnant woman. 

    Health care providers typically place viability between 22 and 25 weeks of pregnancy. Neonatal survival rates vary and depend on the size and health of the fetus, the pregnant woman’s health and the health care facility.

    “Physicians, if anything, have been very reluctant to perform abortions in health emergencies that are clearly justified under state statutes for fear of liability,” Mary Ziegler, an abortion historian and law professor at University of California, Davis, previously told PolitiFact. “The terms are ambiguous, but who’s going to be interpreting that? The Florida Supreme Court and the conservative legislature.”

    Most state abortion law health risk exceptions permit abortion when there’s a serious risk or substantial and irreversible impairment of a major bodily function. However, the language is often vague, without specific clinical definitions of what qualifies, according to a December 2023 report by KFF. This leaves medical practitioners vulnerable, with the determination often being debated or decided by hospital lawyers or courts.

    Reproductive health experts told us that, even if it were legal for nonmedical professionals to determine health risks under the amendment, obstetricians and gynecologists would only provide care if they personally saw the patient, as failing to do so would be against their medical training.

    Leah Roberts, a reproductive endocrinologist and fertility specialist with Boca Fertility in Boca Raton, Florida, said qualifying a patient for a health exception is not a simple task and requires years of study and experience. “It’s certainly a lot of nuance,” Roberts said, “and we’ve been trained for a very, very long time to be able to parse some of that in order to provide the best care for our patients.”

    Our ruling

    Renner said that, for health risk exceptions in Florida’s abortion amendment, “You’re not even talking to a doctor to make that determination.”

    Health law experts said Renner’s statement is inaccurate and the terms “health care provider” and “practitioner” are used throughout Florida statutes, with the definition depending on the regulation and context. 

    Those Renner cited such as tattoo artists and receptionists are not considered to be health care providers, experts said. Anyone practicing medicine without a license would be violating state law.

    Florida health care providers are regulated by the state and must follow medical ethics and the standards of practice or risk losing their licenses.

    We rate the statement False.

    RELATED: No, a Florida ballot measure wouldn’t ‘mandate abortion up to birth,’ as Gov. Ron DeSantis said 

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  • Does Florida’s abortion amendment remove parental consent?

    Does Florida’s abortion amendment remove parental consent?

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    Gov. Ron DeSantis, R-Fla., warned parents about a state abortion amendment that would expand legal access to abortion and overrule a six-week abortion ban that went into effect May 1.

    In Naples, hours before President Joe Biden spoke in Tampa April 23 about abortion, DeSantis told a crowd that Biden was coming to Florida to support a constitutional amendment “that will eliminate parental consent for minors and that’s written in a way that’s intentionally designed to deceive voters.”

    The governor repeated this warning on April 30, calling it “an amendment that they wanted to go into Florida’s Constitution that will eliminate parental consent for minors.”

    “Why would you take away parental consent?” he asked.

    The picture of how the amendment could affect parental consent is complex. The ballot measure needs 60% approval to take  effect. And if it is approved, the amendment itself says it “does not change the Legislature’s constitutional authority to require notification to a parent or guardian before a minor has an abortion.”

    But DeSantis’ warning is based on a prediction about what could happen to the parental consent law through legal challenges. 

    That’s because the amendment stipulates that “no law shall prohibit, penalize, delay, or restrict abortion before viability or when necessary to protect the patient’s health.” Legal experts say this wording could lead advocates to challenge a 2020 state law that requires written parental consent before a minor undergoes an abortion.

    But the consent law’s elimination isn’t a foregone conclusion — it would likely be decided by the courts. 

    Adding one more wrinkle: Legal experts told us that, until April 1, parental consent requirements had been unconstitutional in Florida for decades. 

    Here’s why DeSantis’ statement needs more explanation. 

    What the amendment says about parental consent, notification

    The summary for Amendment 4 reads in full:

    “No law shall prohibit, penalize, delay, or restrict abortion before viability or when necessary to protect the patient’s health, as determined by the patient’s healthcare provider. This amendment does not change the Legislature’s constitutional authority to require notification to a parent or guardian before a minor has an abortion.”

    DeSantis and others argue that the language would eliminate the law requiring minors to get parental consent before an abortion. Minors can also seek a judge’s permission to obtain an abortion without parental involvement.

    But legal experts told PolitiFact the amendment doesn’t spell the immediate end of parental consent for abortions in Florida.

    “It’s possible that a person or group might sue to overturn the (parental consent) law, however, the case would be heard in state court and, ultimately, the Florida Supreme Court would decide the issue,” said Aubrey Jewett, a political science professor at the University of Central Florida. 

    Given the court’s conservative bent, Jewett said, it’s possible that it would uphold Florida’s existing law, even if the constitutional amendment passes. Justices could determine that parents have traditionally had a legal right to have a say in their children’s health care decisions, he said, and therefore still have a say here.

    The amendment also stipulates that it “does not overrule the Legislature’s constitutional authority to require notification to a parent or guardian before a minor has an abortion.” This refers to Article X, Section 22 of the Florida Constitution, which requires parental notification before a minor seeks an abortion.

    Bryan Griffin, a DeSantis spokesperson, told PolitiFact in an email that parental notification is not the same thing as consent. He referenced DeSantis’ April 17 news conference, during which DeSantis said the “notification is after-the-fact. The consent is obviously a condition precedent.” The initiative’s language, however, as well as current Florida law, specifies that parents would be notified before an abortion takes place, not after.

    “Minors do not have the same constitutional rights as adults do, and the Florida Constitution recognizes this in the abortion context in its provision that expressly allows the Legislature to require parental notification,” said Quinn Yeargain, a Widener University assistant law professor and expert on state constitutional law. 

    “While Section 22 only relates to notification, not consent, it still clearly indicates a desire in the Constitution to limit abortion rights for minors,” Yeargain said.

    The state’s 2020 consent law became enforceable only on April 1, when the Florida Supreme Court ruled that the constitutional protection of privacy didn’t apply to abortions.

    A 1989 Florida Supreme Court case had invalidated an earlier parental consent law for minors seeking abortions on the grounds that it violated Florida’s constitutional right to privacy. So, although DeSantis has a point that the initiative could eventually eliminate the consent requirement, Floridians until April had lived without it for more than 30 years.

    “We don’t know if parental consent will later be interpreted to be a delay or a prohibition on abortion under the amendment, but we do know that the parental consent requirement has been deemed unconstitutional since 1989” until now, said Louis Virelli, a Stetson University law professor.

    RELATED: No, a Florida ballot measure wouldn’t ‘mandate abortion up to birth,’ as Gov. Ron DeSantis said 

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  • DeSantis’ False claim about Florida abortion measure

    DeSantis’ False claim about Florida abortion measure

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    As Floridians prepare to vote on a November ballot measure that would enshrine abortion access in the state constitution, Florida’s Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis declared his opposition to the effort.

    Hours before, DeSantis claimed the ballot initiative, which President Joe Biden supports, is far more extreme than supporters are letting on. 

    “I hear that Joe Biden is on his way to Florida this afternoon,” DeSantis said during an April 23 news conference ahead of the president’s Tampa speech. “And now he’s coming down to try to support a constitutional amendment that will mandate abortion until the moment of birth.”

    But DeSantis’ statement about the amendment is undermined by the initiative’s language.

    If approved by at least 60% of voters, the measure would restrict prohibitions on abortion before fetal viability — typically considered to be around 24 weeks of pregnancy — or when necessary to protect the pregnant woman’s health. A full-term pregnancy is around 40 weeks.

    In the U.S., less than 1% of abortions are performed after 21 weeks and typically involve an emergency or fatal fetal anomaly. Florida’s upcoming six-week abortion ban, which takes effect May 1, includes an exception for the pregnant woman’s life. If the constitutional amendment passes, Florida’s Legislature can further shape what kind of health exceptions would qualify. 

    What the amendment says on abortion limits

    The summary for Amendment 4, titled, “Amendment to Limit Government Interference with Abortion,” reads:

    “No law shall prohibit, penalize, delay, or restrict abortion before viability or when necessary to protect the patient’s health, as determined by the patient’s healthcare provider. This amendment does not change the Legislature’s constitutional authority to require notification to a parent or guardian before a minor has an abortion.”

    Responding to PolitiFact’s questions, Bryan Griffin, a spokesperson for the governor’s office, wrote, “Where does it define who gets to define ‘viability’?” 

    Health care providers place fetal viability between 22 and 25 weeks of pregnancy. Neonatal survival rates in that time range vary and depend on the size and health of the fetus, the pregnant woman’s health and the health care facility.

    Although the amendment doesn’t define viability, Florida Statute 390.011 does. It says viability is “the stage of fetal development when the life of a fetus is sustainable outside the womb through standard medical measures.” The amendment would not change this definition.

    “It is not true that the amendment protects the right to an abortion up until the moment of birth. It only does so when a woman’s health is in danger,” said Louis Virelli, a Stetson University College of Law professor.

    He said the amendment reinstates the restrictions of Roe v. Wade, the 1973 Supreme Court ruling that provided federally protected abortion access until a fetus is viable, in Florida. The Supreme Court in 2022 overturned Roe when it ruled in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization that states should set laws on abortion access.

    “Viability is a well-known medical term that marks the point at which a fetus is able to survive outside the womb,” Caroline Mala Corbin, a University of Miami law professor, wrote to PolitiFact in an email. “Might the courts interpret ‘protecting the patient’s health’ so broadly as to essentially make abortion available until birth? Of course not.”

    More than 90% of abortions take place in the first trimester, or up until around 13 weeks of pregnancy, according to U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data. Abortions later in pregnancy are rare and often happen because of severe fetal anomalies or health risks to the mother.

    “It’s also misleading because physicians, if anything, have been very reluctant to perform abortions in health emergencies that are clearly justified under state statutes for fear of liability,” said Mary Ziegler, an abortion historian and law professor at University of California, Davis. “The terms are ambiguous, but who’s going to be interpreting that? The Florida Supreme Court and the conservative legislature. To think that they will say this is abortion to birth, that’s not going to happen.”

    Florida’s upcoming six-week abortion ban, which DeSantis signed, allows later abortions when doctors certify that the procedure would avert “serious risk of substantial and irreversible physical impairment of a major bodily function of the pregnant woman other than a psychological condition.” 

    Although this is more restrictive than the amendment’s broader language about protecting the patient’s health, the Legislature would still be able to shape it further.

    Our ruling 

    DeSantis said Florida’s abortion amendment “will mandate abortion until the moment of birth.”

    The amendment does not do this. The measure allows abortion before fetal viability, typically around 24 weeks of pregnancy, or when necessary after that period to protect the health of the pregnant woman. In the U.S., less than 1% of abortions in the U.S. are performed after 21 weeks and typically involve a health emergency or fatal fetal anomaly.

    Existing Florida law defines viability as “the stage of fetal development when the life of a fetus is sustainable outside the womb through standard medical measures.”  

    We rate DeSantis’ statement False.

    RELATED: All abortion bans include exceptions for a mother’s life. But are they working?

    RELATED: All of our fact-checks about abortions

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  • Florida’s upcoming abortion ballot measure might not end legal issues

    Florida’s upcoming abortion ballot measure might not end legal issues

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    If Florida voters approve a November ballot measure that would enshrine abortion rights in the state Constitution, it likely would not end legal battles about the issue.

    At least that’s how three Florida Supreme Court justices see it.

    The three justices, who dissented last week from allowing the proposed constitutional amendment on the ballot, wrote opinions warning about legal fights that will result if the measure passes. They contended, in part, that wording in the proposal about issues such as “health” and “healthcare provider” are vague.

    Justice Jamie Grosshans, in a dissent joined by Justice Meredith Sasso, wrote that a ballot summary of the proposal “misleads by omission and fails to convey the breadth of what the amendment actually accomplishes — to enshrine broad, undefined terms in our Constitution that will lead to decades of litigation.”

    Similarly, Justice Renatha Francis pointed to what she described as “vague and undefined terms” in the ballot title and likened the situation to the decades of legal battling that occurred before and after the U.S. Supreme Court’s Roe v. Wade abortion-rights decision in 1973.

    “Just as it played out on the federal stage for over 50 years, the issue of abortion — far from the people settling the matter — will continue to be decided by each iteration of this (Florida Supreme) Court,” Francis wrote.

    The court, in a 4-3 decision on April 1, approved allowing the proposed amendment to go before voters. Justices are not supposed to evaluate the merits of proposed amendments but look at whether the wording of ballot titles and summaries — the wording that voters see when they go to the polls — meets legal tests for clarity and single subjects.

    The majority opinion said the proposed abortion measure met the tests.

    “That the proposed amendment’s principal goal and chief purpose is to limit government interference with abortion is plainly stated in terms that clearly and unambiguously reflect the text of the proposed amendment,” the opinion, shared by Chief Justice Carlos Muniz and Justices Charles Canady, Jorge Labarga and John Couriel, said. “And the broad sweep of this proposed amendment is obvious in the language of the summary. Denying this requires a flight from reality. We acknowledge that the text of the amendment — like any legal text — presents interpretive questions, but we neither endorse nor reject any litigant’s assertions about how the proposed amendment might be interpreted in the future and our decision today takes no position on the scope of legislative discretion that would remain if the proposed amendment were to become law.”

    The political committee Floridians Protecting Freedom launched the amendment drive last May, after Gov. Ron DeSantis and the Republican-controlled Legislature approved a measure to prevent abortions after six weeks of pregnancy. In a separate ruling last week, the Supreme Court said a privacy clause in the state Constitution does not protect abortion rights — effectively allowing the six-week limit to take effect May 1.

    The abortion issue will lead to a massive political fight in the coming months, with the proposed amendment needing support from 60 percent of voters to pass.

    In part, the amendment says, “No law shall prohibit, penalize, delay, or restrict abortion before viability or when necessary to protect the patient’s health, as determined by the patient’s healthcare provider.”

    While the court’s majority said the wording met legal tests, other constitutional amendments have ended up in litigation after getting voter approval.

    For example, voters in 2018 passed a constitutional amendment that required restoring voting rights of felons “upon completion of all terms of sentence including parole or probation.” The Legislature and DeSantis in 2019 approved a law to carry out the amendment and required felons to complete all financial terms of their sentences —- including paying fines, fees, costs and restitution —- to be eligible to vote.

    That interpretation blocked many felons from getting their rights restored and led to litigation. The 2019 law remains in place.

    DeSantis, Attorney General Ashley Moody and Republican legislative leaders have criticized the proposed abortion-rights amendment. The three dissenting justices last week focused, in part, on terms such as “health,” “healthcare provider” and “viability.”

    “‘Health’ and ‘healthcare provider’ have obviously broad and undefined boundaries which are seemingly unlimited without the benefit of a technical, legal analysis,” Sasso wrote in a footnote in a dissent joined by Grosshans and Francis.

    But another issue that could emerge is the potential interplay between the abortion-rights amendment and another long-existing part of the Constitution that says, “All natural persons, female and male alike, are equal before the law and have inalienable rights, among which are the right to enjoy and defend life and liberty, to pursue happiness.”

    During oral arguments in February on the abortion-rights proposal, Muniz raised questions about the existing part of the Constitution and “rights of the unborn.”

    A footnote in last week’s majority opinion also cited the issue and partially quoted an argument raised in Grosshans’ dissent.

    “It is also suggested that the voters should be informed that the proposed amendment ‘could, and likely would, impact how personhood is defined for purposes of Article I, Section 2 of our Constitution,’” the footnote said, referring to the part of the Constitution about natural persons. “The constitutional status of a preborn child under existing Article I, Section 2 presents complex and unsettled questions.”

    The group Public Rights Project, which filed a brief at the Supreme Court in support of the abortion-rights amendment, issued a statement last week raising concerns about the court’s reference to personhood. The group said the decision “to allow abortion on the ballot is a win for abortion rights, democracy, and for Floridians being able to express their wills at the polls come November.”

    “But references to potential fetal personhood rights in the Florida Supreme Court’s decision signal the seven justices’ openness to overriding the will of voters in a future legal challenge brought by anti-choice groups,” Jill Habig, the group’s founder and president, said in a prepared statement. “This legal strategy is playing out in Florida and other states where the right has captured the courts through judicial gerrymandering and other means.”

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    Jim Saunders, News Service of Florida

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