DEPTFORD, New Jersey (WPVI) — Jeffrey Norcross has been collecting and curating a museum of American history for more than 30 years.
And each year, he rolls out antique toy trains from his childhood for all to see.
This year marks the 23rd Annual Antique Toy Train Show at The Museum of American History at Deptford, NJ. At present, Norcross is displaying three of his timeless trains from the mid-20th century, which still impressively roar across the tracks all these years later.
The train show is a gateway to the rest of the two-story museum, which features agricultural artifacts, fossil specimens, glasses and bottles, pieces of Pine Barrens history, and more.
Norcross, an archaeologist, proudly excavated many of the items himself at 161 sites in 16 states.
This year’s train show will run through February 1, 2026. Then, an art show will launch at the museum from March 8th through the 22nd.
To learn more, visit their website at www.southjerseymuseum.org.
NEW HOPE, Pennsylvania — Former special education teacher Jessica Zander cultivated a beautiful sanctuary where experiences are tailor-made for children of all abilities.
‘Helping Friendly Farm’ opened in 2022 and offers families a combination of sensory exploration, nature, and animal interaction.
After making a reservation, families typically have the whole farm to themselves and can enjoy activities at their own pace.
They can enjoy various rooms in the sensory barn and interact with trained animals like goats and pigs.
To learn more about ‘Helping Friendly Farm,’ watch the video above and visit their website.
WTOP spoke to some of those travelers on Thanksgiving Eve at the rest area off Interstate 95 in Laurel, Maryland.
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Travelers give thanks on Thanksgiving
While most of us have arrived at the home of our loved ones to enjoy a day filled with food, family, friends, football and fun, others are hosting the biggest meal of the year.
No matter if you are the person traveling or the person cooking and preparing Thanksgiving dinner, this is when we look around the table and give thanks for our families and the people in our lives.
Getting to those people in our lives could be a bit of an adventure.
The FAA predicts this will be the busiest Thanksgiving, travelwise, in 15 years.
WTOP spoke to some of those travelers on Thanksgiving Eve at the rest area off Interstate 95 in Laurel, Maryland.
Linsey Dunbar, along with her husband and two daughters, is traveling from Camp Lejeune, North Carolina, to northeast Maryland. She said this was a very special Thanksgiving for her family.
“We just came back from this summer from Japan, so we didn’t get to do holidays with families the last two years,” Dunbar said.
While the Sinha family were all excited about the trip to New York, Harsha said her husband, Vikas, needed the rest.
“He works as a psychiatrist at MedStar,” Harsha said. “For the last 40 days, he’s been working continuously.”
Vikas did acknowledge that he appreciates some time off.
“I actually enjoy working, so I’m a little bit tired, but I think it’s a good time to spend time with family and especially with the holidays and traditions, Vikas said.
The Sinha’s 5-year-old son impressed his parents by saying he was thankful for the whole planet.
One of the families at the rest stop were not traveling, but taking in the busy roads.
Neko and Zayden are locals and come by the rest stop nearly every day after school to stand by the road to watch the 18-wheelers drive by.
“He’s autistic and nonverbal,” Neko said. “So, he just likes coming out here and watching trucks.”
The single dad said his nearly 9-year-old son loves doing the universal pull sign for truck drivers to honk their horns, which happens a lot.
“A lot of truck drivers start to recognize him too, so we don’t have to do it as much,” Neko said.
While Neko stood with his son motioning the trucks to honk, he said he has a lot to be thankful for.
“I’m thankful for my health. I’m thankful that I have a healthy son and thankful for my position in life right now,” the father said.
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A Texas mom captured the moment her 22-month-old daughter left for a trip to the store without her, not knowing it would be her last.
In a reel on Instagram, mom Naïma Hill filmed her toddler, Aveline or ‘Avy’ as she was nicknamed, heading out the door with her dad for a quick Home Depot errand.
That morning, David had gently encouraged Avy to go on a “daddy adventure” without mom. “She was excited to go but also a bit nervous,” Naïma told Newsweek.
“I was always recording things to show my kids when they grew up. Who knew it would actually be for me to bawl over watching in the middle of the night, missing my babe.”
Days later, in May 2023, Naïma and her two children, Avy and Kade, then 4, were in a devastating car crash. The Hills were on their way to visit family overseas when they were hit by a vehicle from behind going 66 miles per hour. Naïma and Kade survived, but Avy and the family dog, Kemosabe, were killed.
Avy, Naïma said, was her “barnacle baby”—never far from her mother’s side. “I miss the small things—her going every place with me, even if it’s just for a minute she wanted to be in my arms. Avy was full of sunshine and sass. Happy to be outside, being held by her momma, [she] loved her family, her dog, had her favorite books, loved her horse Baba, and loved babies.”
“Child loss is not something you get over, ever,” she said. “When something like this happens, the entire world is dark and everything is bad, so I am desperately trying to find and do good in this world, bring her sunshine back a little.”
What has helped, Naïma said, is finding friends who allow her to be honest without judgment. “With these few friends, we were able to say we’ve all never gone through this, and we don’t know the words that will hurt or feel OK, but our intentions and hearts are in the right place,” Naïma said. “We trust each other, and so let’s say whatever is on our mind and not be afraid to say the wrong thing and, most importantly, be called out for it.”
Naïma has also found purpose in Avy’s Sunshine Tribe (AvysSunshineTribe.com), a nonprofit she founded to honor her daughter and bring light back into the community.
Through it, Naïma organizes Avy’s Sunshine Kite Festival, a free annual event in Dallas inspired by Guatemala’s Sumpango kite tradition, where families decorate and fly kites to connect with lost loved ones.
The festival raises funds toward the family’s goal of building an inclusive community playground in their Cedars neighborhood.
Naïma also sells Avy-inspired art, stickers, and apparel to support the project. “I share my story and grief and raw of loss trying to expose more people to this deep pain so everyone can feel like they can always talk about their losses and carry them with them forever,” she said. “Spreading Avy’s sunshine is all I can do.”
Naïma continues to speak openly about grief, hoping to make conversations about loss less taboo. “On the back of our kite festival shirts, it says, ‘Ask me about my kite,’ which translates to something, like ‘Ask me about my person,’ so that, when people ask, you can freely tell them about your lost loved one. We always say, ‘Love them out loud forever.’ I always tell people to take pictures and videos because you’ll lose so many memories without them.”
Millions of Americans could lose SNAP benefits Saturday because of the government shutdown. A Montgomery County food bank is bracing for the impact.
Millions of Americans could lose SNAP benefits Saturday because of the government shutdown. A Montgomery County, Maryland, food bank is bracing for the impact.
So What Else in North Bethesda provides emergency food support and free out-of-school programming, serving about 40,000 families weekly in Maryland and D.C.
Deputy Director May Nash said the current situation is dire and worse than during the COVID-19 pandemic.
“Inflation, tariffs, the federal cuts, and now coming is the loss of SNAP,” Nash said. “It’s just created this perfect storm.”
She said the need has skyrocketed. The food bank is now open two extra days a week, on Wednesdays and Sundays, just for federal workers.
“The face of hunger has also changed. We’re seeing parents, neighbors, teachers, federal workers, people who never thought that they’d be in this position,” Nash said. “In times like this, it can just be anybody.”
The food bank has seen a significant drop in donations, from more than a million pounds of food in August to about half a million in October. With its annual Thanksgiving fundraiser underway, Nash said they need help from the community.
“We’re already pretty much stretched thin,” Nash said. “But we’re not going to stop. We’re going to do everything we can to make sure no one goes hungry in our area.”
So What Else aims to provide Thanksgiving dinners for at least 30,000 families, which is a bigger goal than last year, when they got a surge of help from WTOP listeners.
The food bank is asking for volunteers or donations. Nash said $24 covers dinner for a family of four. Find out more on its website.
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Netflix has rolled out a new TV experience for kids’ profiles on its service globally, the company confirmed to TechCrunch on Tuesday. The update, which aims to simplify the design and navigation, is the company’s latest attempt to connect users to content they’ll like more quickly.
In May, Netflix introduced a similar redesign of its TV homepage for standard profiles, which added an AI-powered search tool, better recommendations, and more visible shortcuts, among other changes.
Now, the company says that the same update has arrived on kids’ profiles, along with other tweaks aimed specifically at Netflix’s youngest users.
The new design simplified the look and feel of the homepage. It also offers a new navigation bar at the top that links to “My Netflix,” a section that brings together everything kids have watched, saved, and loved in a single place. This makes it easier for users to revisit favorite content — something that younger users often do by rewatching their top movies and episodes.
In addition, Netflix says kids’ recommendations will refresh in real-time, as they do on standard profiles. The company hopes this will decrease the time kids spend searching for something to watch.
Some things on the Kids profile won’t change, however: the Character Themed Rows, Mystery Box suggestions, and parental controls are still available.
Netflix also announced other updates for Netflix today, including features like real-time voting, live party games, podcasts, and more. Next year, for instance, Netflix will launch real-time voting on its upcoming new show “Star Search,” after earlier tests with “Dinner Time Live with David Chang.”
The company says the new user interface is tied to these changes, as it offers a more flexible canvas for different types of creative content, including interactive content.
Google has teamed up with the United Service Organizations (USO) to help deployed service members stay in touch with their families in a different way. As part of a pilot program, the company is bringing Google Beam, its 3D video communication tech, to USO service centers in the US and other countries starting in 2026.
Google suggests that Beam can help military families who are separated by many miles feel like they are in the same room. While family members can keep in touch with deployed loved ones through group chats and video calls, chatting via Beam could help them feel closer together, if the tech works as well as promised.
We got our first look at Beam — then known as Project Starline — in 2021. The holographic teleconferencing system uses 3D imaging, spatial audio and adaptive lighting to make video chats more immersive. Beam is primarily intended for enterprise clients (the first such device costs $25,000), but it’s interesting to see Google exploring other applications for the tech.
“We are preparing to receive between one and 28 [bodies],” Avidan said, adding that authorities still do not know the final number. Readiness remains “as we were throughout the war,” he said, with maximum sensitivity for the bereaved. His comments were made on Kan Reshet Bet with hosts Prof. Yuval Elbashan and Moriah Kor.
Avidan warned of a worst-case scenario in which Hamas asserts that some remains are missing. “My biggest fear is that we will be told ‘not found,’ and families will be left without closure,” he said. He later added a simple wish: “May we hear only good news. May we not have to deal with such things.”
Because of past incidents, each transfer will begin with strict safety screening. “We do not trust them with anything,” Avidan said, noting that grenades and other explosives had previously been found on bodies. Only after security checks and an initial identification conducted by the International Committee of the Red Cross across the border will remains be moved to Israel’s National Center of Forensic Medicine in Tel Aviv, known as Abu Kabir, for full forensic work.
“There begins the entire complex identification process,” Avidan said, describing how forensic specialists match remains with intelligence files compiled for each of the fallen. He said most of the 28 had already been formally declared dead by a special state committee convened for the first time and led by Chief Rabbi Yitzhak Yosef. “There is no chance of a mistake,” he said, emphasizing that decisions were based on solid evidence, including to allow widows to remarry under Jewish law.
Israeli security forces stand guard at the L. Greenberg Institute of Forensic Medicine at Abu Kabir, February 20, 2025. (credit: Chaim Goldberg/Flash90)
Preparations ready for funerals of slain hostages
The ministry is preparing to hold funerals for families that already observed mourning or held symbolic burials after the earlier declarations of death. “We give them the arrangements, and in every family, we do the funeral again,” Avidan said, describing a tailored approach meant to ensure “the family receives what it deserves” in accompanying their loved ones to burial.
Coordination is being carried out with the IDF, Israel Police, and other agencies, Avidan said. Ministry teams are staying in constant contact with next of kin and accommodating specific requests regarding burial and farewell rites wherever possible. He said the posture is one of high alert, with procedures refined to balance security, forensics, and religious law.
Avidan reiterated that the ministry’s focus is twofold: protecting dignity for the dead and providing close support for families. “We are ready for one, and we are ready for 28,” he said. “We are doing everything so that the families can say goodbye in the most respectful way.”
The victims of the Ramallah lynching, the bus bombing in Kfar Darom, the Ben Yehuda Street bombing in Jerusalem, and the French Hill suicide bombing are among those who will receive compensation.
The Israel Enforcement and Collection Authority (ECA) announced on Sunday that its operational arm, the Execution Office, collected NIS 25 million for families for the families of those killed and wounded in acts of terrorism.
The Execution Office is the official government body responsible for enforcing civil judgments in Israel. The funds collected from the Palestinian Authority (PA) are the result of the lines placed on funds related to terrorist activities.
Funds collected from the Palestinian Authority
The funds are from monies by the Palestinian Authority to families of those who committed acts of terrorism. The ECA is involved in enforcing civil judgments, including collecting damages awarded against individuals involved in terrorist activities. This includes compensation for victims and families affected by acts of terrorism.
One notable case involves an enforcement file initiated in 2019 by 41 families who are victims of terror. It rests on a civil ruling against the Palestinian Authority handed down in the Jerusalem District Court.
The court had ordered compensation for various terrorist attacks, including the lynching in Ramallah, the bus bombing in Kfar Darom, the Ben Yehuda Street bombing in Jerusalem, the French Hill suicide bombing, the Megiddo junction car bomb, the Alon Moreh infiltration, and other terror incidents.
Israelis attend a memorial ceremony for the victims of the 1948 Ben Yehuda Street bombing in Jerusalem on February 20, 2014. (credit: YONATAN SINDEL/FLASH90)
In this case, the total debt amounted to NIS 67,636,330. Through enforcement actions, the authority collected 23,698,281 NIS from PA funds held by the State, along with additional amounts for specific families affected by terror attacks in Jerusalem and the Sbarro restaurant bombing.
These actions are part of Israel’s broader efforts to ensure that victims of terrorism receive compensation, even when the perpetrators or their affiliates are state actors, said the ECA.
Thousands of meals distributed for families still recovering from Helene
One year after Hurricane Helene devastated Western North Carolina, families in the region are receiving much-needed food assistance thanks to efforts from organizations in Charlotte.
Volunteers from Channel Nine, along with MANNA FoodBank, Second Harvest Food Bank of Metrolina, and Food Lion, distributed 1,800 food boxes to families near Asheville.
“Neighbors feeding neighbors, helping out, you know, a neighbor in food bank and we’re honored and privileged to be here helping out,” said Kay Carter, CEO of Second Harvest Food Bank of Metrolina.
Hundreds of cars lined up to receive the food boxes, highlighting the ongoing need for assistance in the area.“It’s expensive to do, you know, food’s expensive and supplies and it helps out quite a bit,” said Eric Adler, a resident impacted by the hurricane.
Claire Neal, CEO of MANNA FoodBank, noted the unprecedented demand for emergency food assistance, stating, “And what we’re seeing is the highest need for emergency food assistance that we’ve ever seen in our 42-year history.”
Faye Butler, another resident, expressed gratitude for the support, saying, “Your heart feels so overwhelmed with love and joy that we have people that care for us.”
Native Vote. At Saturday’s Walk For Our Lives fentanyl awareness event in Española, Deb Haaland (Laguna Pueblo), a candidate for governor of New Mexico, joined families affected by the fentanyl epidemic and pledged to take action on the crisis. She promised to direct resources toward addiction recovery programs, family support services, and to equip law enforcement with the tools needed to combat the spread of illegal drugs across the state. The event was led by Española native Alicia Pauline Vigil-Ryan, whose son died from fentanyl poisoning in 2022.
“The rise of fentanyl in our communities is heartbreaking. It ruins lives and families. Thank you to Alicia for your strength in leading us all today. As governor, I’ll invest in addiction services, making sure families have support, and in law enforcement so they have the tools to keep our community safe and provide the help the community needs,” Haaland said.
A recent report from the New Mexico Department of Health reveals a significant spike in overdose deaths in Rio Arriba, Santa Fe, and Taos Counties, with fentanyl responsible for the majority of those fatalities.
Haaland has spoken openly about her own past struggles with addiction, giving her a personal understanding of how deeply substance abuse impacts individuals and families—and the difficulty of accessing help. While serving in Congress, she secured $9.4 million in funding for New Mexico communities to address the opioid epidemic and expand addiction services. As Secretary of the Interior, she partnered with Indian Health Services (IHS) to bolster mental health support in high schools serving Native youth, aiming to prevent early pathways to addiction.
About the Author: “Levi “Calm Before the Storm” Rickert (Prairie Band Potawatomi Nation) is the founder, publisher and editor of Native News Online. Rickert was awarded Best Column 2021 Native Media Award for the print/online category by the Native American Journalists Association. He serves on the advisory board of the Multicultural Media Correspondents Association. He can be reached at levi@nativenewsonline.net.”
You’re not alone, parenting and learning can be tough
Whether you’re helping your child with homework, teaching them at home, or just trying to keep up with what they’re learning in school, it can feel overwhelming.
That’s why Khan Academy created something brand-new—for the first time ever, just for families. The Khan for Parents course is a free, friendly way to learn how to support your child’s learning. And no, you don’t need to be a teacher or tech expert. Whether you’re a parent, guardian, grandparent, or caregiver—this course is for you.
See how Khan for Parents can help you
This quick video shows how the Khan for Parents course can help you support your child’s learning journey.
Why take the Khan for Parents course?
You care about your child’s education, but maybe you’ve asked:
“How can I actually help them at home?”
“What’s Khan Academy all about, anyway?”
“Is there an easy way to get started?”
This course answers all that (and more) in three quick, helpful units. It’s designed to meet you where you are—whether you’re brand-new to Khan Academy or a long-time user who wants to dive deeper.
Now that you know what Khan Academy is, this unit walks you through:
How to use Khan Academy, whether you’re supporting a homeschooler or an in-school learner
How to explore lessons, assign content, and track progress
How to help your child when they get stuck or need extra encouragement
Go to Unit 2 to explore lessons, assign content, and track progress.
Unit 3: Learning Khanmigo
This unit is where things get exciting! You’ll explore:
How to use Khanmigo’s Parent tools
What Khanmigo offers learners—like tutoring, explanations, and writing help
How to use Khanmigo inside a course to boost engagement and confidence
Jump into Unit 3 and learn how to use Khanmigo to boost your child’s confidence.
How to get started in three easy steps
1. Visit Khan Academy and choose “Parent” when signing up or logging in. 2. Click on the “Khan for Parents” course. 3. Start learning! Each unit is short, helpful, and built with YOU in mind.
You don’t need to figure it all out alone.
Take the free Khan for Parents course today, watch the quick video above, and see how easy it is to support your child’s learning—at home, on the go, or anywhere in between.
Almost two years of displacement have left scars not only on infrastructure but on the very social fabric of northern Israel, and the question is no longer only how to rebuild.
The drive up the green slopes of the Upper Galilee still carries a deceptive sense of tranquility. Vineyards stretch across the hills, the valley opens into a vast plain, and villages appear nestled against the border with Lebanon. Yet behind this pastoral landscape lies a reality marked by rockets, evacuations, shuttered businesses, and mounting debts.
Almost two years of displacement have left scars not only on infrastructure but on the very social fabric of northern Israel, where the question is no longer only how to rebuild, but instead whether families will truly return and choose to rebuild.
“This is an opportunity we must come out stronger from after the war,” said Asaf Levinger, head of the Upper Galilee Regional Council. “It is a national imperative to build something different here.”
Levinger, who represents dozens of communities stretching along Israel’s northern border, speaks with both urgency and defiance. He notes that around 85% of evacuated families have returned, and insists that the focus should not be on those who left.
“There are new families joining,” he said, pointing to Kibbutz Yiftach, less than a kilometer from the border, where thirteen new families have arrived. “We even have forty sons of the kibbutz talking about coming back. In Manara, we are already placing temporary mobile homes, and there are hardly any empty houses left in many of our communities.”
A huge 35 square meters Israeli national flag is raised on the eve of Yom Kippur to remember the fallen soldiers of the 1973 Kippur War in the Golan Heights, Tel Saki Memorial Site, Golan Heights, October 11, 2024. (credit: MICHAEL GILADI/FLASH90)
Resilience, though, stands alongside devastation. In Manara, nearly three-quarters of homes were damaged by Hezbollah fire. “Seventy-five percent of the houses in Manara were hit,” Levinger explained. “It will take three years to fully rebuild, some of it through evacuation and reconstruction. We have already renovated part of the houses, and people are moving in, but most of it is still ahead.” Roads and public infrastructure remain only partially repaired; a process the council chief admits is far from completion.
Funding, he stresses, is the bottleneck. Under the current model, municipalities must finance projects upfront and only later request reimbursement from the state. “Most of the money we received so far was for direct compensation to residents and some initial infrastructure repairs in evacuated communities,” he said.
“The rest has not arrived. Some of it has been approved in government decisions but not transferred, and in some cases, there is not even a government decision yet. We opened the school year, but the decision on special education programs for evacuated children hasn’t even been made.”
The result is a patchwork of unfinished reconstruction, with local councils forced to take loans and businesses left in limbo. “The biggest challenge is restarting the economy and making this region attractive again,” Levinger insisted.
“Tourism, which should be flourishing, is empty. Cafés and small businesses cannot find workers. We are missing thousands of students from the local college, which has not returned. That is 5,000 students who are not living here, not consuming, not sustaining the local economy.”
For Levinger, the crisis also exposes a long-standing neglect. “The Eastern Galilee is disconnected. We are not connected to the national railway, not connected to the national water carrier. This detachment is visible: fewer children came back here compared to the Western Galilee,” he said.
“There is enormous potential here, but without connectivity, without investment, families will not stay. We do not have full government support. It is not zero, but it is not complete. With the right backing, we can build a different reality.”
That “different reality,” in his view, would combine world-class education, agricultural research, and cultural life with a revival of tourism and hi-tech. “We want to turn the local college into a university,” he explained.
“We want to attract companies, connect hi-tech with agri-tech, and create a unique community that people will choose not only for the air and the landscapes, but for opportunities. The Galilee can be an example for Israel in food security and social resilience. But it requires decisions now.”
With no government transfers, donations or loans are the only answer
Inbar Bezek, CEO of the Upper Galilee Economic Development Company and a former member of the Israeli parliament, describes the same reality from the ground level of construction and bureaucracy. “We were promised 15 million shekels to build 55 safe rooms in kindergartens and schools. We started in January, we finished half of them, and until today we have not received even one shekel,” she said.
“Municipalities have to raise donations or go to the bank and pay interest. Strong councils can borrow, but weaker ones cannot. And then small contractors get stuck without payment. Everyone suffers because the government does not transfer the money.”
Her frustration is palpable. “They promise billions on paper, but when you look for the money on the ground, it is not there. We cannot start new neighborhoods if we don’t know when or if the state will reimburse us,” she explained. In her view, the government has “given up the periphery” and is prioritizing coalition politics over reconstruction.
“Living in the north means you earn less, you receive less, and your quality of life is lower. Yet we return because we were born here, because this is the most beautiful and green area in Israel. But for years, the state has invested only in the center. It is in Israel’s national interest to strengthen the north, yet everything pushes young families toward Tel Aviv instead.”
Bezek also points to the social dimension. With Kiryat Shmona closed for nearly two years, restaurants, shops, and cultural activities disappeared, widening the gap with central Israel. “About 50% of the restaurants we had have not reopened. Some relocated permanently. People who lived for two years in Haifa or Tiberias discovered a better quality of life. Why would they come back to closed shops and buses every two hours?” she asked.
The economic toll extends beyond services to the fields themselves. Ofer Barnea, CEO of the Upper Galilee Agriculture Company, describes a landscape of destruction and waiting. “About 3,000 dunams of orchards near the border were destroyed, mainly apple groves,” he said. “Farmers have not received compensation. Bureaucracy is slow, it takes months and years. Unlike the south, where support programs are functioning, here in the north nothing has arrived. They talk, they appoint committees, they change project managers, but on the ground, nothing reaches us.”
During the war, he explained, no foreign workers or labor contractors could enter. Harvests were lost, irrigation systems burned, and orchards uprooted. “The labor force has returned now, but the damage is long term. When an orchard burns, it takes years to replace. Egg and poultry farms were badly hit, and this affects the entire country, not just the north. Food security is a national issue,” he stressed.
Barnea, like Levinger, insists the crisis could be an opening. “If funds arrive, recovery will be quick. This is the opportunity to provide planting grants for new orchards, to finally build water reservoirs. After war and drought, we need strategic water infrastructure. The plans exist. Everything is approved. The money has not arrived. That is the opportunity.”
The sense of neglect runs deep across these conversations. Levinger does not hide his frustration. “Haifa and Yokne’am receive the same benefits as the Upper Galilee. So for a business, why would they come here, where everything is harder? Good air and flowing streams are not enough. We need to create an added value, a unique community. Otherwise, companies will always choose elsewhere,” he said.
And yet he insists on hope. “It is amazing to see the embrace from communities abroad, Jewish and non-Jewish alike, during and after the war. This warmth gives us strength,” he said. “We must emerge stronger. It is the moment to build something different.”
The words echo a choice Israel has faced many times: whether its periphery will remain a frontier of sacrifice or become a frontier of opportunity. In the Upper Galilee, leaders are warning that time is running out, and that the promises on paper must finally reach the ground.
On September 3, 2025, Florida Surgeon General Dr. Joseph Ladapo announced plans to . At the press conference, he even compared mandates to “slavery.”
If finalized, Florida would become the first state in the nation to completely roll back school vaccine mandates. Administrative and legislative steps are still required, but the direction is clear. And announcements like this matter: even before laws change, they shape perception—and perception alone can lower vaccination rates before policy ever does.
For decades, Florida, like every other state, has required immunizations for school entry. This isn’t a minor tweak; it’s a reversal of long-standing precedent. And to be clear, this isn’t about COVID vaccines. It’s about the routine immunizations, including measles, polio, chickenpox, and whooping cough, that have kept classrooms safe for generations.
Why vaccine mandates exist
Vaccine requirements aren’t about control. They exist because contagious diseases don’t stop with one child. They don’t stop at your front door. And they don’t stop at state lines.
Think of them like seatbelts or smoke alarms: you don’t think much about them until the day they save a life. Removing them doesn’t create freedom. It strips away protection, not just for one child, but for entire communities.
No vaccine is 100% effective. But when most children in a classroom are vaccinated, germs run out of room to spread. Take away that safety net, and illnesses can move quickly through schools, homes, and communities.
When mandates disappear, history shows what follows: coverage drops, outbreaks rise, and the consequences spill far beyond the families who opt out.
Why every parent should care
A common question is, “But my child is vaccinated, why should I worry?”
Here’s why:
Babies and immunocompromised kids can’t always be vaccinated. They rely on the rest of us for protection.
Schools are high-risk settings. Children share air, food, and play for six hours or more a day. Measles can linger in the air for two hours after a sick child leaves.
Outbreaks don’t stay local. With travel, tourism, and sports, diseases cross borders faster than laws can keep up.
And this isn’t just theoretical. cases are at their highest since the disease was declared eradicated in 2000. Just a few unvaccinated children in one school can spark dozens of cases.
This is bigger than Florida. States are moving in opposite directions, some strengthening protections, others rolling them back, leaving families, teachers, and doctors caught in what many are calling a public health “civil war.”
What happens when coverage slips
Rolling back mandates doesn’t just change numbers on a chart. It creates ripple effects families feel in daily life:
Exemptions rise. What was rare becomes routine.
Clusters form. Outbreaks don’t need every child unvaccinated, just enough in one school or community.
Exclusions multiply. Schools must send home unvaccinated children after exposures, sometimes for weeks.
Families scramble. More sick days, more ER visits, more bills.
Systems strain. Pediatricians, school nurses, and teachers absorb the fallout.
For a healthy child, measles might mean a miserable week. For a baby too young for shots or a child with leukemia, it could mean hospitalization, or worse. That’s the unfair truth: when coverage dips, the most vulnerable pay the highest price.
How herd immunity works
Think of herd immunity as a chain-link fence.
Each vaccinated child is a link. A missing link here or there? The fence still holds. But remove panel after panel, and the fence collapses, letting germs walk right in.
For measles, about 95% of kids need to be vaccinated to keep that fence strong. Yet U.S. kindergarten rates are already slipping below that threshold in many areas. In Florida, coverage has fallen into the high 80s, with nearly 5% of children exempt through non-medical reasons.
Take away mandates, and those gaps widen. And when the fence weakens, it’s not just unvaccinated families who feel it. The impact ripples out to daycares, nursing facilities, and homes with newborns or loved ones.
What families can do
This proposal isn’t law yet, which means voices matter. Families still have time to speak up.
Parents can ask schools how they’ll handle safety if mandates disappear.
Families and teachers can share concerns with state representatives.
Personal stories, whether from parents, teachers, or healthcare workers, help lawmakers understand what’s at stake.
History shows local policy does shift when communities raise their voices. Public pressure matters, and lawmakers know it.
Final thoughts
This isn’t just about Florida. It’s about what kind of communities we want for our kids.
Removing mandates doesn’t restore choice, it removes protection. It doesn’t strengthen freedom, it weakens safety nets. And the people most affected will be the ones with the least margin: newborns, kids with chronic illnesses, teachers already stretched thin, families already carrying too much.
But here’s the hope: these proposals aren’t finalized. Parents, teachers, and pediatricians still have a chance to use their voices. Lawmakers do listen, especially when they hear from the communities they represent.
For my personal reflections, as both a pediatrician and a parent in Florida, plus answers to common questions, and ready-to-use scripts and letters to help families take action locally, read the full (free) .
Protecting children’s health shouldn’t depend on politics. It should simply be the standard.
A federal judge in New York denied a motion by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to dismiss a lawsuit brought by families of 9/11 victims who are seeking to hold the Middle Eastern country responsible for potentially providing support to the hijackers, allowing the suit to proceed.
The ruling is the latest in a long-running lawsuit seeking to hold the Saudi government liable for al Qaeda’s attacks, a case that has been described by lawyers for the plaintiffs as a “labyrinth.”
Saudi Arabia had the suit temporarily dismissed in 2015, before the dismissal was overturned by a federal appeals court. While the appeal was pending in 2016, Congress enacted a law known as the Justice Against Sponsors of Terrorism Act, which allowed victims of terror attacks to sue foreign governments and individuals if they provided material support to the attackers. It also gave U.S. courts jurisdiction over potential lawsuits filed over injuries and deaths in attacks on U.S. soil.
Allegations that members of the Saudi government had links to some of the Sept. 11 hijackers have circulated for years. The claims have drawn vehement denials from Saudi Arabia, a key U.S. ally in the Middle East. Most theories have centered on two of the 19 hijackers: Khalid al-Mihdhar and Nawaf al-Hazmi, who were on the plane that crashed into the Pentagon.
More than a year before the hijackings, al-Midhar and al-Hazmi settled in Los Angeles, where a Saudi man named Omar al-Bayoumi helped them find an apartment. A 2004 report by the 9/11 Commission said that Bayoumi met the two hijackers by chance at a restaurant.
But the families of some victims and their attorneys have alleged that Bayoumi had deeper connections to Saudi Arabia, citing federal reportsdeclassified in recent years that allege he had “extensive ties” with the Gulf monarchy’s government and was accused of serving as a Saudi intelligence officer. The FBI has also investigated whether the two hijackers got assistance from Fahad al-Thumairy, an accredited Saudi diplomat and imam at a Los Angeles mosque. The 9/11 Commission found no evidence that Thumairy helped the hijackers.
Last year, a “60 Minutes” report revealed new evidence about Bayoumi, including a video of him filming the entrances of the U.S. Capitol and pointing out its location relative to the Washington Monument, at some points referencing a “plan.” Investigators have long believed the Capitol may have been the intended target of Flight 93, which crashed into a field in Pennsylvania after passengers overtook the hijackers.
Decades ago, investigators also found a notebook in Bayoumi’s home that seemed to show a drawing of a plane and a mathematical equation that could be used to calculate the rate of descent to a target.
Many of those allegations were raised by attorneys for the victims of the Sept. 11 attacks. Lawyers for the Saudi government have repeatedly pushed for all claims against the country to be dismissed, including in October 2023. A Manhattan judge rejected that request Thursday.
“Plaintiffs have managed to provide this Court with reasonable evidence as to the roles played by Bayoumi, Thumairy, and KSA, in assisting the hijackers. KSA did not proffer sufficient evidence to the contrary,” U.S. District Judge in the Southern District of New York George Daniels wrote in an order Thursday. “Although KSA attempts to offer seemingly innocent explanations or context, they are either self-contradictory or not strong enough to overcome the inference that KSA had employed Bayoumi and Thumairy to assist the hijackers.”
Daniels wrote that while the families and attorneys representing Saudi Arabia disagree on Bayoumi’s motive, it is “undisputed” that Bayoumi assisted in finding the hijackers’ apartments, and signed a lease with them as a guarantor. Daniels said it is also “undisputed” that a notepad page “with an airplane drawing, notes, and numbers” was found in Bayoumi’s home.
Attorneys representing Saudi Arabia, Daniels wrote, argued that “Bayoumi’s encounters with the hijackers were coincidences,” and he was “simply being good-natured” when he provided assistance to the hijackers. The lawyers, Daniels said, claimed the airplane drawing “was unrelated to the 9/11 Attacks” and “likely related to Bayoumi’s son’s high school [assignments].”
“These are all either conclusory attorney speculations not grounded in facts, or self-serving denials or excuses from Bayoumi himself that do not withstand scrutiny,” Daniels wrote.
“We welcome the court’s thorough and well-reasoned decision and look forward to moving the case forward to trial,” Sean P. Carter, an attorney representing the families, said in a statement.
Kreindler & Kreindler LLP, another law firm representing Sept. 11 victims’ families, said the ruling “ensures that the plaintiffs may continue their long pursuit of truth and justice,” and “paves the way for these critical issues to be fully examined at trial.”
The Justice Department and the Saudi Embassy in Washington, D.C., did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
With about a month until Election Day, U.S. Sen. Tammy Baldwin, D-Wis., is leading Republican challenger Eric Hovde in the most recent Marquette University Law School poll. Criticisms of one by the other are at a fever pitch.
During a Sept. 16 appearance on the Vicki McKenna Show on WIBA (1310), Hovde dogged Baldwin for a federal earmark she requested for a Madison-area organization that serves at-risk youth.
In doing so, Hovde claimed, Baldwin “gave our taxpayer money to a transgender clinic, affirming clinic — which is their buzzword — that does it without even telling parents.”
His remark strays from the facts. Let’s take a closer look.
Hovde mischaracterizes organization’s work
When asked for the evidence behind the claim, a Hovde spokesperson pointed to the $400,000 in federal money that Baldwin requested from a $1.2 trillion government spending package passed in March for Fitchburg-based Briarpatch Youth Services, which serves runaway and homeless youth in Dane County.
Its programs include a youth homeless shelter, employment services and help for people navigating the criminal justice system, among others.
But the move triggered Republican uproar because Briarpatch also runs a program called Teens Like Us, which supports LGBTQ+ youth ages 13 to 18. Last year, its website mentioned that youth did not need a guardian’s permission to join the program, and that gender-affirming clothing like chest binders and swimwear was also available.
Neither point appears on the page today, a move the organization told Wisconsin Watch it made to protect youth safety. Briarpatch Executive Director Jill Pfeiffer told PolitiFact Wisconsin that in most cases, parents are the ones bringing their children to the Teens Like Us program to give them a safe place to explore their identity.
PolitiFact Wisconsin asked Hovde’s team to clarify what he meant in saying the organization “does it” without telling parents. His spokesperson declined to specifically answer the question, noting that news outlets reported the gender-affirming clothing offering and that youth can join the program without permission.
But in the multiple times Hovde has offered variations of this claim, he doesn’t mention clothing. Instead, he’s made vague claims that the organization works with children on “transgendering them,” helps kids “go through the transgender process,” or, in the case of the specific statement we are examining here, “does it.”
After his statement, McKenna claimed the organization would “alter children, mutilate them surgically or put them on drugs that can have a permanent impact on their quality of life” — things Hovde didn’t dispute.
Taken together, this all connotes an element of gender-affirming medical care that Briarpatch does not provide. Not only does his phrase “transgender clinic” misconstrue the organization’s overall mission, law prohibits Wisconsin minors from getting medical treatment without a parent or guardian’s signature.
Second, the taxpayer money Hovde refers to is not going to the Teens Like Us program, Baldwin’s staff told the Journal Sentinel in March and Pfeiffer confirmed to PolitiFact Wisconsin.
Because the request came from the federal Substance Abuse and Mental Health Service Administration, a Baldwin spokesperson told the Journal Sentinel, the funds would be prohibited from being used for the activities described in the Teens Like Us program. Pfeiffer confirmed the money is for counseling for youth experiencing homelessness and other hardships.
Our ruling
Hovde claimed that Baldwin gave taxpayer money to a transgender-affirming clinic that “does it without even telling parents.”
Baldwin did secure funds for Briarpatch Youth Services, which has a program for LGBTQ+ youth that doesn’t require parental permission to join. But Hovde’s vagueness leaves room for the idea that there’s gender-affirming medical treatment happening, which is not accurate. On top of that, and most significantly, the funds Baldwin requested went to an entirely different program, and are not being used for the purpose Hovde claimed.
In his bid to regain the White House, former President Donald Trump has hammered away at the Biden-Harris administration for its inflation record.
During a Sept. 7 rally in Mosinee, Wisconsin, Trump said that as vice president, Kamala Harris — his Democratic opponent — “cast the tiebreaking votes that caused the worst inflation in American history, costing a typical American family $28,000.”
Republican National Committee spokesperson Anna Kelly told PolitiFact in an email that the spending initiated under the Biden-Harris administration was something that “even liberal economists warned would cause” prices to rise, linking to a fewexamples.
For Trump’s statement, portions of what he said are exaggerated or inaccurate. Here, we analyze his statement’s three elements.
Harris’ “tiebreaking votes … caused” the 40-year high inflation
The tiebreaking vote Trump referred to was on the motion to proceed to a final Senate vote on the 2021 American Rescue Plan Act, President Joe Biden’s coronavirus pandemic relief bill.
The $1.9 trillion plan, supported by only Democrats, included $1,400 direct payments to about 85% of Americans, $360 billion for state and local governments and $242 billion in expanded unemployment benefits. (Technically, in the vote on final passage, Senate Democrats had enough to approve the measure without relying on Harris as a tiebreaker, because of a Republican senator’s absence.)
As lawmakers worked on the measure, some economists, including Larry Summers, who directed the National Economic Council under former President Barack Obama, warned the bill would lead to inflation. Fiscal conservatives joined in the warning.
In retrospect, economists now widely agree that the law put too much money in Americans’ pockets when the pandemic had hampered global supply chains. This meant demand outstripped supply, leading prices to spike.
However, most economists also agree that the American Rescue Plan exacerbated inflation but was not the sole cause. The supply chain shortages, economists say, ignited the inflation increase, and Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine — which prompted an oil price spike and other trade interruptions — worsened it.
Mark Zandi, Moody’s Analytics’ chief economist, recently told ABC News that “there’s a long list of reasons for the high inflation. At the top of the list is the pandemic and the Russian war…. (the American Rescue Plan is) “at the bottom of the list.”
Harvard University economist and onetime Obama aide Jason Furman has estimated that the American Rescue Plan added 1 to 4 percentage points to the inflation rate in 2021. Michael Strain, of the conservative American Enterprise Institute, put the figure at 3 percentage points.
Economists we contacted for this article offered similar estimates.
Douglas Holtz-Eakin, president of the center-right American Action Forum, estimated a 2 percentage point rise in U.S. inflation and that can reasonably be attributed to Biden’s legislation, judging by the simultaneous rise in inflation among advanced economies in Europe..
Dean Baker, co-founder of the liberal Center for Economic and Policy Research, also said he would allocate around 2 percentage points of the increase to the American Rescue Plan. Baker said the law’s passage had positives and negatives.
“The package quickly got the economy back to full employment,” he said, and “the inflation was temporary. It came back down.”
Biden and Harris oversaw “the worst inflation in American history”
The highest year-over-year inflation rate on Biden’s watch was around 9% in summer 2022. That was the highest in about 40 years. Cumulatively over Biden’s presidency, prices have risen by 19.4%, but that increase came over three and a half years, so per year, the inflation rate was about 5.5%.
The highest sustained, year-over-year U.S. inflation rates were recorded in the 1970s and early 1980s, when the price increase sometimes ranged from 12% to 15%. For one year — 1946, after the U.S. won World War II — the overall year-over-year inflation rate exceeded 18%.
Also, the year-over-year inflation rate has fallen since its 2022 peak under Biden. It was at 2.9% in July 2024, the most recent month available.
Inflation under Biden and Harris has cost “a typical American family $28,000”
Trump’s campaign previously told the Washington Post Fact Checker that with this figure, the former president referred to an inflation tracker designed by the Republican staff of the Joint Economic Committee. The tracker calculates the amount of additional costs for a typical household now compared with January 2021, the month Biden and Harris took office. The $28,000 calculation takes into account the measured increases in spending for such items as food, shelter, transportation and energy.
Other data confirms that higher prices have taken a larger slice of U.S. household income since inflation began rising. For the four quarters preceding the pandemic, the savings rate — personal income after taxes minus personal consumption, divided by personal income after taxes — bounced from 7% to 9%. Since the start of 2022, it has ranged from 3% to 5%.
But the price increases Trump referenced didn’t occur in a vacuum. Wages also rose, cushioning the blow.
In the roughly three and a half years since Biden and Harris took office, prices have risen by 19.4%, while wages have risen by 17.7%. That means that during the Biden-Harris administration to date, wage increases have lagged price increases by a cumulative 1.7%, or less than half a percentage point per year.
The comparison looks more favorable to Biden and Harris if someone uses as the baseline February 2020, the last month before the pandemic started. Economists consider this a useful comparison because that was the last month before the pandemic, which began distorting economic data. Since then, prices have risen by 20.9%, and wages have risen by 23.3%. So, during that period, Americans’ spending power has run ahead of inflation.
Our ruling
Trump said Harris “cast the tiebreaking votes that caused the worst inflation in American history, costing a typical American family $28,000.”
Harris cast the tiebreaking vote on the motion to proceed to a final Senate vote on the 2021 American Rescue Plan Act, a coronavirus pandemic relief bill.
An ideologically diverse cross-section of economists agrees that the American Rescue Plan added a couple of percentage points to inflation, but didn’t cause the wider spike. The primary causes, they say, were supply chain disruptions from the pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
Year-over-year inflation peaked in 2022 at about 9%. That makes it the worst annual rate in 40 years, but not the worst in American history.
The $28,000 increase is a credible estimate of how much extra households have paid for purchases since Biden took office. But that figure ignores that wage gains have evened out much — or depending on the time frame, all — of those increased costs.
The statement contains an element of truth because the American Rescue Plan did add to inflation, and households have had higher cost burdens. But the statement ignores critical facts that would give a different impression. We rate it Mostly False.
First 5 Network confronts the challenges of state budget cuts on child services and advocates for continued support for children’s programs
SACRAMENTO, Calif., May 14, 2024 (Newswire.com)
– The First 5 Network today expressed disappointment following Governor Gavin Newsom’s May Revision in response to California’s budget shortfall. In First 5 Network’s view, the proposed cuts announced on Friday worsen the impact of reductions that have already been made to First 5 programs and services due to declining tobacco tax revenue. Among the programs and services facing cuts are CalWORKS Home Visiting Program, universal transitional kindergarten, Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative, child care slots, and no funding for continuous Medi-Cal eligibility for children 0-5. First 5 Network projects that the proposed cuts will affect California children and families who depend on crucial child care, parenting supports, mental health services, and high-quality early learning programs.
First 5s in every county have attempted to stabilize services to young children and families despite rapidly declining tobacco taxes. The First 5 Network feels that the Governor’s proposed cuts add immense pressure on local First 5s and early childhood providers to administer more services with less funding.
“At the California Children and Families Commission (First 5 CA), our steadfast dedication to meeting the needs of children aged 0-5, their families, and communities remains resolute,” said First 5 CA Executive Director Jackie Wong. “However, this budget proposal falls drastically short of reflecting our values that create the trauma-informed, healing-centered and culturally responsive systems which our children and families deserve. As we confront the gravity of the revised budget, our focus remains unyielding on realizing our Audacious Goal and North Star: ensuring that every child in California has the opportunity to thrive.”
In the face of the staggering budgetary constraints, the First 5 Network remains committed to doing more with less for the communities it serves. Despite the challenges, the network is steadfast in its mission – to ensure the basic rights and essential services of children prenatal-to-five are not eroded by financial shortfalls. The First 5 Network hopes to work with the Legislature and the Administration to overcome these hurdles and champion the cause of California’s youngest residents and their families.
“Ensuring the prosperity and well-being of our youngest residents is at the core of First 5 LA’s commitment,” said First 5 LA President and CEO Karla Pleitéz Howell. “We encourage the Governor to uphold the innovative policies that lifted up children and families during the pandemic. Protecting child care for our youngest learners and the workforce is paramount to L.A. county families, while also protecting core programs, such as Medi-Cal, CalWORKs and Home Visiting, which will ensure their basic needs are met. The First 5 Network is ready to work with the Governor to find solutions so that all of California’s children have what they need.”
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About First 5 Association The First 5 Association of California (F5AC) elevates the voice of the 58 county First 5s, created by voters in 1998 to ensure our youngest children are healthy, safe and ready to thrive in school and life. The First 5 Network impacts the lives of more than 1 million kids, families and caregivers each year. F5AC advocates for the state’s youngest kids, uniting partners and leveraging funding to improve and scale up California’s early childhood programming piloted by county First 5s. Learn more at www.first5association.org
About First 5 LA As one of the state’s largest funders of early childhood and an independent public agency, First 5 LA advocates for children and their families, amplifies community voice, and partners for collective impact so that every child in Los Angeles County reaches their full developmental potential throughout the critical years of prenatal to age 5. Learn more at www.first5la.org.
About First 5 California First 5 California was established in 1998 when voters passed Proposition 10, which taxes tobacco products to fund services for children ages 0 to 5 and their families. First 5 California programs and resources are designed to educate and support teachers, parents, and caregivers in the critical role they play during a child’s first five years–to help California kids receive the best possible start in life and thrive. For more information, please visit www.ccfc.ca.gov.
The Democratic primary field to challenge U.S. Rep. Derrick Van Orden in 2024 grew to four when state Rep. Katrina Shankland joined in October.
Shankland, who represents Stevens Point and has served in the Wisconsin Assembly since 2012, faces three other Democratic competitors for the 3rd Congressional District in the western part of the state.
Those include La Crosse County Board Chair Tara Johnson, who has picked up endorsements from prominent Democrats, including the outgoing party leader in the Senate.
Others vying in the primary include Eau Claire small-business owner Rebecca Cooke, who lost last year’s primary, and Aaron Nytes, a Harvard Law School student.
Shankland has already highlighted her experience as the only state lawmaker in the field, including in a post on her campaign’s account on X, formerly Twitter.
“I have been a state legislator for 11 years, passing over 170 bills into law and delivering for Wisconsin families — I get things done,” the Nov. 15 post read.
Her claim caught our attention, as Shankland is likely to continue promoting her record in the statehouse as she campaigns for higher office.
And, it seemed like a high number for a Democrat who has served in a Republican-controlled Legislature.
Let’s take a look at the numbers.
Memo shows Shankland’s name has been on 179 bills
When PolitiFact Wisconsin reached out to Shankland’s campaign for backup, consultant Melissa Baldauff said Shankland’s legislative office had a memo showing the bills.
She also clarified that the number referred to bills that Shankland has authored or co-sponsored that were signed into law, rather than bills she’s voted for as a lawmaker.
Shankland’s chief of staff, Jacob Burbach, provided the memo from the Legislative Reference Bureau that shows the bills her name is on that were enacted by the governor.
The bureau is a nonpartisan agency that provides research to lawmakers and their staff.
Burbach first shared a memo prepared by an LRB analyst that found that 173 of the 1,928 bills she authored or co-sponsored were signed into law, as of Sept. 14.
Two updated memos prepared by LRB brought the number up to 174 out of 2,091 as of Dec. 5, then 179 out of 2,107 as of Dec. 7.
So initially, that math appears to add up.
Some bills are measures she’s co-authored or co-sponsored
But in the legislative process, authoring bills is different than co-authoring or co-sponsoring them, which signals a different level of involvement. Legislators who introduce bills are known as authors.
If lawmakers want to sign onto a bill to show their support, they are known as co-authors if they’re in the same chamber, or co-sponsors if they’re in the other chamber, according to the Legislature’s glossary.
Out of the 179 measures cited by Shankland, LRB found 104 bills that she authored. That number could also include some co-authored bills, based on LRB’s classification.
So far, in the 2023-24 session, 15 bills Shankland has authored or co-sponsored have been enacted. She was listed as introducing seven of those, including new loan programs for affordable housing.
Among the bills she co-sponsored include a measure that expanded how schools and businesses can deliver epinephrine to people having allergic emergencies.
Baldauff noted that co-sponsors still play a role in shepherding legislation through, such as getting stakeholders or other lawmakers on board.
And sometimes legislators who start drafting measures don’t ultimately get their names put first on a bill, an indicator the LRB tracks. That was the case with a first responder protection bill Shankland started.
Although those examples provide context for the tally, authoring a bill usually signals more involvement than co-authoring or co-sponsoring the legislation.
Our ruling
Democratic Rep. Katrina Shankland, who is running for Congress, said she has been “a state legislator for 11 years, passing over 170 bills into law and delivering for Wisconsin families.”
Although the nonpartisan agency’s research does show Shankland has been involved with 179 bills that have been put into law, potential voters may get the impression that she led each of those.
Instead, the memo shows she’s authored 104 of that number. Some in that tally include bills she co-authored, similar to co-sponsoring, though she might have been more involved with some of those proposals.
Our definition of Mostly True is “the statement is accurate but needs clarification or additional information.”
The best of friends. Frenemies at best. Our relationships with siblings are some of the most complicated we’ll ever have. Stuck With You is a HuffPost series that explores the nuances of sibling relationships.
Technically, if you share only one parent, you’re half siblings. But many siblings who fit the bill find the phrase insulting. They don’t use it in their families, but other people ― those who can’t seem to comprehend that family is much more than 100% shared biology ― bring up the distinction often.
“I remember learning about the term in school and going home and asking my mom if my sister and I were half siblings, and she was not pleased,” said Carla Zulli, the editor and founder of an online magazine who lives in Manchester, England. “She told us that we were not halves as we were both birthed by her.”
Now a parent herself who has children with different dads, Zulli stands by the idea that if you have the same mom or dad, you’re siblings. Period.
“My three kids are simply my children and each other’s’ siblings,” the mom said.
“They have very distinct personalities, and I love it; it makes their sibling dynamic very interesting,” she said. “The boys are super close, my oldest and youngest are always bickering, but my daughter and older son are extremely close.”
But Zulli said one thing is clear: “Do not try to mess with any of them because the other two will not stand for it.”
“Half but wholly sibling” experiences like this are incredibly common. According to a 2020 census report, 1 in 6 children younger than 18 lives with a half sibling. It’s more common for children living with a single mom to have at least one half sibling present (32.5%), the researchers found. Only 7.6% of children living with a single dad had at least one half sibling. Among children living with two parents, 12.8% had one half sibling or more living with them.
Halfpoint Images via Getty Images
“Generally, what determines how close half siblings are going to be is proximity,” said Geoffrey Greif, a professor at the University of Maryland School of Social Work and co-author of “Adult Sibling Relationships.”
While half siblings and blended families are common now in the U.S., most academic research on family dynamics still tends to focus on siblings of the “full” variety, according to Geoffrey Greif, a professor at the University of Maryland School of Social Work and co-author of “Adult Sibling Relationships.”
“Half siblings have been the stepchild ― joke intended ― of sibs research because they are a more complicated topic to pursue in an already complicated topic,” he told HuffPost.
When you’re studying siblings, you have to account for gender, birth order, number of siblings and age gap, he said. When you add half siblings to the mix, it gets all the more complicated.
“You may have folks who live together, who have never lived together, people who just met each other or are born years apart,” Greif said. “It’s a complex picture, sometimes with few commonalities.”
Indeed, it’s true that for some half siblings, the “half” part of the equation is very much felt; maybe their divorced parents didn’t encourage integrated lives, or the siblings didn’t know the other existed until much later in life.
“Generally, what determines how close half siblings are going to be is proximity,” Greif said.
Michael E. Woolley, also a professor at the University of Maryland School of Social Work and co-author of “Adult Sibling Relationships,” thinks that there’s something special about how bonds between half siblings are forged.
He told HuffPost the kind of relationships that develop over time with half siblings has more to do with who they develop to be as individuals rather than what their parents want, how long it took for them to meet or even whether they shared a bedroom growing up.
“Full siblings who live together all through their childhood can have conflictual relationships and conflict that lasts into adulthood,” he said. “Half siblings can form strong bonds that last a lifetime whether they live together growing up or just see each other during ‘visits,’ such as holidays and summer.”
When half siblings choose to see each other as “full” family, it’s a true buy-in, a show of love and real kinship beyond anything the same two parents could encourage.
Woolley knows this firsthand: “I have two full siblings and three half siblings, and I am closest to one of my half brothers, who is much younger than I am.”
Both he and Greif hope there’s more research on this type of sibling dynamic. Until then, though, we decided to ask people who are technically “half” siblings what it was like growing up and how they feel about the divisive term.
Responses have been lightly edited for clarity and length.
‘It never even crossed my mind that my littlest sisters were anything less or other than siblings.’
Josh’s family in 1999. From left, Leah, Ali, Josh, Jessie, Nick and Kacie.
“I’m the oldest brother of six. The two youngest are my half sisters, Kacie and Ali. I’m in my late 40s and they are in their late 30s, and they still call once in a while to lean on their big brother for support. It seems weird to refer to them that way, but they do have a different dad. It never even crossed my mind that my littlest sisters, or, as we used to call them, ‘the little girls,’ were anything less or other than siblings.
“We grew up in the Pacific Northwest in the Cascades east of Tacoma in a little town called Bonney Lake. We played in the woods a lot and ate berries, and we walked to the store for candy together, we made forts and played war. We are still strong as a group and rely on each other. I was 24 when our mother died of cancer, and my littlest sisters were 13 and 14. They lived with our aunt and uncle until they moved out on their own. I had moved away after our mother passed, but I’d come pick them up and have them stay with me for spring break and Christmas break and summer. We all grew up as Jehovah’s Witnesses. I got out of that religion as soon as I turned 18, but both of the little girls are still practicing. That difference alone should be a huge gap in our status as siblings, but it isn’t.
“No job title on earth compares to the simultaneous cruelty, honesty and protectiveness as the title of ‘big brother.’ They call on me because they know they will receive the truth and as honest guidance as they can find anywhere. They know that I know their full potential and that I don’t even question their ability to live up to it. I even express a brotherhood between myself and their husbands. They include me and I include them as though we had known each other our whole lives. I’ve seen how safe and sound my little sisters are with them. That makes them brothers.
“I know how lucky I am to have spent my childhood playing in the woods and eating berries with my siblings. That’s where I was able to watch them and see for myself how powerful and amazing they are.” ― Josh, 49, who lives in Pendleton, Oregon
‘I never considered her anything other than my sister.’
Courtesy of Da’Janea Holmes
Da’Janea Holmes (front) and her older sister.
“I have three siblings on my father’s side that I am aware of, and with my mother, just one who I consider my sister. I am the youngest out of the two of us. We grew up in the same household. My mother had her when she was a senior in high school, and I came seven years after that.
“My older sister is seven years older than me; she was born premature and was smaller than most small children at that age. Our mother would dress us alike, and people would think that we were twins by the time I was 3 years old. While we were similar in build for a good part of our lives, there was a huge age gap between us.
“We are very different people personality-wise, and I feel like she wanted to distance herself from being associated with me. In turn that created an even larger gap in our relationship. I oftentimes felt left out when she would go do things with her father. When I was 10 years old, she graduated from high school and moved away, so I spent the rest of my formative years alone. For a major chunk of my life, I felt like an only child.
“I do remember being in the third grade and a kid on the bus tried to explain to me how my sister wasn’t really my sister because we had different dads. But because we both lived with my mother full time, I never considered her anything other than my sister. We definitely grew apart as we got older, because we were physically apart once she became an adult. I am now 23, and this is the first time it feels like we are actually building a relationship outside of being siblings. I know a lot of kids that come from same-parent households, they didn’t get along half as well as my sister and I do. I love my sister, and I wouldn’t change anything about her.” ― Da’Janea Holmes, 23, who lives in Dallas
‘Our sister is our sister. Full stop, and woe to the person who claims otherwise.’
Robert, his brother Chris and his sister Sabrina.
“I have two siblings, both younger. I am the oldest. My brother, Chris, is fully biologically related. Sabrina, our sister, is our sister. Full stop, and woe to the person who claims otherwise. I’m absolutely the protector of us kids. We grew up in an Air Force family. There was a very, very tumultuous time of the divorce and subsequent remarriage.
“Today, Sabrina’s own family is quite similar to ours growing up, in terms of makeup: She has two kids with her first husband and two more with her current husband.
“She is remarried to an absolute gem of a man, but the first husband is a total piece of work. He slapped my sister once. I was there in under 10 minutes after I was told. The way I see it, she is my sister, those are my nieces and nephews, and I would kick in the gates of hell for them.
“As far as viewing her as a half sibling? Not a chance. My brother, Chris, or I would come in like a one-man army if she was in danger.” ― Robert, 44
‘My sister didn’t even flinch at the idea of raising me.’
“I have three siblings. One brother that is fully related, and the other two, a boy and a girl, are my half siblings. I consider them all siblings because we all share the same mom. My mom made sure we didn’t see each other as anything less than full siblings, as it shouldn’t matter.
“My older brother and I grew up together until I was 13. When my sister was 27, she adopted me. My parents gave her parental rights when they found out I’m gay. My sister didn’t even flinch at the idea of raising me. I’d be nothing without her in my life. It was weird growing up in my teen years with her as my guardian. It was like I had a mom and a sister, which made fights really weird. But as I grew up, our relationship only grew stronger. Given our age difference, though, people often think she’s my mom. I don’t really bother correcting them. What’s the point in that? She has a daughter now that’s 3, and even though she’s my niece, it’s like she’s my sister in a way. It’s odd, but I wouldn’t trade it for anything.
“To show how close my sister and I are, here’s a story: I was fired from a job once. My mental health was just in the garbage and on fire. My sister pulled out all the stops to help me: Lending me money for rent, calling or texting every day, just making sure I felt loved. My ‘half’ sister loves me more than my real parents ever did.
“I’m not surprised that people think of half siblings as nothing more than a sort of ‘guest’ in the family. But I roll my eyes at that. My ‘half’ sister is amazing.” ― David, who lives outside of Boston