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Tag: Federal Register

  • By the #s: The wild areas one advocacy group says face most threats under Public Lands Rule repeal

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    CAPTION: The Valley of Fires in south-central New Mexico, pictured above in 2021, is one of the areas New Mexico Wild is most worried about due to the proposed rescission of the Bureau of Land Management’s Public Lands Rule. This area, like others NM Wild identified, has “wilderness characteristics” that might be ignored if conservation is de-emphasized relative to extraction under the proposed rule’s rescission. (Photo courtesy BLM)

    A prominent New Mexico environmental advocacy group has identified wild areas comprising more than 210 square miles across the state that will lose an important defense if a 2024 federal land use rule is rescinded.

    The Department of Interior late last week announced in the Federal Register that it would seek to undo the “Public Land Rule,” formally known as the Conservation and Landscape Health Rule, which Interior Secretary Doug Burgum said in a news release stands in the way of oil and gas development, along with other extractive uses of federal public land. 

    The Bureau of Land Management last April finalized the rule, which provided guidance for ensuring conservation of public lands received due consideration along with mining, timber, grazing, recreation or other uses. It also allowed the BLM to issue leases specifically for conservation, though none has been issued yet, said Sally Paez, a staff attorney for New Mexico Wild, in an interview Monday with Source New Mexico.

    She said the rule only reiterated and provided guidance for a 1976 law called the Federal Land Policy and Management Act, which provides the BLM with a framework for balancing multiple public land uses. The rule lets the agency protect “intact, functioning landscapes” along with emphasizing landscape health through the use of science, data and Indigenous knowledge.

    The rule being rescinded could have implications for all 13.5 million acres of BLM land in New Mexico, particularly those that are not currently designated for oil and gas extraction or other economic uses and those that don’t have existing wilderness protections, Paez said. 

    The nonprofit, with the help of a “citizen inventory” done by volunteers, has identified more than a dozen areas comprising 134,600 acres that her office said have “wilderness characteristics,” but no protections as such. Those characteristics include being bigger than 5,000 acres with “opportunities for solitude” or recreation. 

    Without the Public Lands Rule, New Mexico Wild won’t be able to argue that those areas across the state, which she said are popular with hikers and other recreators, should be protected. 

    “Those are really the areas that for us, I think, we’re most worried about because under the Public Land rule, we had an argument for those,” she said. “‘This is an intact landscape.’”

    The public can comment on the proposed rule rescission until Nov. 10. 

    In addition to the “citizen inventory” areas NM Wild identified, Paez pointed out a handful of other places popular with hikers on BLM lands that might benefit from the Public Lands Rule if it is allowed to stay on the books. Those areas include the Caja Del Rio near Santa Fe; San Lorenzo Canyon south of Albuquerque; Quebradas Mountains in Socorro; the Florida Mountains near Deming; and Montezuma Crest near Placitas. 

    And the Pecos River Watershed could benefit from the restoration leases enabled by the rule, she said, which could offset the impacts of intensive oil and gas extraction in the Permian Basis by restoring riparian and aquatic habitat.

    “That’s the type of project that I could definitely see being really good,” she said. 

    Paez said the BLM’s effort to rescind the Public Lands Rule is comparable to the Forest Service undoing the Roadless Rule, which nixes protections against timber harvesting in designated wild forest areas. Public comments for that proposal are being accepted through Friday. 

    “It’s all kind of this broad pattern of a policy shift towards short term gain and extraction and corporate interests, and out of public values and shared resources,” she said.

     

     

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  • R.I. federal judge blocks HUD from rushing through grant awards under revised eligibility rules

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    Scaffolding covers the facade of the federal courthouse for the District of Rhode Island, as seen from Kennedy Plaza in Providence, on Sept. 9, 2025. (Photo by Alexander Castro/Rhode Island Current)

    A Rhode Island federal judge Friday granted a temporary restraining order blocking the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) from awarding grants to applicants responding by a one-week deadline to a drastically revised notice for funding to build housing for people experiencing chronic homelessness.

    HUD’s new notice issued Sept. 5 superseded a funding notice issued in May and served as yet another example of chaos unleashed by the Trump administration on the courts, U.S. District Judge Mary S. McElroy said at the Zoom hearing. The deadline for applications was 3 p.m. Friday, a half hour before the hearing began.

    “It’s unfortunate that we are here on these things that are done so last minute by these agencies, but here we are,” McElroy told attorneys representing the plaintiffs in a case filed Thursday by attorneys for National Alliance to End Homelessness and Providence based Women’s Development Corporation (WDC).

    The plaintiffs are suing HUD and HUD Secretary Scott Turner over new eligibility criteria for applications for $75 million in Continuum of Care Build grants. They claim the new rules are unconstitutional and unlawful because applicants are prohibited from being so-called “sanctuary jurisdictions” for immigrants, providing “harm reduction” services for drug users and having inclusive policies for transgender people. The revised grant funding notice indicated that grants would be awarded on a first-come, first-served basis.

    The case, National Alliance to End Homelessness v. Turner, et al., asks the court to block HUD’s unlawful funding restrictions and restore fair access to federal housing funds for providers nationwide. The lawsuit claims projects in 36 states plus Puerto Rico and the District of Columbia are now ineligible for Continuum of Care Build grants under the Trump administration’s criteria.

    Kristin Bateman, senior counsel with Democracy Forward, lead counsel for the plaintiffs, argued that the abrupt reissue of the funding notice violated the HUD Reform Act, which requires new funding opportunities to be issued with 30 days notice.

    “Here there was a seven-day turnaround with no justification,” Bateman said.

    Joshua Schopf, a trial attorney for the Department of Justice’s civil division, argued that the HUD secretary had 30 days to publish his reasons for waiving the standard notice with a federal register.

    “This happened Sept. 5… he has until Oct. 6 to publish his reasons,” he said. “We haven’t violated procedure because it’s still ongoing.”

    Bateman also took aim at the revised eligibility criteria that prohibit applicants from having policies supporting transgender people, which she said conflicts with existing federal law barring discrimination against non-cisgendered people.

    “There’s no way someone could comply with those federal laws and this eligibility criteria treating sex as a binary thing,” she said.

    “We’re not going to defend that particular condition,” Schopf told McElroy.

    WDC had been informed in August by the office of U.S. Sen. Jack Reed that it would receive a $7 million Continuum of Care Build grant for a project to build 14 units for individuals escaping domestic violence in five new buildings in Providence’s West End. It had applied for the funding in May. But the nonprofit developer said it would be ineligible to apply for the new notice issued Sept. 5 since it has no control over the city or state’s stance on immigration and other policies nor could it reapply with only a one-week turnaround.

    “The new conditions, if they’re precedent, you could argue that nobody in Rhode Island would be eligible if this applies to other grants,” WDC Executive Director Frank Shea told Rhode Island Current Friday afternoon.

    Shea said he was pleased the court issued the restraining order and that the grant fund won’t go elsewhere for the time being. 

    “That was the fear, it would be hard to undo,” he said.

    During the hearing, McElroy said she was convinced that HUD’s new grant eligibility criteria caused irreparable harm.

    “The irreparable harm is that these funds would be lost forever by anybody that intends to apply,” McElroy said.

    “The court’s decision provides significant relief for communities in vulnerable circumstances and for the principle that federal housing funds exist to serve people in need, not to advance partisan goals,” said Skye Perryman, president and CEO of Democracy Forward, in a statement issued Friday just as the 54-minute hearing concluded. “The administration cannot unlawfully weaponize essential housing resources. We are proud to fight alongside our clients and partners as the case continues.”

    The Trump administration now has 14 days to ask for a preliminary injunction. McElroy also tasked the DOJ with a briefing schedule and suggested hearings could be held in person in Providence instead of virtually if Shopf would like.

    “Rhode Island’s lovely in the fall, not so much in February when it rains constantly,” she said.

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  • 2U Lawsuit Claims Looming Education Dept. Guidance Breaks the Law

    2U Lawsuit Claims Looming Education Dept. Guidance Breaks the Law

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    The online-program manager 2U filed a lawsuit on Tuesday against the U.S. Department of Education, marking what appears to be the first legal challenge to controversial guidance, released in February, that has left many institutions in a state of limbo.

    The guidance at the heart of 2U’s lawsuit — published as a Dear Colleague Letter — would update the department’s interpretation of “third-party servicers” to include entities that assist colleges’ Title IV-eligible programs by providing recruitment and retention services, certain software products, and “any percentage” of educational content.

    The third-party-servicer designation has historically been reserved for entities that help institutions administer federal financial aid to students, and comes with numerous regulatory requirements, such as submitting independent annual compliance audits and agreeing to be held responsible, alongside a client institution, for any Title IV violations. The guidance is slated to go into effect on September 1.

    The release of the guidance document followed pressure on the department to keep a closer eye on institutional partners like online-program managers, known as OPMs, which have played key roles in colleges’ growth, especially in regard to their online programs, but whose operations can be a metaphorical “black box.”

    But in its lawsuit, which seeks to thwart the rollout of the guidance, 2U claims the department has asserted sweeping authority that will impose damaging regulatory and financial burdens on “tens of thousands of entities” like itself — even though the company structured its business “specifically not to perform any services related to the administration of Title IV funds.” And those burdens, 2U says, would trickle down to the hundreds of colleges it works with, too.

    Further Reading

    “2U will be pressured to renegotiate contracts and potentially offer fewer services to reduce the chances of making compliance errors,” the lawsuit reads. And as the guidance would also require third-party servicers to be based in the United States, the lawsuit says, 2U would have to “cut off” its South African subcontractor, Get Educated International Proprietary Ltd., which provides “a range of services to 2U’s institutional partners.”

    The lawsuit further accuses the Education Department, in releasing the Dear Colleague Letter, of running afoul of federal laws.

    The department violated both the Higher Education Act and the Administrative Procedure Act, it says, by posting guidance that “reads like a regulation” prior to offering a public-comment period and conducting a negotiated-rulemaking process.

    “The negotiated-rulemaking process is mandatory unless the department determines and publishes in the Federal Register that such rulemaking ‘is impracticable, unnecessary, or contrary to the public interest,’” the lawsuit reads. “No such finding was made here.”

    Even if the department had taken that step, the suit also states that only Congress can rewrite the Higher Education Act’s definition of third-party servicers.

    Glenda Morgan, an analyst with Phil Hill & Associates with deep knowledge of OPMs and their arrangements with colleges, was struck by the “narrowness” of the lawsuit’s claims, which she thinks strengthens 2U’s case. “They’re not saying, ‘Hey, you’re putting us out of business,’” she said. “They’re saying, ‘You overreached here, and you didn’t follow your own regulations.’”

    The online-program manager is asking for a pause in the rollout and/or enforcement of the updated guidance, pending adjudication of this case. The lawsuit, filed in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, also asks a judge to “preliminarily and permanently” block the department from requiring 2U to operate as a third-party servicer under the current language in the Dear Colleague Letter.

    Katherine Brodie, an education lawyer with Duane Morris LLP, isn’t sure if 2U’s argument meets the “irreparable harm” threshold needed to halt such guidance while a judge reviews the merits of the case. That call, she said, is commonly based on “a fact-specific balancing of interests,” which is tricky with the guidance not yet in effect.

    Still, the “legal arguments that ED has overstepped its authority are strong,” she wrote in an email. Brodie noted that 2U is a recent client of Duane Morris for advice on related issues.

    The department did not provide comment on the lawsuit by the time of publication. It previously told The Chronicle it would “carefully review” all comments it received from the public following its publication of the Dear Colleague Letter, and “may amend or clarify the guidance.” There is also an item on the negotiated-rulemaking agenda for later this year to “amend regulations on third-party servicers.”

    A Mix of Reactions

    It’s becoming increasingly common to challenge Education Department guidance if “it affects someone’s livelihood or, in this particular circumstance, threatens a sector,” said Farnaz Farkish Thompson, a partner with the law firm McGuireWoods LLP.

    The fact that a behemoth in the OPM industry was the first to file a lawsuit isn’t particularly surprising to higher-ed watchers, either. The department explicitly called out OPMs in the Dear Colleague Letter, leaving little question that they are a primary target of increased oversight. OPMs, which collectively pull in more than $4 billion a year, help institutions jump-start or expand their online programs by providing a host of services, including learning technology, curriculum design, marketing services, and IT assistance.

    Before filing the lawsuit, 2U had started pushing back against potential regulatory changes in other ways, including campaigning against the department’s recent decision to revisit 2011 guidance that has enabled many online-program managers’ revenue-share agreements with institutions.

    Illustration shows figure at lecturn looking at dialogue balloons

    Further Reading

    Facebook’s ad library, for example, shows at least six active 2U advertising campaigns touting the importance of online education partnerships. The ads take readers to a website, apparently owned by 2U and titled “Online Education Is at Risk,” that warns of “new proposed regulations that would limit students’ access to high-quality, online education.” (No data presented on the site directly validates that claim.)

    The online-program manager also appears to have hired a lobbying firm, Crossroads Strategies LLC, starting on March 1, according to a filing logged in a ProPublica database.

    Among institutions, student advocates, and the broader public, the Dear Colleague Letter has stirred up a mix of passionate, split, and nuanced reactions.

    Over all, there appears to be universal agreement that more transparency in private companies and the services they provide to colleges isn’t a bad thing. The OPM industry, in particular, has drawn scrutiny for cases of deceptive and aggressive recruiting practices.

    For some, the latest guidance is the most sensible and efficient way to curtail that. Within the more than 1,000 written comments posted online in response to the guidance, groups like the Center for American Progress, Veterans Education Success, and the Student Borrower Protection Center thanked the department for taking “welcome and important steps toward protecting students and taxpayers.”

    “OPMs have access to a lot of information,” including enrollment and attendance data, “that is connected to the administration of financial-aid programs … so given that, I think it’s appropriate that the department has a window into their operations,” said Stephanie Hall, a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress. She also noted that the department needs flexibility to be responsive to changes in the sector.

    With existing regulations, “the list of things a third-party servicer might be engaged in is a non-exhaustive list,” she said. It “leaves an opening for the fact that the industry does evolve faster than laws and regulations can keep up.”

    Still, others feel the guidance is too broad and risks entangling vendor services and partnerships that fall outside of what the department intended. Many of the commenters, including institutions like New York University and the University of Texas system and higher-education organizations like the American Council on Education, cited concerns that the guidance would impose administrative burdens and disrupt study-abroad programs, internships, clinical placements, and other important educational services for students.

    In a recent Educause QuickPoll of nearly 200 members of the National Association of College and University Business Officers, 66 percent said they were in the midst of “seeking clarifications” on the guidance; 29 percent were actively reviewing their vendor contracts.

    What’s bothered Morgan, the education lawyer, as well is that the Dear Colleague Letter doesn’t seem to be rooted in an understanding of what’s led colleges to rely on OPMs and related services to begin with.

    “I’ve advised more than 100 universities on contracts about OPMs,” she said, and “they enter into these contracts willingly. Often quite willingly.”

    Are More on the Way?

    It’s not clear whether 2U’s case is the canary in the coal mine — or if it’s acting alone.

    The Chronicle asked two other major players in the OPM industry, Academic Partnerships and Wiley University Services, whether they intended to file their own lawsuits. The former said it has no plans to do so. The latter went a step further, saying it “does not support this litigation.”

    “While we believe the department’s guidance is overly broad and inconsistent with statutory intent, we recognize the department’s interest in understanding more about third-party relationships with institutions, and we look forward to continuing to engage with the department to find appropriate policy solutions,” a Wiley spokesperson wrote in an emailed statement.

    Pearson, another well-known online-program manager, announced plans last month to sell its OPM business to Regent LP, a private-equity firm based in Los Angeles.

    Thompson, the lawyer with McGuireWoods, said it’s more likely that organizations or companies will file briefs in support of the suit, instead of filing their own.

    “The definition of third-party servicer changing would really affect the education-technology industry,” she said. “I think there will be more people who support the plaintiff’s position.”

    Dan Bauman contributed to this report.

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