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Tag: First Amendment

  • Censoring the internet won’t protect kids

    Censoring the internet won’t protect kids

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    If good intentions created good laws, there would be no need for congressional debate.

    I have no doubt the authors of this bill genuinely want to protect children, but the bill they’ve written promises to be a Pandora’s box of unintended consequences.

    The Kids Online Safety Act, known as KOSA, would impose an unprecedented duty of care on internet platforms to mitigate certain harms associated with mental health, such as anxiety, depression, and eating disorders.

    While proponents of the bill claim that the bill is not designed to regulate content, imposing a duty of care on internet platforms associated with mental health can only lead to one outcome: the stifling of First Amendment–protected speech.

    Today’s children live in a world far different from the one I grew up in and I’m the first in line to tell kids to go outside and “touch grass.”

    With the internet, today’s children have the world at their fingertips. That can be a good thing—just about any question can be answered by finding a scholarly article or how-to video with a simple search.

    While doctors’ and therapists’ offices close at night and on weekends, support groups are available 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, for people who share similar concerns or have had the same health problems. People can connect, share information, and help each other more easily than ever before. That is the beauty of technological progress.

    But the world can also be an ugly place. Like any other tool, the internet can be misused, and parents must be vigilant in protecting their kids online.

    It is perhaps understandable that those in the Senate might seek a government solution to protect children from any harms that may result from spending too much time on the internet. But before we impose a drastic, first-of-its-kind legal duty on online platforms, we should ensure that the positive aspects of the internet are preserved. That means we have to ensure that First Amendment rights are protected and that these platforms are provided with clear rules so that they can comply with the law.

    Unfortunately, this bill fails to do that in almost every respect.

    As currently written, the bill is far too vague, and many of its key provisions are completely undefined.

    The bill effectively empowers the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) to regulate content that might affect mental health, yet KOSA does not explicitly define the term “mental health disorder.” Instead, it references the fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Health Disorders…or “the most current successor edition.”

    Written that way, not only would someone looking at the law not know what the definition is, but even more concerning, the definition could change without any input from Congress whatsoever.

    The scope of one of the most expansive pieces of federal tech legislation could drastically change overnight, and Congress may not even realize it until after it already happened. None of the people’s representatives should be comfortable with a definition that effectively delegates Congress’s legislative authority to an unaccountable third party.

    Second, the bill would impose an unprecedented duty of care on internet platforms to mitigate certain harms, such as anxiety, depression, and eating disorders. But the legislation does not define what is considered harmful to minors, and everyone will have a different belief as to what causes harm, much less how online platforms should go about protecting minors from that harm.

    The sponsors of this bill will tell you that they have no desire to regulate content. But the requirement that platforms mitigate undefined harms belies the bill’s effect to regulate online content. Imposing a “duty of care” on online platforms to mitigate harms associated with mental health can only lead to one outcome: the stifling of constitutionally protected speech.

    For example, if an online service uses infinite scrolling to promote Shakespeare’s works, or algebra problems, or the history of the Roman Empire, would any lawmaker consider that harmful?

    I doubt it. And that is because website design does not cause harm. It is content, not design, that this bill will regulate.

    Last year, Harvard Medical School’s magazine published a story entitled “Climate Anxiety; The Existential Threat Posed by Climate Change is Deeply Troubling to Many Young People.” That article mentioned that among a “cohort of more than 10,000 people between the ages of 16 and 25, 60 percent described themselves as very worried about the climate and nearly half said the anxiety affects their daily functioning.”

    The world’s most well-known climate activist, Greta Thunberg, famously suffers from climate anxiety. Should platforms stop her from seeing climate-related content because of that?

    Under this bill, Greta Thunberg would have been considered a minor and she could have been deprived from engaging online in the debates that made her famous.

    Anxiety and eating disorders are two of the undefined harms that this bill expects internet platforms to prevent and mitigate. Are those sites going to allow discussion and debate about the climate? Are they even going to allow discussion about a person’s story overcoming an eating disorder? No. Instead, they are going to censor themselves, and users, rather than risk liability.

    Would pictures of thin models be tolerated, lest it result in eating disorders for people who see them? What about violent images from war? Should we silence discussions about gun rights because it might cause some people anxiety?

    What of online discussion of sexuality? Would pro-gay or anti-gay discussion cause anxiety in teenagers?

    What about pro-life messaging? Could pro-life discussions cause anxiety in teenage mothers considering abortion?

    In truth, this bill opens the door to nearly limitless content regulation, as people can and will argue that almost any piece of content could contribute to some form of mental health disorder.

    In addition, financial concerns may cause online forums to eliminate anxiety-inducing content for all users, regardless of age, if the expense of policing teenage users is prohibitive.

    This bill does not merely regulate the internet; it threatens to silence important and diverse discussions that are essential to a free society.

    And who is empowered to help make these decisions? That task is entrusted to a newly established speech police. This bill would create a Kids Online Safety Council to help the government decide what constitutes harm to minors and what platforms should have to do to address that harm. These are the types of decisions that should be made by parents and families, not unelected bureaucrats serving as a Censorship Committee.

    Those are not the only deficiencies of this bill. The bill seeks to protect minors from beer and gambling ads on certain online platforms, such as Facebook or Hulu. But if those same minors watch the Super Bowl or the PGA tour on TV, they would see those exact same ads.

    Does that make any sense? Should we prevent online platforms from showing kids the same content they can and do see on TV every day? Should sports viewership be effectively relegated to the pre-internet age?

    And even if it were possible to shield minors from every piece of content that might cause anxiety, depression, or eating disorders, that is still not enough to comply with the KOSA. That is because KOSA requires websites to treat differently individuals that the platform knows or should know are minors.

    That means that media platforms who earnestly try to comply with the law could be punished because the government thinks it “should” have known a user was a minor.

    This bill, then, does not just apply to minors. A should-have-known standard means that KOSA is an internet-wide regulation, which effectively means that the only way to comply with the law is for platforms to verify ages.

    So adults and minors alike better get comfortable with providing a form of ID every time they go online. This knowledge standard destroys the notion of internet privacy.

    I’ve raised several questions about this bill. But no one, not even the sponsors of the legislation, can answer those questions honestly, because they do not know the answer. They do not know how overzealous regulators or state attorneys general will enforce the provisions in this bill. They do not know what rules the FTC may come up with to enforce its provisions.

    The inability to answer those questions is the result of several vague provisions of this bill, and once enacted into law, those questions will not be answered by the elected representatives in Congress, they will be answered by bureaucrats who are likely to empower themselves at the expense of our First Amendment rights.

    There are good reasons to think that the courts will strike down this bill. They would have a host of reasons to do so. Vagueness pervades this bill. The most meaningful terms are undefined, making compliance with the bill nearly impossible. Even if we discount the many and obvious First Amendment violations inherent in this bill, the courts will likely find this bill void for vagueness.

    But we should not rely on the courts to save America from this poorly drafted bill. The Senate should have rejected KOSA and forced the sponsors to at least provide greater clarity in their bill. The Senate, however, was dedicated to passing a KOSA despite its deficiencies.

    KOSA contains too many flaws for any one amendment to fix the legislation entirely. But the Senate should have tackled the most glaring problem with KOSA—that it will silence political, social, and religious speech.

    My amendment merely stated that no regulations made under KOSA shall apply to political, social, or religious speech. My amendment was intended to address the legitimate concern that this bill threatens free speech online. If the supporters of this legislation really do want to leave content alone, they would have welcomed and supported my amendment to protect political, social, and religious speech.

    But that is not what happened. The sponsors of the bill blocked my amendment from consideration and the Senate was prohibited from taking a vote to protect speech.

    That should be a lesson about KOSA. The sponsors did not just silence debate in the Senate. Their bill will silence the American people.

    KOSA is a Trojan horse. It purports to protect our children by claiming limitless ability to regulate speech and depriving them of the benefits of the internet, which include engaging with like-minded individuals, expressing themselves freely, as well as participating in debates among others with different opinions.

    Opposition to this bill is bipartisan, from advocates on the right to the left.

    A pro-life organization, Students for Life Action, commented on KOSA, stating, “Once again, a piece of federal legislation with broad powers and vague definitions threatens pro-life speech…those targeted by a weaponized federal government will almost always include pro-life Americans, defending mothers and their children—born and preborn.”

    Student for Life Action concluded its statement by stating: “Already the pro-life generation faces discrimination, de-platforming, and short and long term bans on social media on the whims of others. Students for Life Action calls for a No vote on KOSA to prevent viewpoint discrimination from becoming federal policy at the FTC.”

    The ACLU brought more than 300 high school students to Capitol Hill to urge Congress to vote no on KOSA because, to quote the ACLU, “it would give the government the power to decide what content is dangerous to young people, enabling censorship and endangering access to important resources, like gender identity support, mental health materials, and reproductive healthcare.”

    Government mandates and censorship will not protect children online. The internet may pose new problems, but there is an age-old solution to this issue. Free minds and parental guidance are the best means to protect our children online.

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    Rand Paul

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  • Journalist sues cops who handcuffed him for photographing ‘Cop City’ arrests

    Journalist sues cops who handcuffed him for photographing ‘Cop City’ arrests

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    In 2022, photojournalist Benjamin Hendren photographed some police officers arresting a group of protesters. Even though Hendren didn’t interfere with police activity—he even offered to let the officers speak with his editor—the officers arrested him. What’s more, they even encouraged employees at the construction site being protested to fabricate statements about Hendren.

    Hendren has now filed a lawsuit against the officers who arrested him, arguing he was punished for exercising his First Amendment rights. 

    On July 29, 2022, Hendren heard over a police radio that police had arrived at the scene of a protest at the construction site of the Atlanta Public Safety Training Center, also called “Cop City“. Hendren was a freelance reporter for the Atlanta Journal-Constitution, having been hired specifically to cover Cop City and associated protests.

    When Hendren arrived at the scene, he began taking pictures from a public sidewalk across the street from where Georgia State University police officers had arrested a group of protesters who had allegedly trespassed on the construction site.

    “At no point did Hendren commit any crime, and at no point did he do anything that any officer could have mistaken as a crime,” the lawsuit states. “Further, Hendren did not interfere in any way with the traffic stop that was being conducted.”

    However, police still stopped Hendren and handcuffed him. They “forcibly took photographs of Hendren while he was handcuffed and sat on the curb,” according to the suit. Officers even “grabbed his hair and yanked his head up so he could be photographed against his will.”

    But the officers didn’t just unlawfully detain Hendren. The suit alleges that they encouraged two employees from Brasfield & Gorrie, a construction firm working on Cop City, to make false statements about Hendren, with the pair eventually claiming he “had committed criminal offenses at the construction site.” Hendren’s suit also names the Brasfield & Gorrie employees as defendants.

    After this, one of the officers went so far as to write a report stating that Hendren was handcuffed because the employees “identified him as a protestor inside the construction site.” But Hendren had been detained before the employees ever saw him, according to the suit. Hendren was eventually released after being detained for over seven hours.

    Hendren’s suit claims that the officers obviously and grossly violated his First Amendment rights. Courts have consistently found that individuals have a right to photograph police activity as long as they don’t directly interfere.

    “Plaintiff had a First Amendment right to photograph and film police officers carrying out their official duties in public, without police interference,” the suit states. “The interference with Plaintiff’s photographing and his arrest were triggered by, and in retaliation for, his protected activity of taking pictures of public police activity, and therefore violated the First Amendment.”

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    Emma Camp

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  • He flipped off a trooper and got charged. Now Vermont is on the hook for $175K

    He flipped off a trooper and got charged. Now Vermont is on the hook for $175K

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    ST. ALBANS, Vt. (AP) — Vermont has agreed to pay $175,000 to settle a lawsuit on behalf of a man who was charged with a crime for giving a state trooper the middle finger in 2018, the state chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union said Wednesday.

    The lawsuit was filed in 2021 by the ACLU of Vermont on behalf of Gregory Bombard, of St. Albans. It says Bombard’s First Amendment rights were violated after an unnecessary traffic stop and retaliatory arrest in 2018.

    Trooper Jay Riggen stopped Bombard’s vehicle in St. Albans on Feb. 9, 2018, because he believed Bombard had shown him the middle finger, according to the lawsuit. Bombard denied that but says he did curse and display the middle finger once the initial stop was concluded.

    Bombard was stopped again and arrested on a charge of disorderly conduct, and his car was towed. He was jailed for over an hour and cited to criminal court, according to the ACLU. The charge was eventually dismissed.

    Under the settlement signed by the parties this month, the state has agreed to pay Bombard $100,000 and $75,000 to the ACLU of Vermont and the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression for legal fees.

    “While our client is pleased with this outcome, this incident should never have happened in the first place,” said Hillary Rich, staff attorney for the ACLU of Vermont, in a statement. “Police need to respect everyone’s First Amendment rights — even for things they consider offensive or insulting.”

    The Vermont State Police did not have a comment on the settlement. Vermont did not admit any wrongdoing as part of the deal.

    Bombard said in a statement provided by the ACLU that he hopes the Vermont State Police will train its troopers “to avoid silencing criticism or making baseless car stops.”

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    The Associated Press

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  • Oakland County sheriff slammed for telling reporters not to contact mass shooting victims

    Oakland County sheriff slammed for telling reporters not to contact mass shooting victims

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    Oakland County Sheriff Mike Bouchard is getting a quick lesson on the importance of the media and the First Amendment.

    The Republican lawman took to Facebook and X on Sunday to tell the media to stop contacting victims of Saturday’s mass shooting that left nine people wounded at a splash pad in Rochester Hills.

    “To anyone in the media that is attempting to contact the victims from yesterday shooting [SIC], please stop,” Bouchard wrote. “They are not wanting to talk at this time and do not appreciate the intrusion. We will let you know when/ if that changes.”

    Reporters and others are admonishing the sheriff for telling journalists they shouldn’t do their jobs, pointing out that victims often do want to speak out and hold others accountable. A majority of the responses are negative.

    “To those suggesting reporters are disgusting for even reaching out – we do respect when witnesses/victims/loved ones don’t want to talk,” Detroit Free Press reporter Darcie Moran responded on X. “But this is their story — it would be wrong to not give them the chance to tell it themselves, if that’s what they want. They’ve earned the right to be the ones heard in this moment. And that’s why we do it. It is part of our pursuit of getting the story right and fairly reporting it.”

    Fellow Free Press reporter Dana Afana agreed.

    “It’s our job as reporters to seek the truth and attempt to lend people their voices to open up if they wish. If they don’t want to, we’ll note that,” Afana responded. “But we have to at least try.”

    Former journalist Ron Fournier told Bouchard to “stay in your lane.”

    “Your job is to protect people, Sheriff,” Fournier wrote on X. “The media’s job is to tell folks what happened, and in the case of a mass shooting, the victims’ stories are essentially told. Many family members welcome the chance to share. Others don’t, and reporters respect them. ”

    Political strategist Joe Spaulding suggested Bouchard’s message to the media was more nefarious.

    “That’s not how the First Amendment works. You are not a bottleneck for information from the public,” Spaulding responded. “It’s looking more and more like there is some aspect of this you are willfully covering up for political purposes, Mike. That’s despicable. Be better. Or be replaced.”

    Others accused Bouchard of hypocrisy, saying he politicized the shooting when he invited U.S. Rep. John James, a fellow Republican and gun rights supporter, to a press conference about the incident.

    “Go shrill for traitor John James,” @timfris responded.

    Bouchard, who served two terms as president of the Major County Sheriffs’ Association, has served as sheriff since 1999. He’s a former state senator and unsuccessfully ran for the U.S. Senate in 2006 and governor in 2010.

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    Steve Neavling

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  • The Supreme Court Was Right to Consider Andrew Cuomo’s Unconstitutional Motives in NRA v. Vuollo – and the same Principle Applies to Trump and Other Presidents

    The Supreme Court Was Right to Consider Andrew Cuomo’s Unconstitutional Motives in NRA v. Vuollo – and the same Principle Applies to Trump and Other Presidents

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    Former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo. (Lev Radin/ZUMAPRESS/Newscom)

     

    In its recent decision in NRA v. Vullo, the Supreme Court unanimously ruled against the Superintendent of New York’s Department of Financial Services in a case where that agency undertook various enforcement actions against financial institutions pressuring them to stop doing business with the NRA, because of that group’s advocacy of gun rights. While these actions were seemingly neutral, evidence indicated that the motive behind them was an attempt to suppress the NRA’s political speech.

    Co-blogger Josh Blackman does not object to this result, but criticizes Justice Sonia Sotomayor’s opinion for the Court for relying, in part, on tweets and other statements by then-New York Governor Andrew Cuomo. Josh complains that it’s wrong to rely on Cuomo’s statements because “he wasn’t even a party” to the case, and fears this part of the opinion is “laying the groundwork for some future Trump litigation, where the chief executive’s social media posts can be used to taint the action taken by some cabinet member…. it is almost a given that people would allege that President Trump and his administration will engage in some sort of retaliatory or coercive actions against protected speech.”

    As Josh notes, Trump’s tweets and other statements promising a “Muslim ban” were central elements of the case against his travel ban policy, eventually upheld by the Supreme Court in Trump v. Hawaii (2018). I think the Court got that decision badly wrong. Significantly, however, the Chief Justice John Roberts’ majority opinion did not hold that statements like Trump’s were irrelevant, merely that they would not get much weight in the context of immigration policy where the Court concluded (wrongly, in my view) that the executive should get special deference. Thus, statements indicating illicit intent could still potentially be decisive in other types of cases.

    The Court was right to consider Cuomo’s statements. And it should do the same in potential similar future cases involving Trump or other presidents.

    Longstanding Supreme Court precedent holds—for good reason—that facially neutral policies can be unconstitutional if evidence indicates they were adopted for purposes of engaging in discrimination prohibited the Constitution, such as discrimination on the basis of race, religion, or—as in NRA v. Vullo—protected political speech. If such facially neutral policies were immune from challenge, the government could target almost any group for discrimination by focusing on some seemingly neutral characteristic that is correlated with group membership. Instead of explicitly targeting blacks, they could target people who live in majority-black neighborhoods. Instead of openly targeting Muslims, they could (as Trump did) target migrants from various Muslim-majority nations. And so on.

    Such tactics were extensively used by advocates of Jim Crow segregation, when courts started striking down explicit segregation laws. More recently, educational institutions have used them as a tool for engaging in racial preferences banned by Supreme Court rulings.

    Why consider a governor’s or president’s statements in cases challenging policies enacted by subordinate officials? The obvious answer is that the former often influence the latter. As Justice Sotomayor notes, Governor Cuomo was “Vullo’s boss.” Absent his advocacy and support, it is likely she would not have targeted the NRA so aggressively. This is even more clear in the case of Trump’s travel ban, a policy which almost certainly would never have been enacted absent his “Muslim ban” campaign promises.

    The case for focusing on presidential motives is even more compelling if—like many conservatives—you endorse the “unitary executive” theory of presidential power, under which the president is entitled to near-total control of other executive branch officials. In that framework, subordinates have even more incentive to try to implement the “boss’s” directives than in Andrew Cuomo’s New York. Officials who refuse to do the boss’s bidding aren’t likely to be around for long.

    The case for scrutinizing presidents’ unconstitutional motives is often even stronger than with state governors. In many states, the executive branch is less unitary than in the federal government. For example, New York, like many other state governments, has a separately elected attorney general who is independent of the governor. This played a major role in Andrew Cuomo’s eventual downfall. In late 2021, he was forced to resign in large part because of an investigation into accusations of sexual harassment conducted by the New York AG’s office. Although AG Letitia James is a Democrat, her independence enabled her office to do the investigation, and Cuomo could not prevent it. The president exercises far more control over the federal Department of Justice, and other parts of the federal executive branch.

    In the case of both state and federal officials, the government can still successfully defend a challenged policy if it can prove they would have enacted it even in spite of the chief executive’s illicit motives. Vullo has advanced that argument in the NRA case. But Supreme Court precedent rightly shifts the burden of proof to the government in a case where evidence of unconstitutional discriminatory motivation is found.

    Back in 2018, during the travel ban litigation, Josh Blackman argued courts can afford to ignore presidents’ unconstitutional motives because “I don’t know that we’ll ever have a president again like Trump, who says such awful, awful things on a daily basis.” I was skeptical of such optimism at the time. And I think that skepticism has been vindicated by later events.

    Obviously, Trump himself may well be elected again in 2024. And he has already promised to use the power of the federal government to punish his critics. If he does indeed return to power and subordinate officials take actions that appear to implement that promise, courts can and should consider Trump’s statements when assessing their legality. Meanwhile, other Republican politicians have increasingly imitated Trump’s behavior and policies. Even if he loses again and disappears from the political scene, this problem is unlikely to fully go away.

    As NRA v. Vullo shows, left-wing officials also sometimes engage in such behavior. The Democrats may not be as far-gone as the Republicans. But they, too, aren’t above using facially neutral policies to cloak unconstitutional motives, including in cases where the latter are evident from various public statements. Particularly in an age of severe polarization,  where many on both sides are eager to use the power of government to target their enemies, such behavior is unlikely to go away anytime soon. Judicial review cannot completely prevent such abuses of power. But by paying due attention to illicit unconstitutional motives, it can help curb them substantially.

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    Ilya Somin

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  • No panhandling signs going up in Schenectady

    No panhandling signs going up in Schenectady

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    SCHENECTADY, N.Y. (NEWS10) — It’s a way for some people to make money, but for county leaders, it’s a danger. Schenectady County is standing up to panhandling.  “Panhandling in front of my street is dangerous. I don’t like it because it’s unsafe and people take advantage of people with disabilities,” said resident Andrew Hausar.

    Schenectady County Chair, Gary Hughes, has other concerns on his mind.  “We have asked and received permission from the New York State DOT to install on the exit 4C off-ramp from 890, a sign that indicates no panhandling, no loitering. The purpose of the sign is to allow our campus safety people here and our sheriff’s deputies who serve in that capacity to be able to enforce a no loitering, no standing condition that exists,” said Hughes.

    This is also a concern shared by SUNY Schenectady President Dr. Steady Moonou. “That is an incredibly busy intersection and in fact we’ve had several accidents. So, we are concerned about the safety of that type and the safety for our students and the safety for our community members,” stated Dr. Moonou.

    “Right here, this is a bad spot, a very bad spot. People sometimes don’t see them and having homeless people that are panhandling like this lady here will get hit,” said Maurice Scott. NEWS10 reporter James De La Fuente spoke to that woman who told him that she was not worried about her safety and walked away. Yet, others feel differently.

    “I come down because I feel bad, they’re sleeping on the concrete,” said concerned resident Kimbelry Velev.

    “So, when they’re standing out there and they’re panhandling yes, they’re going to get hurt. But as long as they stay off the highway, they really don’t bother me,” said concerned resident Destiny Tomchek.  

    But others shared their safety concerns. “Out here all the time panhandling stopping traffic some of the times they be coming up and banging on cars,” said Scott.

    “The guy got out and told this other guy and started banging on his window. Oh, it was crazy,” said Tomchek.

    “And I’ve seen like people demanding money and that’s not cool,” shared Velev.

    “I think something finally needs to be said, and so I think, hopefully they work. And those people stop coming back here,” said another concerned resident.

    It’s a protected First Amendment right to panhandle. In fact, it’s a freedom of speech. “Just like any other Free Speech you can’t interfere with other operations of other people.” Partner Attorney with Tully Rinckey, Donald Chester said. Though he explained that there can be legal action taken. “You can’t be aggressive with people. A panhandler who actually touches somebody, trying to get money out of them, could be accused of robbery and could be convicted of robbery.”

    The signs are not the only improvement President Moonou has in his sights when it comes to student safety. “We are in conversations with the state at this point exploring moving Washington Street to the west side of the campus,” finished Moonou.

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    James De La Fuente

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  • OIG report: CPD unprepared for mass gatherings

    OIG report: CPD unprepared for mass gatherings

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    CHICAGO — A follow-up report to a 2021 review of the Chicago Police Department’s response to civil unrest following George Floyd’s murder was released by the Chicago Office of the Inspector General Thursday, which found CPD to be underequipped and underprepared for large-scale public demonstration.

    While the overarching conclusion was that more work needs to be done to prepare CPD to handle mass gatherings surrounding major political events, like the upcoming Democratic National Convention, Inspector General Deborah Witzburg did say good news came from the report.

    “The city is better situated in terms of planning, interagency citywide comprehensive planning for these events,” Witzburg said. “We’re in a better place now than in 2020.”

    Where improvements still need to happen lay with CPD’s guidance to its officers to ensure consistent messaging, according to the report.

    The report also points toward CPD’s Coordinated Multiple Arrest policy, which said the policy draws on outdated crowd control tactics.

    CPD Superintendent Larry Snelling rebuked the OIG’s report and defended the preparedness of his officers.

    “It’s very inaccurate,” Snelling said. “If you wanna come here, if you wanna protest if you wanna show up and you wanna have your voice heard the Chicago Police Department will protect your rights to do that.

    “As long as you’re not engaging in any criminal activity which is not protected by the first amendment.”

    Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson expressed optimism as the 2024 DNC fast approaches.

    “I’m confident that the work we are doing to secure a peaceful safe energetic convention that that work is ongoing. We’re confident we’ll be prepared and ready when the day comes.”

    The Chicago Office of the Inspector General has not returned WGN TV News’ requests for comment on this story.

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    Julian Crews

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  • This student was allegedly suspended for saying ‘illegal aliens.’ Did that violate the First Amendment?

    This student was allegedly suspended for saying ‘illegal aliens.’ Did that violate the First Amendment?

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    A 16-year-old boy has kicked off a free speech debate—one that’s already attracting spectators beyond his North Carolina county—after he was suspended for allegedly “making a racially insensitive remark that caused a class disturbance.”

    The racially insensitive remark: referring to undocumented immigrants as “illegal aliens.” Invoking that term would produce the beginning of a legal odyssey, still in its nascent stages, in the form of a federal lawsuit arguing that Central Davidson High School Assistant Principal Eric Anderson violated Christian McGhee’s free speech rights for temporarily barring him from class over a dispute about offensive language.

    What constitutes offensive speech, of course, depends on who is evaluating. During an April English lesson, McGhee says he sought clarification on a vocabulary word: aliens. “Like space aliens,” he asked, “or illegal aliens without green cards?” In response, a Hispanic student—another minor whom the lawsuit references under the pseudonym “R.”—reportedly joked that he would “kick [McGhee’s] ass.” 

    The exchange prompted a meeting with Anderson, the assistant principal. “Mr. Anderson would later recall telling [McGhee] that it would have been more ‘respectful’ for [McGhee] to phrase his question by referring to ‘those people’ who ‘need a green card,’” McGhee’s complaint notes. “[McGhee] and R. have a good relationship. R. confided in [McGhee] that he was not ‘crying’ in his meeting with Anderson”—the principal allegedly claimed R. was indeed in tears over the exchange—”nor was he ‘upset’ or ‘offended’ by [McGhee’s] question. R. said, ‘If anyone is racist, it is [Mr. Anderson] since he asked me why my Spanish grade is so low’—an apparent reference to R.’s ethnicity.”

    McGhee’s peer received a short in-school suspension, while McGhee was barred from campus for three days. He was not permitted an appeal, per the school district’s policy, which forecloses that avenue if a suspension is less than 10 days. And while a three-day suspension probably doesn’t sound like it would induce the sky to fall, McGhee’s suit notes that he hopes to secure an athletic scholarship for college, which may now be in jeopardy.

    So the question of the hour: If the facts are as McGhee construed them, did Anderson violate the 16-year-old’s First Amendment rights? In terms of case law, the answer is a little more nebulous than you might expect. But it still seems that vindication is a likely outcome (and, at least in my opinion, rightfully so). 

    Where the judges fall may come down to a 60s-era ruling—Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District—in which the Supreme Court sided with two students who wore black armbands to their public school in protest of the Vietnam War. “It can hardly be argued,” wrote Justice Abe Fortas for the majority, “that either students or teachers shed their constitutional rights to freedom of speech or expression at the schoolhouse gate.”

    The Tinker decision carved out an exception: Schools can indeed seek to discourage and punish “actually or potentially disruptive conduct.” Potentially is a key word here, as Vikram David Amar, a professor of law at U.C. Davis, and Jason Mazzone, a professor of law at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, point out in Justia. In other words, under that decision, the disruption doesn’t actually have to materialize, just as, true to the name, an attempted murder does not materialize into an actual murder. But just as the government has a vested interest in punishing attempted crimes, so too can schools nip attempted disruptions in the bud.

    “Yet all of this points up some problems with the Tinker disruption standard itself,” write Amar and Mazzone. “What if the likelihood of disruption exists only by virtue of an ignorance or misunderstanding or hypersensitivity or idiosyncrasy on the part of (even a fair number of) people who hear the remark? Wouldn’t allowing a school to punish the speaker under those circumstances amount to a problematic heckler’s veto?”

    That would seem especially relevant here for a few reasons. The first: If McGhee’s account of his interaction with Anderson is truthful, then it was essentially Anderson who retroactively conjured a disruption that, per both McGhee and R., didn’t actually occur in any meaningful way. In some sense, a disruption did come to fruition, and it was allegedly manufactured by the person who did the punishing, not the ones who were punished.

    But the second question is the more significant one: If McGhee’s conduct—merely mentioning “illegal aliens”—is found to qualify as potentially disturbance-inducing, then wouldn’t any controversial topic be fair game for public schools to censor? If a “disruption” is defined as anything that might offend, then we’re in trouble, as the Venn diagram of “things we all agree on as a nation” is essentially two lonely circles at this point. That is especially difficult to reconcile with the Supreme Court’s ruling in Tinker, which supposedly exists as a bulwark against state-sanctioned viewpoint discrimination and censorship.

    It is also difficult to reconcile with the fact that, up until a few years ago, “illegal alien” was an official term the government used to describe undocumented immigrants. The Library of Congress stopped using the term in 2016, and President Joe Biden signed an executive order advising the federal government not to use the descriptor in 2021. To argue that three years later the term is now so offensive that a 16-year-old should know not to invoke it requires living in an alternate reality.

    Those who prefer to opt for less-charged descriptors over “illegal alien”—I count myself in that camp—should also hope to see McGhee vindicated if his account withstands scrutiny in court. Most everything today, it seems, is political, which means a student with a more liberal-leaning lexicon could very well be the next one suspended from school.

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    Billy Binion

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  • Secretary Buttigieg unpacks new rules on airline fees and refunds

    Secretary Buttigieg unpacks new rules on airline fees and refunds

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    Secretary Buttigieg unpacks new rules on airline fees and refunds – CBS News


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    The Transportation Department announced new rules Wednesday requiring airlines to issue automatic cash refunds for flight cancelations or delays, delayed baggage returns and services like Wi-Fi or seat selection that are paid for but not provided. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg joins CBS News to discuss the changes and how airlines are reacting.

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  • Can the First Amendment Save TikTok?

    Can the First Amendment Save TikTok?

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    On Wednesday, President Joe Biden signed a law that could effectively ban TikTok if the company does not divest from ByteDance, its Chinese owner, in the next 12 months. But the law, which sped through the House and Senate, could face a significant uphill battle in US courts for potentially violating the First Amendment rights of both the company and its users.

    In a statement, a TikTok spokesperson said “this unconstitutional law is a TikTok ban, and we will challenge it in court. We believe the facts and the law are clearly on our side, and we will ultimately prevail.”

    TikTok has argued that prior attempts to ban the app ran afoul of the First Amendment. Last year, the state of Montana passed a TikTok ban that was blocked by a federal judge before it could go into effect. US District Judge Donald Molloy wrote that TikTok “had established a likelihood of irreparable harm” if the ban was enacted, both to the First Amendment rights of its users and to the ability of creators to make money.

    Some experts say that the federal government could run into some of these same traps.

    “Assuming the combination that the divestiture does not go through and the app is actually banned, that means that Americans who wish to access it cannot do so,” Nadine Farid Johnson, policy director at the Knight Institute, tells WIRED. Banning the app outright would go too far, Johnson says, and “wouldn’t be a tailored response that addresses the government’s stated concerns.”

    “In all cases, I think that where this legislation is going to fail is that it’s burdening so much more speech than is necessary,” says Jenna Leventoff, senior policy counsel at the ACLU.

    If TikTok or its creators were to sue the government for violating the First Amendment, experts believe they could make a solid argument. John Morris, a principal at the Internet Society, says that the case in Montana and a 2020 case brought by users of WeChat following a Trump administration executive order to ban the Chinese chat app provide a blueprint for how the courts may view TikTok’s legal challenge.

    “In that case, what appeared to be very relevant to the court was the fact that the WeChat platform was a critical platform for communications of the users of WeChat, and they really didn’t have a good alternative,” Morris says. “If you’re looking at TikTok, many of the users of TikTok also predominantly use that platform to interact with other people.”

    In both the WeChat case and the Montana case, both the companies and their users were parties to the case, meaning that both “speakers” and “listeners” were claiming that their speech had been violated.

    TikTok has found itself in the crosshairs of US regulations for several years due to concerns about surveillance by the Chinese government. In 2020, former president Donald Trump issued an executive order to ban the app, calling it a threat to the “the national security, foreign policy, and economy of the United States.” In 2023, Democratic senator Mark Warner introduced the Restrict Act, which would allow the office of the commerce secretary to review and ban certain apps. Lawmakers have expressed concern that TikTok could be spying on its US users on behalf of the Chinese government due to a law that allows the Chinese government to compel companies, organizations, and individuals to work with the state on matters of national intelligence.

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  • If they ban TikTok, is Apple next?

    If they ban TikTok, is Apple next?

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    The censors who abound in Congress will likely vote to ban TikTok or force a change in ownership. It will likely soon be law. I think the Supreme Court will ultimately rule it unconstitutional, because it would violate the First Amendment rights of over 100 million Americans who use TikTok to express themselves.

    In addition, I believe the Court will rule that the forced sale violates the Fifth Amendment. Under the Constitution, the government cannot take your property without accusing and convicting you of a crime—in short, without due process. Since Americans are part of TikTok’s ownership, they will eventually get their day in court.

    The Court could also conclude that naming and forcing the sale of a specific company amounts to a bill of attainder, legislation that targets a single entity.

    These are three significant constitutional arguments against Congress’ forced sale/ban legislation. In fact, three different federal courts have already invalidated legislative and executive attempts to ban TikTok.

    If the damage to one company weren’t enough, there is a very real danger this ham-fisted assault on TikTok may actually give the government the power to force the sale of other companies.

    Take, for example, Apple. As The New York Times reported in 2021, “In response to a 2017 Chinese law, Apple agreed to move its Chinese customers’ data to China and onto computers owned and run by a Chinese state-owned company.”

    Sound familiar? The legislators who want to censor and/or ban TikTok point to this same law to argue that TikTok could (someday) be commanded to turn over American users’ data to the Chinese government.

    Note that more careful speakers don’t allege that this has happened, but rather that it might. The banners of TikTok don’t want to be troubled by anything inconvenient like proving in a court of law that this is occurring. No, the allegation is enough for them to believe they have the right to force the sale of or ban TikTok.

    But back to Apple. It’s not theoretical that it might turn over data to the Chinese Communist government. It already has (albeit, Chinese users’ information). Nevertheless, it could be argued that Apple, by their actions, could fall under the TikTok ban language that forces the sale of an entity: under the influence of a foreign adversary.

    (Now, of course, I think such legislation is absurdly wrong and would never want it applied to Apple, but I worry the language is vague enough to apply to many entities.)

    As The New York Times explains: “Chinese government workers physically control and operate the data center. Apple agreed to store the digital keys that unlock its Chinese customers’ information in those data centers. And Apple abandoned the encryption technology it uses in other data centers after China wouldn’t allow it.”

    This sounds exactly like what the TikTok censors describe in their bill, except so far as we know, only Americans who live in China might be affected by Apple’s adherence to China’s law. TikTok actually has spent a billion dollars agreeing to house all American data with Oracle in Texas.

    Are there other companies that might be affected by the TikTok ban? Commentary by Kash Patel in The Washington Times argues that Temu, an online marketplace operated by a Chinese company, is even worse than TikTok and should be banned. He makes the argument that Temu, in contrast with TikTok, “does not employ any data security personnel in the United States.”

    And what of the global publishing enterprise Springer Nature? It has admitted that it censors its scientific articles at the request of the Chinese Communist government. Will the TikTok bill force its sale as well?

    Before Congress rushes to begin banning and punishing every international company that does business in China, perhaps they should pause, take a breath, and ponder the ramifications of rapid, legislative isolationism with regard to China.

    The impulse to populism is giving birth to the abandonment of international trade. I fear, in the hysteria of the moment, that ending trade between China and the U.S. will not only cost American consumers dearly but ultimately lead to more tension and perhaps even war.

    No one in Congress has more strongly condemned the historical famines and genocides of Communist China. I wrote a book, The Case Against Socialism, describing the horrors and inevitability of state-sponsored violence in the pursuit of complete socialism. I just recently wrote another book called Deception, condemning Communist China for covering up the Wuhan lab origins of COVID-19.

    And yet, even with those searing critiques, I believe the isolationism of the China hysterics is a mistake and will not end well if Congress insists on going down this path.

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    Rand Paul

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  • Eastpointe agrees to unique settlement after ex-mayor’s public meeting outburst

    Eastpointe agrees to unique settlement after ex-mayor’s public meeting outburst

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    click to enlarge

    Courtesy of Mary Hall-Rayford

    Mary Hall-Rayford is one of four plaintiffs who filed a lawsuit against Eastpointe Mayor Monique Owens.

    A group of First Amendment attorneys reached a unique and powerful settlement with the city of Eastpointe after its then-mayor shouted at residents and refused to let them speak during a public meeting in September 2022.

    As part of the lawsuit settlement, the city agreed to designate Sept. 6, the day that Eastpointe Mayor Monique Owens shouted down residents, as “First Amendment Day.”

    On Tuesday, the council also voted to apologize to the residents — Mary Hall-Rayford, Karen Beltz, Karen Mouradjian, and Cindy Federle — and entered into a consent decree prohibiting the city from enforcing unconstitutional limitations on the public criticizing elected officials.

    Each of the plaintiffs also received $17,910 in addition to attorneys’ fees.

    The Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE) filed the lawsuit in U.S. District Court in November 2022, alleging the mayor violated the First and Fourteenth Amendment rights of four residents who tried to criticize Owens at a public meeting.

    “The First Amendment protects every American’s right to criticize government officials,” FIRE attorney Conor Fitzpatrick tells Metro Times. “With this settlement, Eastpointers can have confidence their voices will be heard and local governments can be left with no doubt there are serious consequences for violating the First Amendment.”

    click to enlarge Ex-Eastpointe Mayor Monique Owens. - City of Eastpointe

    City of Eastpointe

    Ex-Eastpointe Mayor Monique Owens.

    The first-term mayor, who was later convicted of fraudulently applying for a $10,000 COVID-19 grant, prevented residents from speaking during the September 2022 meeting, insisting they had no right to criticize her. As the meeting descended into chaos, with Owens berating a resident for explaining the First Amendment, the council’s four other elected members walked out of the meeting and didn’t return.

    It wasn’t the first time Owens prevented residents from criticizing her during the council’s public comment period. According to the lawsuit, Owens frequently used her authority “to suppress dissent and criticism by interrupting and shouting down members of the public who criticize her or raise subjects she finds personally embarrassing.”

    Owens, the city’s youngest and first Black mayor, ran for reelection last year but didn’t collect enough votes during the primary election to advance to the November general election.

    Former Councilman Michael Klinefelt is now the mayor of Eastpointe.

    Fitzpatrick says the settlement is a victory for free speech rights everywhere in America.

    “Regular Americans should feel comfortable going to their local government or school board meeting and make their views heard,” Fitzpatrick says. “This is what American democracy is about. There are some countries where you can be put in jail for criticizing a public official or asking the wrong question. Luckily that is not the case in the United States of America, and the U.S. Constitution makes sure that is not the case.”

    At the September 2022 meeting, residents were questioning Owens’s actions after she alleged that Councilman Harvey Curley, who is in his 80s, assaulted her by yelling and putting his hands in her face during the open ceremony for Cruisin’ Gratiot in June 2022. Owens was trying to speak at the event, but Curley was opposed, explaining that he didn’t want to politicize the event since it was operated by a nonprofit.

    The Macomb County Sheriff’s Office dismissed the case, and the Macomb County Circuit Court denied Owens’s request for a personal protective order.

    Hall-Rayford, a community activist, school board member, and former chaplain, was the first to speak at the September meeting, but she didn’t get far.

    “I’m going to stop you right there,” Owens said as soon as Hall-Rayford began to speak. “We’re going to stop the council meeting because I’m not going to let you speak on something that has to do with police.”

    City attorney Richard S. Albright informed Owens that she didn’t have the right to prevent a resident from speaking.

    As part of the lawsuit in December 2022, the city agreed to prohibit Owens from interrupting or shutting down speakers during public comment periods.

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    Steve Neavling

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  • Breaking down Trump’s free speech claims in Georgia election case

    Breaking down Trump’s free speech claims in Georgia election case

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    Breaking down Trump’s free speech claims in Georgia election case – CBS News


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    A judge in the Georgia 2020 election case heard arguments Thursday over whether former President Donald Trump’s First Amendment rights shield him from prosecution. CBS News campaign reporter Katrina Kaufman joins “America Decides” with key takeaways.

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  • 3/24/2024: The Right to be Wrong; AMLO; Law of the Sea

    3/24/2024: The Right to be Wrong; AMLO; Law of the Sea

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    3/24/2024: The Right to be Wrong; AMLO; Law of the Sea – CBS News


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    First, a report on the spread of misinformation on social media. Then, Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador: The 60 Minutes Interview. And, U.S. fails to ratify treaty for ocean mining.

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  • Misinformation spreads online as some in Congress fight what they see as censorship

    Misinformation spreads online as some in Congress fight what they see as censorship

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    Misinformation spreads online as some in Congress fight what they see as censorship – CBS News


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    Misinformation is spreading on social media as some fight to stop what they call censorship. The Supreme Court is now grappling with how the First Amendment applies to the online world.

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  • Obama Judge Holds Investigative Journalist Catherine Herridge In Contempt, Possible Fine Near $300,000

    Obama Judge Holds Investigative Journalist Catherine Herridge In Contempt, Possible Fine Near $300,000

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    Opinion

    Screenshot: CBS New York

    Catherine Herridge, a veteran journalist formerly with Fox News and CBS News, has been held in civil contempt by a federal judge for refusing to reveal her source for a series of stories published in 2017.

    Herridge found herself in hot water regarding a court case in which she was protecting the identity of a source used for a report written that year regarding a Chinese American scientist who was investigated by the FBI but never charged with wrongdoing.

    The case has significant First Amendment implications.

    Herridge was facing fines of up to $5,000 per day if she refused to be interviewed under oath for the case, a situation critics have defined as an attack on free press principles.

    U.S. District Judge Christopher Cooper imposed a fine of $800 per day until Herridge complies, which could lead to a total of nearly $300,000 if she holds out over an entire year.

    The fine will not be imposed while she appeals.

    RELATED: CBS Seizes Materials Of Fired Journalist Who Was Investigating Hunter Biden

    Herridge Is Protecting Her Source

    The judge’s decision to hold Herridge in contempt for refusing to reveal her sources is a dangerous precedent that could have a chilling effect on investigative journalism.

    It sends a message to potential sources that they cannot trust journalists to protect their identities, which could result in fewer people coming forward with important information.

    Judge Cooper, in his decision, said that he “recognizes the paramount importance of a free press in our society” and the critical role of confidential sources in investigative journalism, but noted the court “also has its own role to play in upholding the law and safeguarding judicial authority.”

    Cooper was nominated for his role on the bench in 2013 by then-President Barack Obama. He was confirmed unanimously in the Senate the following year.

    RELATED: CBS News Chief Behind Firing Of Catherine Herridge In The Midst Of Investigating Biden Family To Receive Free Speech Award

    Chilling Effect

    Forcing journalists to reveal their sources undermines the public’s right to information and could have a chilling effect on investigative journalism. It is important for journalists to be able to protect their sources in order to ensure that the public is well-informed and that those in power are held accountable for their actions.

    “Herridge has long been a respected investigative journalist at Fox News and CBS News,” writes Legal Insurrection’s Mary Chastain. “She has always faced the wrath of the left when she exposed anything negative about Democrats.”

    Fox News issued a statement condemning the judge’s decision to hold Herridge in contempt.

    “Holding a journalist in contempt for protecting a confidential source has a deeply chilling effect on journalism,” they said.

    Even CBS News, who fired Catherine Herridge in the midst of this First Amendment battle and then temporarily seized her files, criticized the Obama-appointed judge.

    A spokesperson for the network said that the contempt order “should be concerning to all Americans who value the role of the free press in our democracy and understand that reliance on confidential sources is critical to the mission of journalism.”

    President Barack Obama himself has a history of chilling free speech and going after reporters.

    The former President used his Department of Justice (DOJ) to try and shut down Fox News reporter James Rosen by spying on him and accusing him of committing a crime.

    A 2010 subpoena approved by Eric Holder implicated Rosen as a possible co-conspirator under the Espionage Act of 1917. As such, investigators gained access to the times of his phone calls and two days’ worth of Rosen’s emails.

    The DOJ also mounted a serious attack on the First Amendment and Freedom of the Press by seizing the records of reporters at Fox News and the Associated Press (AP).

    The AP reporters – 20 of them – had their phone records subpoenaed through their providers, something they claimed at the time was a “massive and unprecedented intrusion” into news-gathering operations.

    Imagine this were a Trump-appointed judge in this case and instead of Herridge, the reporter trying to protect their sources was Jim Acosta or Don Lemon. Would there be outrage at that point?

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  • Colorado House committee defeats bill to repeal anti-BDS law on PERA investments

    Colorado House committee defeats bill to repeal anti-BDS law on PERA investments

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    Colorado’s public pension program must continue divesting from companies that economically boycott Israel after a state House committee rejected a bill that would have repealed the requirement.

    The 10-1 bipartisan defeat of HB24-1169 late Monday in the House Finance Committee came after hours of emotional and tense testimony. The discussion often spiraled into support or condemnation for Israel and its months-long military campaign in the Gaza Strip.

    More than 100 people testified for or against the measure, which would have repealed a 2016 state law that requires the Public Employees Retirement Association to divest from companies that participate in the BDS movement. That movement promotes boycotts, divestment and sanctions against Israel as a way of protesting the country’s treatment of Palestinians.

    Only three companies have been flagged under the law, according to PERA. It applies only to international companies. The law costs roughly $10,000 a year to administer.

    Just one member of the Democrat-controlled finance committee, Rep. Lorena Garcia, an Adams County Democrat, voted to advance the bill. The measure was sponsored by Rep. Elisabeth Epps, a Denver Democrat. She was reprimanded by House leadership last month for, among other things, disrupting House proceedings and joining pro-Palestinian protesters seated in the House’s gallery during the November special session.

    Nearly 30,000 people have been killed in Gaza during Israel’s war with Hamas, according to the Gaza Health Ministry. Israel launched the war in response to Hamas’ Oct. 7 terrorist attacks, which killed 1,200 people and included the taking of about 250 hostages, some of whom are still being held.

    Epps told fellow lawmakers Monday that she repeatedly had been told the legislature had no business weighing in on international affairs, but she argued that the 2016 anti-BDS law did just that.

    “There is a particularly insidious criticism that is made of folks who are protesting a range of issues,” she said. “The central element of that criticism is that we’re not doing it right. … If you want to petition your pension board to do an economic boycott, that’s not right either. That can’t be how we continue to do business here.”

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    Seth Klamann

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  • Supreme Court hears social media, First Amendment cases

    Supreme Court hears social media, First Amendment cases

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    Supreme Court hears social media, First Amendment cases – CBS News


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    The Supreme Court heard oral arguments Monday in a pair of cases that could transform online speech. The two cases involve Republican-backed laws in Florida and Texas that restricted social media companies from moderating content. CBS News legal contributor Jessica Levinson breaks down the cases’ impact.

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  • Arizona Republicans want to save horny kids from the internet

    Arizona Republicans want to save horny kids from the internet

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    A controversial internet age-verification bill passed out of an Arizona House committee on Jan. 29, despite warnings from critics that the legislation is unconstitutional and will not prevent minors from accessing online porn.

    Sponsored by Rep. Tim Dunn, a Republican from Yuma, House Bill 2586 requires websites with material deemed “harmful to minors” to verify that their visitors are 18 or older. Any website failing to comply could be sued for damages “that result from a minor accessing the material.”

    The vote on the bill from the Republican-dominated House Judiciary Committee was hardly a ringing endorsement. Four Republicans voted for it. The three Democrats on the committee voted against it. Two Republicans voted “present.”

    On Feb. 5, the House Rules Committee approved the bill, 9-0. It has yet to be scheduled for a floor vote.

    A similar bill, SB 1503, was considered by the House last year. It failed to pass, 31-26.

    Reading HB 2586, it’s easy to see why even some Republican legislators have qualms about it.

    The proposed law would apply if one-third or more of a website’s total content is “harmful to minors,” a category that covers a broad swath of written, spoken and visual communication. The bill defines “harmful to minors” as “descriptions of actual, simulated or animated” displays or depictions of a variety of sex acts and body parts.

    The sex acts and body parts include sexual intercourse, masturbation, sodomy, flagellation, oral copulation, “excretory functions,” pubic hair, anuses, vulvas, genitals or a “female breast’s nipple.”

    Male nips are apparently A-OK.

    Nor can the website describe or depict “exhibitions or any other sexual act.” The word “exhibitions” is undefined.

    Also verboten is the description of “touching, caressing or fondling of nipples, breasts, buttocks or genitals.” Which means no images or written descriptions of women breastfeeding their children.

    The bill dictates that the forbidden content should lack “serious literary, artistic, political or scientific value for minors.” All of which is wide open to interpretation.

    Newspapers, radio, TV and journalists in general are exempt from the bill’s dictates. So, interestingly, are internet service providers like Google or GoDaddy and social media platforms such as Facebook, Reddit and Twitter.

    click to enlarge

    Marilyn Rodriguez, a lobbyist for the ACLU of Arizona, criticized the legislation as an affront to the First Amendment rights of adults.

    ACTV

    ‘This bill does very little to protect children’

    Before the vote, Mike Stabile, communications director for the California-based Free Speech Coalition, which represents the adult entertainment industry, told the committee the social media exemption was one reason the legislation would fail to have its desired effect.

    “The vast majority of adult content on the web is not affected by this bill,” Stabile said.

    In addition to exempting social media platforms, where most children encounter adult content, he said, the bill would not affect overseas sites, which “is never going to reply to a civil suit in Arizona.”

    “You’re creating low, very ineffective guardrails, and at the same time raising the issue of federal challenges,” he said.

    Stabile said FSC opposes the legislation and has filed federal complaints in other states challenging similar laws. At least eight states have passed statutes mandating age verification for adult sites, according to FSC.

    Stabile also gave the committee members a lesson in how Virtual Private Networks allow kids to do an end run around age verification. It’s as easy as downloading a VPN app.

    “VPNs allow you to appear that you are in another state or another country,” he said. “These are free devices that are allowed online. Forty percent of minors already use VPNs.”

    Which is why FSC supports parents using internet filters that they can download online and control themselves, he said.

    Rep. Analise Ortiz, a Democrat who represents Maryvale and Glendale, said that when she was 12, her school library blocked MySpace, but even at that age, she knew how to use a VPN to navigate around it. She asked Stabile if the bill did anything to protect children.

    “This bill does very little to protect children, and it has really significant downsides for adults trying to access First Amendment-protected content,” Stable said.

    Marilyn Rodriguez, a lobbyist for the ACLU of Arizona, said the organization opposed the bill for the same reasons it opposed SB 1503 in 2023.

    “Multiple Supreme Court cases have held that attempts to block minors’ access to sensitive material on the internet that infringes on adults’ First Amendment rights violate the Constitution,” she said.

    Proponents of the bill at the hearing on Jan. 31 largely framed the legislation as an attempt to shield children from online pornography.

    “The bottom line is we should be actively protecting our children from harmful content in this growing age of technology,” Dunn said when he introduced the bill to the committee.

    Other pro-HB 2586 speakers claimed porn was more addicting than even the hardest illegal drugs, statements that are demonstrably wrong.

    click to enlarge Arizona state Rep. Alex Kolodin

    State Rep. Alex Kolodin expressed concerns about whether age-verification data would be harvested by websites.

    ACTV

    Bill could result in blanket ban on adult websites

    Rep. Alex Kolodin, a Republican from Scottsdale best known for representing the CyberNinjas, struck a libertarian note when he objected to a part of the bill that allows websites to verify age and identity through a service “regularly used by the government.”

    The bill forbids age-verification companies from retaining identifying information after access is granted to a particular website in question, but Kolodin expressed concern that the government would keep that data.

    Peter Gentala, an attorney representing the National Center on Sexual Exploitation, an anti-porn group formerly known as Morality in Media, responded to Kolodin’s concerns by comparing the requirements of the bill to purchasing a bottle of wine online.

    Interestingly, Gentala admitted that in states that have passed age-verification laws, the result is a blanket ban, with sites like PornHub blocking all IP addresses from states where the legislation is in effect.

    All the same, Kolodin wasn’t buying it.

    “I know that the government is not good, and so any bill that asks for me to authorize the government to keep lists that it can use against its political enemies . . . I have a special problem with it,” he said.

    Kolodin voted “present” and said if that section of the bill was not changed, he’d be a no-vote on the House floor. Rep. David Marshal, a Republican from Snowflake, also voted “present.”

    Sen. Wendy Rogers, a Flagstaff Republican, is sponsoring a similar bill in the state Senate. SB 1125 passed out of the Senate Transportation, Technology and Missing Children Committee on Jan. 29 with a similarly unenthusiastic do-pass recommendation — three ayes, two nays and two not voting.

    On Feb. 5, the bill passed out of the Senate Rules Committee on a 4-3 vote. As with HB 2586, the Senate bill has not been scheduled for a floor vote.

    Rogers also sponsored 2023’s failed age verification bill, SB 1503. At the time, she called pornography “a scourge that’s affecting impressionable minds.”

    But later that same year, Rogers got into hot water when she reportedly shared X-rated pics of Hunter Biden on X, which allows minors 13 to 18 to sign up. She later deleted the post, which a fellow Republican legislator called “a mistake.”

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    Stephen Lemons

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  • PROTECT Act could require removal of all existing porn online

    PROTECT Act could require removal of all existing porn online

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    Is Congress really trying to outlaw all sex work? That’s what some people fear the Preventing Rampant Online Technological Exploitation and Criminal Trafficking (PROTECT) Act would mean.

    The bill defines “coerced consent” to include consent obtained by leveraging “economic circumstances”—which sure sounds like a good starting point for declaring all sex work “coercive” and all consent to it invalid. (Under that definition, in fact, most jobs could be considered nonconsensual.)

    Looking at the bill as a whole, I don’t think this is its intent, nor is it likely be enforced that way. It’s mainly about targeting tech platforms and people who post porn online that they don’t have a right to post.

    But should the PROTECT Act become law, its definition of consent could be used in other measures that do seek to target sex work broadly. And even without banning sex work, it could still wreak major havoc on sex workers, tech companies, and free speech and internet freedom more widely.

    There are myriad ways it would do this. Let’s start by looking at how it could make all existing online porn against the law.

    How the PROTECT Act Would Make All Existing Online Porn Illegal 

    The PROTECT Act doesn’t directly declare all existing web porn illegal. Its sponsor—Sen. Mike Lee (R–Utah)—at least seems to know that the First Amendment wouldn’t allow that. Nonetheless, under the PROTECT Act, platforms that failed to take down existing porn (defined broadly to include “any intimate visual depiction” or any “visual depiction of actual or feigned sexually explicit activity”) would open themselves up to major fines and lawsuits.

    In order to stay on the right side of PROTECT Act requirements, tech companies would have to collect statements of consent from anyone depicted in intimate or sexually explicit content. These statements would have to be submitted on yet-to-be-developed forms created or approved by the U.S. Attorney General.

    And the law would “apply to any pornographic image uploaded to a covered platform before, on, or after that effective date” (emphasis mine).

    Since no existing image has been accompanied by forms that don’t yet exist, every existing pornographic image (or image that could potentially be classified as “intimate”) would be a liability for tech companies.

    How the PROTECT Act Would Chill Legal Speech

    Let’s back up for a moment and look at what the PROTECT Act purports to do and how it would go about this. According to Lee’s office, it is aimed at addressing “online sexual exploitation” and “responds to a disturbing trend wherein survivors of sexual abuse are repeatedly victimized through the widespread distribution of non-consensual images of themselves on social media platform.”

    Taking or sharing intimate images of someone without their consent is wrong, of course. Presumably most people would like to stop this and think there should be consequences for those who knowingly and maliciously do so.

    But Lee’s plan strikes much further than this, targeting companies that serve as conduits for any sort of intimate imagery. The PROTECT Act would subject them to so much bureaucracy and liability that they may reasonably decide to ban any imagery with racy undertones or too much flesh showing.

    This would seriously chill sexual expression online—not just for sex workers, but for anyone who wants to share a slightly risque image of themselves, for those whose art or activism includes any erotic imagery, and so on. Whether or not the government intends to go after such material, the mere fact that it could will incentivize online platforms to crack down on anything that a person or algorithm might construe at a glance as a violation: everything from a photo of a mother breastfeeding to a painting that includes nudity.

    And it’s not just at the content moderation end that this would chill speech. The PROTECT Act could also make users hesitant to upload erotic content, since they would have to attach their real identities to it and submit a bunch of paperwork to do so.

    How the PROTECT Act Would Invade Privacy 

    Under the PROTECT Act, all sorts of sex workers—people who appear in professional porn videos produced by others, people who create and post their own content, pinup models, strippers and escorts who post sexy images online to advertise offline services, etc.—would have to turn over proof of their real identities to any platform where they posted content. Sex workers and amateur porn producers would have their real identities tied to any online account where they post.

    This would leave them vulnerable to hackers, snoops, stalkers, and anyone in the government who wanted to know who they were.

    And it doesn’t stop at sex workers (these things never do) or amateur porn producers. The PROTECT Act’s broad definition of porn could encompass boudoir photos, partial nudity in an artwork or performance, perhaps even someone wearing a revealing bathing suit in a vacation pic.

    To show just how ridiculous this could get, consider that the bill defines pornography to include any images where a person is identifiable and “the naked genitals, anus, pubic area, or post-pubescent female nipple of the individual depicted are visible.”

    If your friend’s nipple is visible through her t-shirt in a group shot, you may have to get a consent form from her before posting it and to show your driver’s license and hers when you do. Or just be prepared to be banned from posting that picture entirely, if the platform decides it’s too risky to allow any nipples at all.

    Here’s What the PROTECT Act Says 

    Think I’m exaggerating? Let’s look directly at the PROTECT Act’s text.

    First, it prohibits any “interactive computer service” from allowing intimate images or “sexually explicit” depictions to be posted without verifying the age and identity of the person posting it.

    Second, it requires platforms to verify the age and identity of anyone pictured, using government-issued identification documents.

    Third, it requires platforms to ascertain that any person depicted has “provided explicit written evidence of consent for each sex act in which the individual engaged during the creation of the pornographic image; and…explicit written consent for the distribution” of the image. To verify consent, companies would have to collect “a consent form created or approved by the Attorney General” that includes the real name, date of birth, and signature of anyone depicted, as well as statements specifying “the geographic area and medium…for which the individual provides consent to distribution,” the duration of that consent to distribute, a list of the specific sex acts that the person agreed to engage in, and “a statement that explains coerced consent and that the individual has the right to withdraw the individual’s consent at any time.”

    Platforms would also have to create a process for people to request removal of pornographic images, prominently display this process, and remove images within 72 hours of an eligible party requesting they be taken down.

    The penalties for failure to follow these requirements would be quite harsh for people posting or hosting content.

    Someone who uploaded an intimate depiction of someone “with knowledge of or reckless disregard for (1) the lack of consent of the individual to the publication; and (2) the reasonable expectation of the individual that the depiction would not be published” could be guilty of a federal crime punishable by fines and up to five years in prison. They could also be sued by “any person aggrieved by the violation” and face damages including $10,000 per image per day.

    Platforms that failed to verify the ages and identities of people posting pornographic images could face civil penalties of up to $10,000 per day per image, levied by the attorney general. Failure to verify the identities, ages, and consent status of anyone in a pornographic image could open companies up to civil lawsuits and huge payouts for damages. Tech companies could also face fines and lawsuits for failing to create a process for removal, to prominently display this process, or to designate an employee to field requests. And of course, failure to remove requested images would open a company up to civil lawsuits, as would failure to block re-uploads of an offending image or any  “altered or edited” version of it.

    Amazingly, the bill states that “nothing in this section shall be construed to affect section 230 of the Communications Act.” Section 230 protects digital platforms and other third parties online from some liability for the speech of people who use their tools or services, and yet this whole bill is based on punishing platforms for things that users post. It just tries to hide it by putting insane regulatory requirements on these platforms and then saying it’s not about them allowing user speech, it’s about them failing to secure the proper paperwork to allow that user speech.

    An Insanely Unworkable Standard

    Under the PROTECT Act, companies would have to start moderating to meet the sensibilities of a Puritan or else subject themselves to an array of time-consuming, technologically challenging, and often impossible feats of bureaucratic compliance.

    The bill mandates bunches of paperwork for tech platforms to collect, store, and manage. It doesn’t just require a one-time age verification or a one-time collection of general consent forms—no, it requires these for every separate sexual image or video posted.

    Then it requires viewing the content in its entirety to make sure it matches the specific consent areas listed. (Is a blow job listed on that form? What about bondage?)

    Then it requires keeping track of variable consent revocation dates—a person could consent to have the video posted in perpetuity, for five years, or for some completely random number of days—and removing content on this schedule.

    This is, of course, all after the company ascertains that a depiction is pornographic. That first step alone would be a monumental task for platforms with large amounts of user-uploaded content, requiring them to screen all images before they go up or patrol constantly for posted images that might need to be taken down.

    And when companies received takedown requests, they would have just 72 hours to determine if the person making it really was someone with a valid case as opposed to, say, someone with a personal vendetta against the person depicted, or an some anti-porn zealot trying to cleanse the internet. It would be understandable if companies in this situation choose to err on the side of taking down any flagged content.

    The PROTECT Act would also mean a lot of paperwork for people posting content. Sure, professional porn companies already document a lot of this stuff. But now we’re talking anyone who appears nude on OnlyFans having to submit this paperwork with every single piece of content uploaded.

    And in all cases, we’re left with this broad and vague definition of consent as a guiding principle. The bill states that consent “does not include coerced consent” and defines “coerced consent” to include not just any consent obtained through “fraud, duress, misrepresentation, undue influence, or nondisclosure” or consent from someone who “lacks capacity” (i.e., a minor) but also consent obtained “though exploiting or leveraging the person’s immigration status; pregnancy; disability; addiction; juvenile status; or economic circumstances.”

    With such broad parameters of coercion, all you may have to say is “I only did this because I was poor” or “I only did this because I was addicted to drugs” and your consent could be ruled invalid—entitling you to collect tens of thousands of dollars from anyone who distributed the content or a tech platform that didn’t remove it quickly enough. Even if the tech company or porn distributor or individual uploader ultimately prevailed in such lawsuits, that would only come after suffering the time and expense of fending the suits off.

    For someone like Lee—who has proposed multiple measures to crack down on online sexual content—the unworkability of all of this might look like a feature, not a bug. It would be reasonable for a tech company looking at these risks to conclude that allowing any sort of sexy imagery is not worth it and/or that taking down any image upon any request was a good idea.

    A measure like the PROTECT Act might help stop the spread of nonconsensual porn on mainstream, U.S.-based platforms (though such images could still spread freely through private communication channels and underground platforms). But it would do this at the cost of a ton of protected speech and consensual creations.

    Today’s Image

    Performance art or pornography? (Bushwick/2013) (ENB/Reason)



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    Elizabeth Nolan Brown

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