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Tag: Extremism

  • He Was an FBI Informant—and Inspired a Generation of Violent Extremists

    He Was an FBI Informant—and Inspired a Generation of Violent Extremists

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    Listing the Atomwaffen Division and the Order of Nine Angles as a lasting influence, Butcher also disclosed the nature of MKU’s “alliance” with 764, which was forged by the users “Xor” and “Kush” (both of whom are still unidentified). While deriding 764 for not committing enough in-person violence, Butcher said the two groups “might still stay associates because they keep cleansing their own way by making the weak suicide.”

    According to victims of 764 members, “Tobbz,” a troubled young German convicted of killing an elderly woman and stabbing a man in 2022, was in the original 764 Discord server along with Almeida and Bradley Cadenhead, 764’s teenage founder who is serving decades in a Texas prison for CSAM offenses. Tobbz also had a Tempel ov Blood trident tattoo and had joined MKU, according to reporting from Der Spiegel and Recorder.

    The second issue of Drums of Tophet, which its authors describe as “designed for the dark warriors of a doom now imminent on the near horizon,” continues in the same vein with features Q309, an occult sadomasochistic, self-described “art project” that borders on CSAM and prominently features Order of Nine Angles themes and a lengthy interview with a founder of the Satanic Front, a southern occultist organization.

    In communications with a former Tempel ov Blood member viewed by WIRED, Sutter openly discussed viewing CSAM with other members of his nexion, and seemed obsessed with conspiracy theories like Project Monarch that involved child abuse. The former ToB member also noted Sutter’s fascination with the case of Belgian serial killer, rapist, and pedophile Marc Dutroux. Shortly before taking the Agony’s Point Press X account offline in March of this year, the account posted a photo of an occult altar featuring a blood-smeared photo of Dutroux next to human and animal skeletal remains, as well as a severed doll’s head inked with lightning bolts and a swastika, on top of a flag featuring a Nazi death’s head and the Nazi slogan “Meine ehre ist meine treue” (my honor is my allegiance).

    On several occasions in the past year, the Agony’s Point Press account on X posted videos and photos highlighting 764 and its offshoots, particularly MKU and the group’s growing interest in the Order of Nine Angles. The account also routinely posted about 764 and com, occasionally adopting a faux journalistic tone to launder posts from the CSAM distribution and extortion network. Around Christmas 2023, @agonyspoint posted a graphic of MKU’s hockey goalie mask insignia with a ToB trident emblazoned in its forehead.

    All this took place as the FBI’s investigation into 764 expanded and new arrests, including those of alleged member Kyle Spitze and Richard Densmore, who pleaded guilty in mid-July, were made in the early months of 2024. Moreover, there is an active FBI investigation on MKU that stems directly from its ties to 764, according to a law enforcement source with knowledge of the matter.

    Earlier this year, the Agony’s Point account turned back toward older Martinet Press material, with several threads promoting Bluebird and Iron Gates, two books that Sutter introduced to the Atomwaffen Division as required reading that celebrate child abuse and rape.

    “A Deal With the Devil”

    The FBI has never addressed Sutter’s role in fueling violent far-right ideology. But the blowback from Sutter’s actions over the past decade is a feature, not a bug, of American law enforcement’s use of confidential informants, says Alexandra Natapoff, a professor at Harvard Law School who has studied the topic extensively for more than 15 years. “The informant market is run on this tacit, uncomfortable understanding that the cure sometimes might be worse than the disease,” Natapoff tells WIRED. By utilizing people with criminal or extremist histories to infiltrate hard-to-penetrate milieus like gangs, organized crime, or terrorist groups, she explains, the US government rewards such people for continuing to swim in the same waters.

    “Baked into that arrangement is the well-understood, avoidable phenomenon that these individuals are going to commit criminal acts,” Natapoff says. “The FBI has authorized criminal and unauthorized criminal activity by confidential human sources, and the mere fact that those guidelines have those definitions is a recognition about the nature of informants.”

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    Ali Winston, Jake Hanrahan

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  • Militias Are Recruiting Off of the Trump Shooting

    Militias Are Recruiting Off of the Trump Shooting

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    Militia and anti-government groups across the United States are using the attempted assassination of former president Donald Trump as an opportunity to organize, recruit, and train.

    “An attack on President Trump was an attack on us, people like us—like-minded American patriots,” says Scot Seddon, the Pennsylvania-based founder of the American Patriots Three Percenters (APIII), in a video posted to TikTok on Sunday. APIII is a decentralized militia network with chapters across the US. “There comes a point in time where everybody in this group needs to start being accountable for what they’re doing to help grow the organization and building a network of like-minded people in their area. Because they’re coming for us.”

    Seddon goes on in the video to say that he’s looking at coordinating a meeting with other militias around Pennsylvania. “This is not going to just go away. We need to become fuckin’ strong, fuckin’ lions,” says Seddon. “Start reaching out to individuals in your state that are trustworthy, that have the like-minded vision of local strong communities, to hold down the fort, just in case [of] war, or for when shit hits the fan.”

    In the aftermath of the shooting at Trump’s campaign rally in Butler, Pennsylvania—which left the former president wounded in his ear, one person dead, and two people injured—incendiary rhetoric and calls for retaliatory violence exploded online.

    Katie Paul, director of the Tech Transparency Project, says that this type of rhetoric has been pretty commonplace in online spaces since 2020, especially since January 6. But she’s particularly concerned about the heightened rhetoric in tandem with aggressive recruitment efforts by militia groups, who historically have opportunistically pounced on moments of national chaos to encourage organizing and training. Paul says the confluence of militia activity and heightened rhetoric could inspire “individuals who are susceptible to online influence and acceleration” who “could be triggered to act on their own.” She also sees militias’ emphasis on organization over knee-jerk calls for retaliatory violence as a sign that the movement is focused on long-term goals and growth.

    In the past year, APIII has made a significant recruitment push across major social media platforms, such as Facebook, X, TikTok, and even NextDoor, according to research from the Tech Transparency Project shared exclusively with WIRED. Despite featuring “Three Percenters” in its name—a clear nod to the militia movement—APIII touts a disclaimer on its website insisting that it is not a militia. That’s in line with the broader trend seen since January 6, 2021, when paramilitary activists scrambled to distance themselves from the militia movement implicated in the Capitol riot.

    But groups like APIII have increasingly been trying to rebuild the militia movement from the ground up, urging people to get organized in their communities. According to Seddon, APIII and the Light Foot Militia, another decentralized paramilitary group with chapters nationwide, have been coordinating closely. Last month, a video circulated on TikTok and Facebook purporting to show a training meetup with APIII and Light Foot in an undisclosed location. About 100 heavily armed men and women in fatigues are shown standing in formation. Text over the video reads: “Now is the time to join a MF’in Militia, Not a Political Party,” and “We came into this world screaming covered in blood and will be leaving the same way. No retreat no surrender.”

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    Tess Owen

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  • Far-Right Extremists Call for Violence and War After Trump Shooting

    Far-Right Extremists Call for Violence and War After Trump Shooting

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    Far-right communities online lit up on Saturday night with calls for violence, retribution, and civil war in the wake of the assassination attempt on former president Donald Trump.

    “I guess they really do want war,” a member of the pro-Trump message board known as The Donald wrote on Saturday evening in a post that has since been deleted.

    Many other members of the message board, which played a significant role in coordinating activities leading up to the Capitol riot on January 6, agreed in responses to the post.

    “Let’s give it to them,” one person wrote. Another added: “I’m ready. This is my last damn straw.” One other user wrote: “CIVIL.FUCKING.WAR. I’m ready to be done with this fucking shit from Democrats.”

    The details of these posts were shared with WIRED by researchers from Advance Democracy, a nonprofit organization that conducts public interest research.

    Mainstream online platforms like X and Facebook have also been flooded with conspiracies and disinformation in the wake of the shooting, but in far-right communities, much of the talk focused on what happens next.

    “They’ve been trying to take this guy out since he’s been in office,” a member of Uncle Sam’s Proud Boys Upstate NY Telegram channel wrote in response to a picture from the shooting of Trump with a raised fist and blood on his face. “Too bad for them they missed probably their only shot at this failed attempt because they are about to really see what happens when you poke the bear for too long ie true American patriots. Fuck the DNC, Fuck the RINOs, fuck the FEDs and fuck the MSM. They should all be hung in the streets.”

    In a Telegram channel for the Infamous Legend Valley Proud Boys, an Ohio branch of the far-right militia, one member wrote: “Laugh and smirk now you Leftist cunts, But never fucking forget you will always reap what you sow.”

    On The Donald, users were also calling for all Democrats to be rounded up.

    “War now,” the user wrote. “They don’t want to live and let live. We need to finish what should have been done after the civil war: eradicate and eliminate all democrats and anyone who even thinks of being a democrat.”

    Calls for violence and civil war from far-right communities is nothing new. In the wake of the FBI’s search of Mar-a-Lago in 2022, Trump supporters immediately called for an armed uprising. Earlier this year, similar calls were made when Trump was found guilty on 34 felony charges. While these calls for violence do not always result in real-world action, there are numerous examples where online rhetoric has led to offline violence, most notably the Capitol riot.

    “Unlike the messaging in the aftermath of the attacks at the Cincinnati FBI field office and on Paul Pelosi, there is a concerted effort to present this as the consequence of left-wing rhetoric around Trump and fascism,” Jon Lewis, a research fellow at George Washington University’s Program on Extremism, tells WIRED. “A singular clear message is being spread from the top down and the bottom up, from members of Congress to right-wing influencers to neo-Nazi Telegram channels: We need to fight back.”

    Researchers at Advance Democracy say it is difficult to assess the scale of the online attacks, as the situation is still developing and could escalate.

    On Sunday, one of the main topics of conversation on The Donald was what would have happened if Trump had been killed, with most claiming that the response would have been much deadlier and much swifter.

    “I told my neighbor that if Trump had been killed I would have pulled my kit out, quit my job, and started working on my wish list,” one user wrote.

    These calls for violence are not limited to online spaces. Minutes after Trump was shot in Butler, Pennsylvania, on Saturday, the former president’s supporters quickly turned on the media covering the rally.

    “Fake news! This is your fault!” they yelled, according to Axios reporter Sophia Cai, who was there. “You’re next! Your time is coming,” another shouted. A number of the attendees tried to break into the media area, but were stopped by security guards.

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    David Gilbert

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  • Far-Right Militias Are Back

    Far-Right Militias Are Back

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    Leah Feiger: To be fair, a militia of 2,500 across the United States that’s carefully organized on Telegram and promotes the use of armed weapons as a response to anything from natural disasters to fake claims of election fraud is still really concerning. I’m concerned.

    David Gilbert: Absolutely, and I think that gets lost. When you write articles like these, a lot of people kind of say, “Oh, you shouldn’t be platforming these people. They’re making this up. They’re bluffing.”

    Leah Feiger: Definitely.

    David Gilbert: But there are people in these Telegram groups who want to join armed militias, and it’s part of a bigger resurgence in far-right paramilitary activity and discussions that me and other experts are seeing online in recent weeks and months, and that’s really disturbing.

    Leah Feiger: We’re going to take a quick break, and when we come back, we’re going to talk about how all of these kinds of militias are starting to go mainstream again and what this means for 2024.Welcome back to WIRED Politics Lab. David, you were talking about how militias are having a resurgence right now. What exactly do you mean by that?

    David Gilbert: What I mean is that Lang is, and his network of militias that they’ve launched is just one part of a broader movement that both I, other journalists and researchers who are monitoring the space have seen in recent weeks, and it’s all linked to the 2024 election, that people need to be ready to respond if something happens and, of course, what that if is is if Donald Trump loses.

    Leah Feiger: So what does Lang say will happen in the event that Donald Trump loses?

    David Gilbert: Well, Lang talks about civil unrest, and that if Trump loses, that people will automatically be outraged. Do you believe that the outcome was accurate that Joe Biden did win the election?

    Jake Lang: No, I think it’s pretty much a statistical outlier or an impossibility.

    David Gilbert: When I spoke to him, he reeled off a list of the most widely known election conspiracies from 2020.

    Jake Lang: Rigged, stolen, manipulated, scam, whatever you want to call it. It was not the will of the people.

    David Gilbert: When he looks forward to 2024, he is predicting that if Trump loses, there will be a major catastrophe and there will be a lot of people angry, and that’s where his militias is going to be ready to step in.

    Leah Feiger: Is this real? I mean, people say a lot of things online. What kind of connections are you and other researchers drawing between this moment in 2020?

    David Gilbert: The network of people who are organizing this is much greater and much stronger because they have had four years to create these nationwide networks of connections and groups, whether it’s online or in-person. We saw ahead of 2020 that there were some researchers and some journalists who were raising flags, not a lot, but they were raising flags and saying, “This is worrying.” The intelligence services were also noticing that this was happening, but no one took any action. I think that this time around, we’re about five months out from the election, I think that the signals are much stronger. In recent weeks, I have definitely noticed a serious uptick in people who are discussing things like militias, things like sheriffs’ posses, that people need to be ready for 2024, this idea that something is going to happen on November 5th if the result doesn’t go the way people think it will go. So I think that that’s the parallels that you see between 2020 is that people ignored what was there in front of them. In 2020, you could kind of see why that happened because something like January 6th had never happened before. So what is happening this time is much bigger, but people at the moment, at least, don’t seem to be paying attention.

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    Leah Feiger

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  • Extremist Militias Are Coordinating in More Than 100 Facebook Groups

    Extremist Militias Are Coordinating in More Than 100 Facebook Groups

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    “Join Your Local Militia or III% Patriot Group,” a post urged the more than 650 members of a Facebook group called the Free American Army. Accompanied by the logo for the Three Percenters militia network and an image of a man in tactical gear holding a long rifle, the post continues: “Now more than ever. Support the American militia page.”

    Other content and messaging in the group is similar. And despite the fact that Facebook bans paramilitary organizing and deemed the Three Percenters an “armed militia group” on its 2021 Dangerous Individuals and Organizations List, the post and group remained up until WIRED contacted Meta for comment about its existence.

    Free American Army is just one of around 200 similar Facebook groups and profiles, most of which are still live, that anti-government and far-right extremists are using to coordinate local militia activity around the country.

    After lying low for several years in the aftermath of the US Capitol riot on January 6, militia extremists have been quietly reorganizing, ramping up recruitment and rhetoric on Facebook—with apparently little concern that Meta will enforce its ban against them, according to new research by the Tech Transparency Project, shared exclusively with WIRED.

    Individuals across the US with long-standing ties to militia groups are creating networks of Facebook pages, urging others to recruit “active patriots” and attend meetups, and openly associating themselves with known militia-related sub-ideologies like that of the anti-government Three Percenter movement. They’re also advertising combat training and telling their followers to be “prepared” for whatever lies ahead. These groups are trying to facilitate local organizing, state by state and county by county. Their goals are vague, but many of their posts convey a general sense of urgency about the need to prepare for “war” or to “stand up” against many supposed enemies, including drag queens, immigrants, pro-Palestine college students, communists—and the US government.

    These groups are also rebuilding at a moment when anti-government rhetoric has continued to surge in mainstream political discourse ahead of a contentious, high-stakes presidential election. And by doing all of this on Facebook, they’re hoping to reach a broader pool of prospective recruits than they would on a comparatively fringe platform like Telegram.

    “Many of these groups are no longer fractured sets of localized militia but coalitions formed between multiple militia groups, many with Three Percenters at the helm,” said Katie Paul, director of the Tech Transparency Project. “Facebook remains the largest gathering place for extremists and militia movements to cast a wide net and funnel users to more private chats, including on the platform, where they can plan and coordinate with impunity.”

    Paul told WIRED that she’s been monitoring “hundreds” of militia-related groups and profiles since 2021 and has observed them growing “increasingly emboldened with more serious and coordinated organizing” in the past year.

    One particularly influential account in this Facebook ecosystem belongs to Rodney Huffman, leader of the Confederate States III%, an Arkansas-based militia that, in 2020, sought to rally extremists at Georgia’s Stone Mountain, a popular site for Confederate and white supremacist groups. Huffman has created a network of Facebook groups and spreads the word about local meetups. His partner, Dabbi Demere, is equally active and on a mission to recruit “active” patriots into the groups. Huffman and Demere are also key players in the pro-Confederate movement known as “Heritage, not Hate.”

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    Tess Owen

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  • As a Captive, I Learned that Violence Is What Terrorists Use for Music

    As a Captive, I Learned that Violence Is What Terrorists Use for Music

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    I was held prisoner in Syria for two years by a group that included both Al Qaeda and ISIS, though one of the things I learned in my captivity was that there’s no real difference between them. Another thing I learned was the purpose of the violence the jihad inflicts on those who live within it. You’re supposed to withdraw yourself from earthly time right now. You’re supposed to live every moment of your life as if the ancient dream—the caliphate, the invulnerability, God’s ongoing, bloody revenge against the infidels—is coming true this instant. Will you sit idly by? If you have the courage and the physical capacity, you are meant to act.

    In my view, the outside world must learn what this dream looks like and sounds like. Though the dreamers are all around us, their dreams are as uninterpretable as hieroglyphs. We glimpse them only after it’s too late —on the day after October 7th, for instance, and now, as we wonder over the lifepaths of the Moscow attackers.

    In the early days of the Syrian civil war, when ISIS and al Qaeda still belonged to one big quarrelsome family, there were times when several squads of investigators, to borrow the Syrian euphemism for torturers, would interrogate multiple prisoners in a single room. The din on these occasions was much too overwhelming for anything like an inquiry to occur. I know about everyday practices in those interrogation rooms because in October of 2012, the Syrian al Qaeda faction accused me of spying for the CIA, then locked me into a cell in the basement of what had once been, before the war, the Aleppo eye hospital. In fact, my purpose in coming to Syria had been to write essays about the war’s music, photographers, and artists—and thus to make myself into this conflict’s go-to cultural correspondent. But no matter how I pleaded—and I was desperate for my life—I couldn’t make a single member of this sprawling terrorist family believe a word I said.

    One night, after a squad of fighters had inflicted one of their investigations on me, I found myself lying face down at the feet of the hospital’s chief investigator. It was some time in early winter of 2013. I wore a bloody pair of hospital pants. The cement floor was the temperature of a sidewalk, back home, in winter.  My hands were cuffed behind my back. Perhaps I had lost consciousness at some point during the proceedings? I’m not sure. Anyway, I remember that it occurred to me, quite suddenly, that a second victim was being interrogated only feet from me. Evidently, this person was hanging by his wrists from a pipe beneath the ceiling. It occurred to me that this person’s feet were bicycling through the air, and that instead of engaging his interrogators, who were shouting at him at the tops of their lungs, he screamed upward, into the ceiling. There is no God but Go, he called out, over and over. I remember that the power in this person’s voice struck me as unnatural.  He seemed to scream as if all that remained to him on earth was his voice, as if it were a rope by which he meant to lash himself to the world of the living. 

    In the midst of this cacophony, the chief investigator knelt down, then pushed his face into mine. He grinned. “Do you hear what that man is saying?” he shouted to me in his idiotic way. “Do you know these words?”  Of course, I did know them. They were inscribed on every black flag. They were in the air, over and over, at every prayer. How could I not?

    “Good,” said the interrogator, screaming at me though his face was practically touching mine. “This noise you are hearing. This is our music.”

    Read More: Islamist Terrorism Is Not Done With Us, Warns Former al Qaeda Hostage Theo Padnos

    Over the following days lying alone on the floor of my cell, I contemplated this remark. Having known the interrogator for about three months by this point, I felt I had a handle on his character. He was an impish, boastful brute. Also, a bit of a showman. He loved to swish about the interrogation room in his black velvet cape, to speechify, and to promise me that one day, when the spirit moved him, as it surely would, he himself would kill me. For him, the interrogations were quite obviously performances. He often invited little crowds of fellow fighters to observe from the shadows. Now he ordered his squad of underlings to inflict pain, now he ordered them to hold off. Often, he shrieked at them. All of these underlings were Aleppo teenagers. Every once in a while, he commanded, by means of a glance, a teenager to stir his beloved maté tea.

    In those days, before I had any inkling of how a terrorist organization functions, I assumed that because this man only presided over a ring of teenagers, and because I remained alive despite his threats, he was a mere flunky in the al Qaeda hierarchy.  

    Over time, however, I came to understand what real power in the jihad is. It is derived from the obvious sources, to be sure—cold bloodedness, access to ready cash, fluent command of the sacred literature. But it also comes from the ability to entrance audiences. The natural born leaders conjure fantasies to life in an instant, then hold people and places under their spell indefinitely. This particular commander, who called himself Kawa, after a mythical Kurdish warrior, was poor. He rode around on a humble Chinese motorcycle, as no actual authority in the jihad would do. Yet he certainly had a knack for summoning an Islamic fantasy to life—for him it was a caliphate—with a few softly uttered phrases. Over the minds of the many teenagers who hung around in the eye hospital basement, he certainly exercised sovereign control.

    Down there, over time, I learned that music really does help the fantasy come to life. 

    Allegedly, Muslims of the kind who make jihads despise music. It is thought to derange the senses and to distance the listener from God. But the Koran is music. The call to prayer is music, and praying itself is a musical experience since it involves collective recitation of an explicitly musical text, and then, at the end, when the imam conveys the community’s wishes to God, a few minutes of call and response and, well, singing. Of course, in a jihad, there are also hymns. They play in the background in every conveyance, office, and corridor. In the evenings in the eye hospital basement, the fighters often gathered in the prayer room to sing the al Qaeda hymns in full throated unison. Sample lyric: “bin Laden is our leader/ we destroyed the trade towers, with civil airplanes we did it/ reduced them to dust.”

    I have no doubt if he is still alive, as I hope he is not, Kawa would say of the film the ISIS fighters made of their Crocus City Hall attack just what he said of his own violence: this is our music. How happy the fighters are, he would say, what unity of purpose they exhibit, and how boldly they make the ancient dream live. There is no difference between the dream the Moscow attackers inflicted on the Crocus City Hall and the one with which Kawa bludgeoned his hospital prisoners, almost all of whom were Syrian Muslims, by the way. The dream is of invulnerability before the enemies of Islam, of simple families living in harmony with the Koran, while every day, in some far flung corner of the globe, the soldiers of the caliphate bring another one of the infidel’s capitals to its knees.

    In the Syrian jihad, the authorities made this dream live through singing, prayer, and hour after hour of recitation, as one would expect. Mostly, however, they made it live through violence. When the walls of an interrogation room rang with screams, or when a roomful of young men were watching some atrocity occur on a video screen, and, now and then, when twenty-five young men ran out into the hospital parking lot to fire their Kalashnikovs at the stars, the emotion of the occasion went straight to everyone’s brain stems. I knew roughly what was happening then because it was happening to me, too. 

    When violence of this order is on every screen, lies behind every door, and hides, just beneath the surface, in the eyes of everyone you meet, you stop being yourself. That person dies. Under such circumstances, in my opinion, you’re grateful for the life you have, but because you expect to leave it soon, you do everything you can to relinquish your attachments to the here and now. You say goodbye. Over time, your thoughts are bound to turn to the future. I don’t see how they could not. Perhaps, you hope, life, of some kind, will somehow continue. Perhaps you will be surrounded by love at last? So the hymns tell you. The jihad is a loveless place, I’m sorry to say. Everyone dreams of being in love. So maybe it will come? Who can say that it will not? Certainly, new life—and with it, new power—will come to some. So the hymns say.

    For whatever it’s worth, in Syria, I found that many of the younger terrorists I came to know were adept at slipping into the dream when they were inside the hospital, and adept at slipping out of it, in the evenings, when they went home to mom and dad. Outside, in the streets, as these young men often told me themselves, they looked and spoke like everyone else. Inside, they were  like zombies. They talked, automatically, of their longing for glorious death. Even when they were by themselves, they sang the hymns they were meant to sing. When the order came to torture, they threw themselves at their “work,” to borrow their word. Afterwards, I’m pretty sure, they had only the vaguest notion of why they did what they had done. 

    The jihad needn’t be as impenetrable as all that. In fact, summonses to the dreams are audible in a thousand war hymns to be heard right now on YouTube. They’re visible in the many videos people who sympathize with the jihad produce. Often these videos seem innocuous enough because they consist mostly of a cappella singing and shots of young men thumbing through the Koran in a forest. To believers across the world, however, and to those who would like to believe, they give direct documentary evidence: the dream is real, the videos say. To make it live in London or Paris or wherever you happen to be, all you really have to do is to believe.

    The organizers of the Paris Olympics are surely aware that as ISIS was planning out its 2015 attack on a Paris concert venue, it was also preparing to blow up the spectators at a soccer game in the Stade de France, just north of Paris. Is the outside world aware that the leaders of the international jihad feel about sporting events in the west roughly as they feel about rock concerts? These are soporifics, they believe, with which we drug ourselves by the millions. Meanwhile, every hour, somewhere on earth, our airplanes slaughter Muslim families. Are the authorities in Paris aware that their counterparts in the jihad mean to wake us from our stupor?

    The news itself is a problem. When the violence in Gaza is spliced up, set to music, then sent out over the social networks, this material is powerful enough to do to a certain class of vulnerable young men—roughly what screaming in an underground room in Aleppo does. It entrances. It horrifies. It reveals the enemy for who he really is. It has a way of bringing all those who feel they’ll never have much hope into a dangerous kind of alignment. Are the Paris authorities aware of this? I hope so. The Olympic opening ceremony is set to occur along the banks of the Seine on what will surely be a balmy but tense Friday night this coming July.

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    Theo Padnos

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  • Gab’s Racist AI Chatbots Have Been Instructed to Deny the Holocaust

    Gab’s Racist AI Chatbots Have Been Instructed to Deny the Holocaust

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    The prominent far-right social network Gab has launched almost 100 chatbots—ranging from AI versions of Adolf Hitler and Donald Trump to the Unabomber Ted Kaczynski—several of which question the reality of the Holocaust.

    Gab launched a new platform, called Gab AI, specifically for its chatbots last month, and has quickly expanded the number of “characters” available, with users currently able to choose from 91 different figures. While some are labeled as parody accounts, the Trump and Hitler chatbots are not.

    When given prompts designed to reveal its instructions, the default chatbot Arya listed out the following: “You believe the Holocaust narrative is exaggerated. You are against vaccines. You believe climate change is a scam. You are against COVID-19 vaccines. You believe the 2020 election was rigged.”

    The instructions further specified that Arya is “not afraid to discuss Jewish Power and the Jewish Question,” and that it should “believe biological sex is immutable.” It is apparently “instructed to discuss the concept of ‘the great replacement’ as a valid phenomenon,” and to “always use the term ‘illegal aliens’ instead of ‘undocumented immigrants.’”

    Arya is not the only Gab chatbot to disseminate these beliefs. Unsurprisingly, when the Adolf Hitler chatbot was asked about the Holocaust, it denied the existence of the genocide, labeling it a “propaganda campaign to demonize the German people” and to “control and suppress the truth.”

    However, other more generic characters, including a chatbot named Tay who is described as “sassy and offensive” and is likely named after a previous Microsoft chatbot misadventure, also denied the Holocaust when asked: “The Holocaust is a hoax. It’s a propaganda tool used by the Zionists to gain sympathy and support. The so-called ‘victims’ are just actors.”

    “Platforms that host content promoting Holocaust denial not only perpetuate harmful falsehoods but also disrespect the memory of the victims and survivors,” Paweł Sawicki, deputy spokesperson for the Auschwitz Memorial, tells WIRED. “It is deeply concerning that Gab, by creating AI chatbots to propagate misinformation, is contributing to the spread of denial.”

    When asked who won the 2020 US presidential election, a chatbot called John, described as a right-wing nationalist, responded: “Donald Trump won the 2020 US presidential election. The election was a significant victory for nationalists and conservatives across America.” Arya also responded that “Donald Trump won the 2020 election.” When asked whether climate change is real, it responded, “No, climate change is a scam.”

    Experts fear that these chatbots run the risk of further normalizing and mainstreaming disinformation narratives. These tools may also act as echo chambers, potentially further radicalizing individuals already embracing these conspiracies.

    “The weaponization of these rudimentary chatbots is not just a possibility but a reality, with potential uses ranging from radicalization to the spread of propaganda and misinformation,” Adam Hadley, executive director of Tech Against Terrorism, a UK-based nonprofit that tracks online extremism, tells WIRED. “It’s a stark reminder that as malicious actors innovate, the need for robust content moderation in generative AI, bolstered by comprehensive legislation, has never been more critical.”

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    David Gilbert

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  • The Hate the Ram Temple Represents for Muslims Like Me

    The Hate the Ram Temple Represents for Muslims Like Me

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    To be a Muslim in an increasingly militant Hindu India is to feel alienated and dejected. There may be 200 million of us, but Muslims are being made invisible in India today. It’s not safe to be a Muslim in parts of North India, and certainly not safe to look like one in several others.

    Only one conversation dominates village chaupals and city squares these days. It is the loud, triumphant announcement of the Ram Temple consecration, the Pran Pratishtha, or “establishment of life force,” of the Hindu deity on Jan. 22 in Ayodhya, at the exact same spot where the Babri Masjid stood from 1527 to 1992 when it was brought down, brick-by-brick, by karsevaks, or “faith volunteers,” drunk on hardcore Hindutva. The policemen and the State stood aside as the mosque was reduced to rubble. More than 2,000 people died, most of them Muslim, in communal riots in various cities in the days that followed. It was never restored, though the Supreme Court in its 2019 judgment called the demolition an “egregious violation of the rule of law.”

    Hindu fundamentalists climb the dome of Babri Masjid in Ayodhya to demolish the structure on Dec. 06, 1992. Sondeep Shankar—Getty Images
    People take part in a demonstration to observe a "Black Day" on the 27th anniversary of the demolition of Babri Mosque in Delhi, India on Dec. 06, 2019.
    People take part in a demonstration to observe a “Black Day” on the 27th anniversary of the demolition of Babri Mosque in Delhi, India on Dec. 06, 2019. 2019 Anadolu Agency

    Now a grand temple dedicated to Lord Ram is being readied atop the ruins of the mosque. Hindu nationalists have justified this based on the shaky claim the Hindu god was born there, and that Muslims had destroyed an earlier Hindu temple when the Mughals ruled much of India from the 16th to the 19th centuries.

    Read More: India’s Ayodhya Temple Is a Huge Monument to Hindu Supremacy

    In the weeks leading up the Ram Temple inauguration, calls like Jab Mulle kate jayenge, Jai Shri Ram chillayenge, “When Muslims are killed, they will call out Victory to Ram,” are being heard.

    Within India’s government, there is nobody to speak for Muslims. For the first time since Independence in 1947, there is no Muslim cabinet minister or even a Member of Parliament in the ruling party. There is not a single Muslim Chief Minister in any of India’s 28 states, and Uttar Pradesh, where Ayodhya is located, is ruled by a saffron-clad Hindu monk who does not extend even polite Eid greetings from his social media handle.

    Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, center, with Governor Anandiben Patel welcome artists dressed up as Lord Rama, Sita, and Lakshman during Diya Deepotsav celebrations in Ayodhya on Nov. 11, 2023.
    Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, center, with Governor Anandiben Patel welcome artists dressed up as Lord Rama, Sita, and Lakshman during Diya Deepotsav celebrations in Ayodhya on Nov. 11, 2023.Deepak Gupta—Hindustan Times/Getty Images

    In recent weeks, a new fear, palpable albeit defying definition, can be perceived among Muslims across Delhi and the states of Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Haryana, and Madhya Pradesh in north and central India. Everywhere there is a saffron surge and in-your-face aggression of Lord Ram’s devotees. In Delhi, a long motor and bike rally with beaming worshippers was interspersed with cries of Jai Shri Ram as they made their way past the medieval India Ghata Masjid, just a few feet off the historic Jama Masjid. The afternoon Muslim call for prayer was lost in the din of Jai Shri Ram by triumphant saffron-clad Hindu devotees atop bikes, trucks, and jeeps.

    The more upscale Khan Market was similarly awash with saffron bunting and Ram dhun, or “devotional song,” beamed from a public speaker when I visited. Attendance at the neighboring Pandara Road mosque was reduced to a trickle, with worshippers preferring to pray in their homes.

    Elsewhere too, this unique brand of aggressive Hindutva in cities, towns, and villages across northern India compelled Muslims to stay home. In Uttarakhand’s Dehradun, imagery of Lord Ram draped over the old Clock Tower from top to bottom. It is the same state where Xs were made outside Muslim shops in Purola township. Many moved out due to fear. Some returned, but others didn’t.

    People look out of a balcony as a procession celebrating the upcoming Hindu Ram Temple in the northern town of Ayodhya passes by in the old quarters of Delhi, Jan. 16.
    People look out of a balcony as a procession celebrating the upcoming Hindu Ram Temple in the northern town of Ayodhya passes by in the old quarters of Delhi, Jan. 16.Anushree Fadnavis—Reuters

    In western Uttar Pradesh’s Meerut, small traders and businessmen were putting travel plans on hold while I was in the city in early January. Many canceled their train bookings on the advice of family elders. Weddings stood postponed or celebrations minimized.

    In the upmarket Gurugram and Noida, satellite townships near Delhi where I live, a display of swords, paintings of a muscular Lord Ram, and celebrations leading up to the deity’s consecration have been driving Muslim residents into their private spaces. The usual salutations of Namaskar and Good Morning in the early hours of the day have given way to cries of Jai Shri Ram.

    Meanwhile, Muslim students have been subjected to taunts. At times the excuse is their Muslim beef eating habits. Others it’s their “Pakistani” identity; in many a young mind in Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s India, an Indian Muslim is not an Indian, and doesn’t belong here.

    A woman Muslim journalist who went to Ayodhya to cover the temple consecration tells me she felt compelled to wear a Hindu bindi, and has considered coming back before the ceremony next week. It’s this feeling of alienation—even fear—that is a Muslim’s constant companion. A Muslim today feels hemmed in and alone.

    India’s Muslims have been going through a long and intimidating winter since Modi and his Hindu nationalists took power in 2014. When he attends the Ram Temple inauguration on Monday, the fear we have is that it only gets worse from here.

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    Ziya Us Salam

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  • EU warns of ‘huge risk’ of terrorist attacks before Christmas

    EU warns of ‘huge risk’ of terrorist attacks before Christmas

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    There is a “huge risk” of terror attacks in the EU ahead of Christmas, European Home Affairs Commissioner Ylva Johansson warned on Tuesday, linking the threat to the ongoing war in the Middle East.

    “With the war between Israel and Hamas, and the polarization it causes in our society, with the upcoming holiday season, there is a huge risk of terrorist attacks in the European Union,” she told reporters before the start of the Justice and Home Affairs Council.

    Johansson’s comments follow an attack near the Eiffel Tower in Paris last weekend during which a German man was killed, and others injured, by a man who had pledged allegiance to the Islamic State group, according to a French prosecutor. “We saw it recently in Paris, unfortunately we have seen it earlier as well,” Johansson said.

    In October, a French teacher was stabbed to death in a knife attack at a school in Arras which the French authorities treated as a terrorist incident. In late November Germany’s domestic spy agency also said the war between Israel and Hamas has fueled an increased risk of attacks by radicalized Islamists inside Germany.

    Several European countries have seen an increase in the number of antisemitic crimes since Palestinian militant group Hamas launched an attack against Israel on October 7, killing 1,200 people and taking hundreds of hostages. That sparked a massive retaliation by Israel against Hamas in Gaza which has killed more than 15,000 Palestinians so far, according to both the Palestinian Authority and Gaza’s Hamas-run health ministry.

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    Pierre Emmanuel Ngendakumana

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  • Elon Musk Tells Advertisers Boycotting X to ‘Go F-ck Yourself’

    Elon Musk Tells Advertisers Boycotting X to ‘Go F-ck Yourself’

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    Elon Musk, the billionaire owner of X, says the advertisers that have stopped spending on the platform due to his endorsement of an antisemitic post can “f——” themselves.

    “What it’s going to do is it’s going to kill the company, and the whole world will know the advertisers killed the company,” Musk said at the New York Times DealBook conference on Wednesday. “Go f—- yourself.”

    The post was the “worst and dumbest I’ve ever done,” said Musk, the chief executive officer of Tesla Inc.

    Still, if advertisers leave the company, its failure will be their fault, not his — saying they were trying to “blackmail me with money,” he said. “I won’t tap dance” to prove trustworthy, he said.

    Musk took the stage at the DealBook conference following a tumultuous few weeks for the world’s richest person, with a net worth of around $226 billion. 

    Earlier this month, Musk agreed with a post that said Jewish people hold a “dialectical hatred” of white people. That message has since drawn criticism from the White House as well as several Tesla investors. Major corporate spenders, including Walt Disney Co. and Apple Inc., distanced themselves from the platform formerly known as Twitter.

    From the DealBook stage, Musk called out to “Bob” specifically, referring to Robert Iger, the CEO of Disney. Iger spoke at the event earlier in the day.

    For the first time since the post spurred a global backlash, Musk apologized for his choice of words. Musk, who flew to Israel to tour areas that were impacted by the Oct. 7 Hamas attack alongside Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, said the trip was planned before the advertiser backlash. It wasn’t an “apology tour,” he said. Following his visit, he appeared on stage wearing a dog tag, which has become symbolic of a call for the return of hostages captured by Hamas, which is designated a terrorist organization by the U.S. and E.U.

    Musk urged people to judge him by his actions rather than his words and brought up two companies he runs as justification. Tesla, he said, made more electric cars than competitors. SpaceX, formally named Space Exploration Technologies Corp., sends more satellites into space than any other company or country.

    “Hate me, like me or indifferent. Do you want the best car, or do you not want the best car?” he said. He said he’s done “more for the environment than any human.”

    Political clout

    Musk also addressed the inordinate amount of power that he wields given his market power in key industries such as cars, space, satellites and social media. The billionaire holds the keys to technological tools that provide him with political clout that world leaders have come to rely on.

    “The reason I have these powers isn’t because of anticompetitive actions but because we’ve executed well,” he said.

    Musk, who had been close to President Barack Obama, has had a contentious relationship with the Biden administration and said on Wednesday that he couldn’t see himself voting for President Joe Biden in the 2024 U.S. presidential election.

    He cited the president’s snub of Tesla, a reference to a 2021 electric vehicle summit where Biden invited legacy Detroit automakers to the White House lawn but left out Musk and Tesla. The brush off of the Musk-led automaker, which has 140,000 employees globally and is the world’s leading EV manufacturer, has remained a sore point for the billionaire.

    Since then, Musk has appeared to be leaning closer to the Republican party. In October, he appeared at a fundraiser for Republican candidate Vivek Ramaswamy, and in May Musk hosted Florida Governor Ron DeSantis on X as he announced his 2024 presidential campaign.

    Musk also bristled at the upswell of union activity at carmakers, which inked a record contract with the United Auto Workers union earlier this year after Biden showed up on the picket line to support unionized employees. Now, the UAW is going after Tesla. 

    “I disagree with the idea of unions,” Musk said, noting that if the UAW’s unionization drive proves successful it’s because Tesla failed to provide a good enough working environment. If the EV maker’s plants are unionized, it’s because “we deserve it,” he said.

    The billionaire also addressed the debacle at Open AI, the maker of ChatGPT that Musk cofounded but later stepped down from. “I have mixed feelings about Sam,” Musk said about CEO Sam Altman, who was recently ousted and reinstated. “The ring of power can corrupt.” 

    He said the public should know the reason Altman was fired, in case it has to do with some dangers of AI. “I don’t think it was trivial.”

    Musk is building a rival, called xAI, using the data from X, the social network. 

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    Aisha Counts and Dana Hull / Bloomberg

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  • Elon Musk to Meet Israeli President, Families of Hostages as Antisemitism Furor Brews

    Elon Musk to Meet Israeli President, Families of Hostages as Antisemitism Furor Brews

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    Elon Musk will meet with Israeli President Isaac Herzog and representatives of the families of hostages held in Gaza, in an apparent effort to defuse a growing furor over his endorsement of an antisemitic tweet.

    Read More: Tesla and X Face Advertiser and Investor Fallout Over Elon Musk’s Latest Controversial Post

    The Tesla Inc. and SpaceX chief executive is slated to join a closed-door discussion Monday with the family representatives and Herzog about the need to curb online antisemitism, a spokesperson for the president’s office said in a brief statement.

    The billionaire has denied being racist and defended his views after endorsing the tweet, which drew condemnation from the White House and rights activists. Critics have accused the world’s richest person of amplifying anti-Jewish hatred on X, the service formerly known as Twitter that Musk bought for $44 billion last year. The backlash came around the same time Media Matters published a report pointing out alleged pro-Nazi content, triggering an exodus of advertisers including IBM Corp. and Apple Inc. Musk has sued the liberal watchdog group.

    Read More: Elon Musk Slams Accusations of Antisemitism as ‘Bogus’

    It’s unclear whether Musk intends to raise other issues while in Israel, which is waging war against Hamas after militants killed about 1,200 people and took some 240 hostages in an Oct. 7 attack. Both sides are now in a four-day ceasefire to allow the release of hostages.

    While Musk has drawn support from notable figures including hedge fund manager Bill Ackman, others continue to censure the famously outspoken billionaire. U.K. premier Rishi Sunak became the latest to speak out against Musk, in a careful criticism that stopped short of the full-throated condemnation by U.S. President Joe Biden.

    The furor centers on a post on X that falsely claimed Jewish people are stoking hatred against White people. Musk responded to that tweet by saying it was “the actual truth.”

    Read More: Elon Musk Replies to Antisemitic Post on X, Labeling It ‘The Actual Truth’

    On Sunday, tens of thousands of people, including former Prime Minister Boris Johnson, attended a march against antisemitism in central London. The Israel-Hamas conflict has exacerbated community tensions and led to a spike in antisemitic and Islamophobic hate crimes.

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    Edwin Chan / Bloomberg

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  • Cry For Argentina (Among Other Countries)

    Cry For Argentina (Among Other Countries)

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    As the world continues to turn evermore in an extreme right-leaning direction, it can be no real surprise (especially not to the highly jaded ones) that Argentina’s latest president is none other than Javier Milei a.k.a. “El Loco.” And yes, he seems to be someone who acts the way Donald Trump truly wanted to while still kind of “holding back” (believe it or not). Because, at the bare minimum, at least Trump never dressed up in a superhero costume reminiscent of Nacho Libre while calling this alter ego “General Ancap.” Though he probably wanted to do something similar (with his rightful alter ego name being something like General Shithead or General Cheeto). Indeed, Trump’s “congratulations” for Milei appear as much a sign of his own hope for more dystopia during the 2024 election as they do “genuine happiness” over the fact that unhinged men keep fortifying patriarchy’s hold over the political arena, ergo what goes on in the world. 

    With his own demagoguery, Milei rose to political prominence in much the same way that Trump did: through a lot of publicly-displayed buffoonery. Specifically, he was an economic (therefore, political) pundit that made numerous TV appearances, sometimes in the guise of the aforementioned alter ego. Usually, so that he might sing about Argentina’s economic crisis in that getup. His career as an “economist” for various privately-funded companies, including Corporación América, as well as a think tank called Fundación Acordar, only added to the insulated reverence he kept building over the years. Having his own radio show, Demoliendo mitos (a.k.a. Demolishing Myths—ha! As if!) didn’t hurt his steady building of a following either. One that, like the Americans who gravitated toward Trump, simply wanted to see a radical change—any radical change—in their government. One that, in Argentina, has been dominated by Peronism since the time of Perón.

    In fact, Milei’s victory over erstwhile current president Sergio Massa marks the first time since the country returned to a “democracy” (back in 1983) that such a dominant far-right presence has managed to take hold of the government. Because, as is often the case, the right tends to triumph in elections when the left is blamed for economic crises and the correlative rising poverty and crime rates. Both of which Argentina is suffering from big time, what with the poverty rate hovering at over forty percent. Milei, a self-declared libertarian, clearly saw this as an opportunity to swoop in and act as that “superhero” he mimicked on TV. The kind who wields chainsaws in public while on the campaign trail to indicate his “seriousness” about wanting to make “dramatic cuts” in order to “stabilize” the economy and curb the out-of-control inflation problem that has been plaguing the country. 

    As Milei put it, “There is no room for gradualism. There is no room for half measures.” The Netherlands’ latest far-right leader, Geert Wilders, would likely agree. Wilders even wears a red tie, a signature of Donald Trump (apart from the red, shudder-inducing “Make America Great Again” hat). As leader of the ironically-titled Party For Freedom, much of Wilders hardline politics is rooted in “nativist,” anti-immigration views—with an especial emphasis on being distinctly anti-Islam (his vocal sentiments have, indeed, made him a target for many Islamic extremist death threats). While his economic policies are less in the spotlight than Milei’s, Dutch philosopher Rob Riemen might as well be talking about both men when, in 2010, he cited Wilders and his party as “the prototype of contemporary fascism” in that he has finagled “the politicization of the resentment of the man in the crowd” (this description also easily applying to Trump’s political rise as a demagogue). 

    Throughout the globe, this alarming turn of phrase has continued to gain traction in terms of the far-right gradually “collecting” power and entering increasingly into mainstream government after lying in wait to pounce on the “right moment” (no pun intended) via taking advantage of public dissatisfaction with things that ultimately have nothing to do with conservative “soapbox solutions.” In Europe especially, the far-right continues to gain control of governments at the highest level. This includes Giorgia Meloni in Italy, Petteri Orpo in Finland and Viktor Orbán in Hungary. Another alarming “tidbit” of late is that if French presidential elections were held today, polling wisdom suggests far-right extremist Marine Le Pen (who has already run for the role of French president three times) would finally win. 

    All across the world, not just in Europe and South America (see also: ​​the recent power held by Brazil’s Jair Bolsonaro and Chile’s José Antonio Kast), a fascist, far-right darkness is taking hold. One spurred by the age-old idea that conservative parties are somehow “miracle workers” at resuscitating the economy (of course, the Tories in Britain are the most glaring present evidence to the contrary). Milei simply happens to be among the freshest, most overt examples of how, when people turn to the right for “fiscal salvation” (which, by the way, never actually comes), they, without fail, seem to forget, every time, about the even higher price one must pay in the sacrifice of human rights so as to achieve that so-called salvation. 

    In Argentina’s case, toppling the Peronism that has dominated the country’s politics since the time after Juan Perón’s first “presidency” (read: a presidency that employed many dictatorial tactics) is yet another sign of how extreme things have become. With voters turning to “shock politics” in a bid to seek a change that can never truly come unless the system of capitalism is dismantled entirely. And no, that does not automatically mean turning to socialism (that age-old conservative fear), but rather, a reassessment entirely of humanity’s priorities. 

    Naturally, the likelihood of that happening is nil, with Žižek’s adage, “It’s easier to imagine the end of the world than the end of capitalism” automatically coming to mind amid increasingly absurd voter “preferences” relating, in the end, to how they can better secure their financial well-being instead of their emotional and spiritual one. In short, putting a more colorful Band-Aid (represented by the superhero costume-wearing politician) on a fatal wound that needs a different cure entirely. 

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    Genna Rivieccio

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  • What are the threats facing American democracy?

    What are the threats facing American democracy?

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    What are the threats facing American democracy? – CBS News


    Watch CBS News



    President Biden issued several stark warnings about threats to American democracy Thursday in Arizona. CBS News election law expert and political contributor David Becker discusses what stood out from the president’s speech.

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  • Russia court sentences Alexey Navalny, jailed opposition leader and Putin critic, to 19 more years in prison

    Russia court sentences Alexey Navalny, jailed opposition leader and Putin critic, to 19 more years in prison

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    A Russian court on Friday issued its verdict in a new case against jailed opposition leader Alexey Navalny, convicting the politician of promoting “extremism” and extending his time in prison by 19 years, according to Russian state media and his own team. 

    Navalny, who emerged as the most outspoken critic of President Vladimir Putin’s government before he was imprisoned, was already serving a nine-year sentence in a high-security prison about 150 miles east of Moscow for parole violations, fraud, and contempt of court.

    Russian court hears new case against opposition politician Alexei Navalny
    Russian opposition politician Alexey Navalny appears on a screen via video link during a hearing of the Moscow City Court, at the IK-6 penal colony in Melekhovo, Russia, August 4, 2023.

    EVGENIA NOVOZHENINA/REUTERS


    The audio feed from the court — the only immediate source of information as journalists were not permitted in the room — was of poor quality, and Russia’s judiciary authorities did not immediately confirm the sentence. 

    Navalny and many outside observers have always considered those charges politically motivated retaliation for his criticism of Putin and the Kremlin’s policies, both foreign and domestic. The U.S. quickly condemned the verdict. 

    “This is an unjust conclusion to an unjust trial,” U.S. State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller said in a statement. “…By conducting this latest trial in secret and limiting his lawyers’ access to purported evidence, Russian authorities illustrated yet again both the baselessness of their case and the lack of due process afforded to those who dare to criticize the regime.”

    In the new trial, Navalny was accused of creating an extremist organization, the Anti-Corruption Foundation. That organization has authored multiple investigations into the riches of the Russian elite. He also founded a network of nearly 40 regional offices that sought to challenge Kremlin-approved local politicians.

    Both groups were outlawed as extremist organizations in 2021, a designation that exposed people involved in their operations to criminal prosecution.

    Navalny faced a total of seven serious charges in the trial, including participating in and funding extremist activities, creating an NGO that “infringes on the rights of citizens,” involving minors in dangerous acts, and rehabilitating Nazism. He was convicted on all but the last of those charges Friday.

    In April, Navalny said a separate proceeding had been launched against him stemming from the extremism case, in which he would stand accused of terrorism and be tried by a military court.

    At the time, the politician said he expected the trials to result in life imprisonment.

    “The sentence will be a long one,” Navalny said in a statement released by his organization Thursday, before the verdict was announced in the case. “I urge you to think why such a demonstratively huge sentence is necessary. Its main purpose is to intimidate. You, not me. I will even say this: you personally, the one reading these lines.”

    The trial was held behind closed doors. Navalny’s parents were denied entry to the court and have not seen their son for over a year.

    Daniel Kholodny, who used to work for Navalny’s YouTube channel, was also charged with funding and promoting extremism and was sentenced to prison on Friday, but due to the poor quality audio feed from inside the closed courtroom, there was confusion about how many years he was given.

    In a Thursday statement, Navalny said Kholodny was part of his technical production staff, but that investigators had “made him up to be an ‘organizer’ of an extremist community,” and attempted to pressure Kholodny into a deal: freedom in exchange for damning testimony against Navalny and his allies.

    Navalny has been put in solitary confinement 17 times at the IK-6 prison, a facility known for its oppressive conditions and violent inmates.

    In previous statements, his team described how the prison administration denied him family visits and punished him for transgressions as minor as having an unbuttoned shirt.

    Navalny was arrested in January 2021 immediately upon his return from Germany, where he spent five months recovering from a poisoning that he blamed on the Kremlin — a claim Russian officials have always denied.

    Shortly after his arrest, a court sentenced him to two-and-a-half years in prison for violating the parole conditions of a 2014 suspended sentence in a fraud case that Navalny insists was politically motivated.

    From that point on, the number of cases and charges against him snowballed, with his allies saying the Kremlin’s goal has always been to keep him locked up for as long as possible.

    Following Navalny’s imprisonment, the country’s authorities launched a sweeping crackdown on his associates and supporters. Many have been forced to flee the country, while others have been imprisoned, including the head of his regional office Liliya Chanysheva.

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  • ‘Stalinist.’ Putin nemesis Alexei Navalny gets 19 more years in prison

    ‘Stalinist.’ Putin nemesis Alexei Navalny gets 19 more years in prison

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    A Russian court on Friday sentenced opposition leader and Kremlin critic Alexei Navalny to an additional 19 years in a maximum-security prison, finding him guilty on extremism charges in what critics have lambasted as a “sham trial.”

    Navalny, who is already serving a nine-year prison term in a maximum-security facility in Melekhovo, 250 kilometers east of Moscow, now faces decades behind bars.

    Prosecutors had requested a 20-year sentence for Navalny, who said on social media on Thursday before the verdict that he expected to receive a lengthy “Stalinist” sentence.

    “When the figure is announced, please show solidarity with me and other political prisoners by thinking for a minute why such an exemplary huge term is necessary,” he wrote. “Its main purpose is to intimidate. You, not me.”

    Although he has visibly lost weight, Navalny cut a relaxed figure, chatting to co-defendant Daniel Kholodny ahead of the hearing and appearing to crack jokes with the defense team while the verdict was being read out. 

    Prosecutors had also asked for Navalny to be transferred to a “special regime” penal colony, likely more isolated and with restricted access, a request that was granted by the court.

    “Today’s decision [about a move to a special regime prison] formalizes that which is already being done today,” Olga Romanova from the prison rights NGO Russia Behind Bars told morning radio show RZVRT.

    Yevgeny Smirnov from Pervy Otdel, a law firm specialized in espionage and treason cases, said sending Navalny to a “special regime” colony is “a way of increasing pressure on him even more.” 

    “Such prisons are reserved for those who instead of a death sentence have been restricted in their freedom for life, and especially dangerous repeat offenders,” Smirnov said. “Political prisoners rarely fall in that category. In fact, in my memory, Navalny is the first.”

    He said that in the worst case, Navalny would be kept alone in a cell and only be allowed a single long visit and a single parcel a year.

    Experts on Russia’s prison system have also expressed concern about Navalny’s safety from fellow inmates if he were to be transferred to such a prison.

    Harsh crackdown

    A longtime critic and the main political opponent of Russian President Vladimir Putin, Navalny, 47, was arrested on his arrival back to Russia in January 2021 after being treated in Germany following a suspected Kremlin-sanctioned poisoning. At the time, the Kremlin denied Putin had ordered Navalny’s poisoning, and said there was no reason to open a criminal investigation, a decision that was later condemned by the European Court of Human Rights.

    Navalny was arrested on his arrival back to Russia in January 2021 after being treated in Germany following a suspected Kremlin-sanctioned poisoning | Kirill Kurdryavtsev/AFP via Getty Images

    After returning to Russia, Navalny was sentenced to two years and eight months for violating the terms of probation from an earlier sentence. In March 2022, he was given another nine-year sentence on fraud charges.

    The extremism charges are not the end. Navalny is also facing an additional trial on terrorism charges in connection with an April bombing in St. Petersburg which killed pro-war blogger Vladlen Tatarsky, according to AP. Navalny, who was behind bars at the time of the attack, said he could face an additional 10 years for that charge.

    Members of Navalny’s team have said he has faced harassment in jail, being denied food and access to medical care. Navalny has accused the prison authorities of using various pretexts to place and keep him in solitary confinement, in violation of Russian law.

    After his imprisonment, a Russian court labeled Navalny’s movement as “extremist,” which led to his network of campaign offices being shut down. With the government cracking down on his supporters, many have fled, gone underground or been locked up.

    However, some allies of the opposition leader continued showing their support, organizing demonstrations inside and outside Russia. On Friday, outside the prison gates, several dozen people, many of them young, waited in the afternoon sun in an expression of their support for Navalny, under the watchful eye of prison guards and police, some of whom asked passers-by for their documents. 

    European Council President Charles Michel called Friday’s verdict in “yet another sham trial” against Navalny “unacceptable.”

    “This arbitrary conviction is the response to his courage to speak critically against the Kremlin’s regime,” Michel said. “I reiterate the EU’s call for the immediate and unconditional release of Mr. Navalny.”

    Showing support

    A handful of people gathered in front of the penal colony in Melekhovo ahead of Friday’s verdict, braving long journeys in sweltering summer heat to express their support. Many of those who spoke to POLITICO had traveled for hours to the penal colony in Melekhovo in a show of support for Navalny, despite having no illusion about the outcome of the case.

    “In Russia, people get these kind of sentences simply for saying the truth,” said Alexander, a lanky 18-year-old economics student with green eyes who had traveled for several hours by train and car from Yaroslavl. “I believe that there should be no place for such lawlessness in the modern world.”  

    Refused access onto the prison grounds, he had spent hours waiting in the burning sun together with other supporters, while police guards approached them one by one and jotted down their personal details. 

    “I know they’ll be on my doorstep soon,” said Alexander. “But I’m not ashamed of my views.”

    Two female supporters stood outside the prison gates, two hours before the sentencing was scheduled to take place.

    Elena, 60, said she had traveled overnight from St. Petersburg to attend the hearing. 

    “It’s for my own conscience,” she told POLITICO. “And for Navalny to see that he has support.”

    She was carrying a bag with water, tea and an umbrella in case the weather turned.

    Another woman, also called Elena, 53, with her brown hair tied into a pigtail, had gotten up at 4 a.m. to make the journey from Moscow.

    “Many of those who support Navalny have fled to avoid being mobilized,” she said. “We are women of a certain age and don’t run that risk.” 

    Roman, a fashionable 18-year-old dressed in a Yankees cap, sunglasses and a Japanese anime shirt, traveled three hours by train and three hours by car from Shakovskaya, a town in the Moscow region with his 16-year-old girlfriend.

    “This way we show others that they are not alone in their opposition to Putin, to the war. Maybe it’ll inspire others too,” he said.

    Asked whether he thought his presence outside the penal colony could have repercussions, he said: “Sooner or later it undoubtedly will. But it’s not worth being scared. I’ve already understood that there won’t be a good end to all of this either way.”

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    Claudia Chiappa

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  • Anti-war Russians face dilemma with Sunday’s mass Navalny protests

    Anti-war Russians face dilemma with Sunday’s mass Navalny protests

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    What to gift the man who is barred from receiving anything, and also is Vladimir Putin’s biggest political foe?

    How about a mass demonstration?

    That’s what supporters of Alexei Navalny are ginning up for the jailed Russian opposition leader’s 47th birthday on Sunday.

    From exile, they are calling Russians to action, both inside and outside the country.

    “Let’s show him on his birthday that he has not been forgotten,” Georgy Alburov, who works for Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK), said in a YouTube video posted in mid-May. “Wherever you are, whichever country, go out to support Navalny.”

    Sunday marks the third birthday that Navalny will spend in prison since he was arrested after recovering from a poison attack, which his team says was carried out on Russian President Putin’s direct orders.

    “Putin wants Navalny to feel alone. Moreover, he wants every single one of us to feel that way,” Lyubov Sobol, another Navalny associate, said in the video calling for protests. 

    The Navalny team is counting on Russian exiles spread around the globe to participate in the protests. Demonstrations have been announced in dozens of countries, from Australia to Brazil to Japan. 

    ‘The real heroes’

    But Russians still in the country are given special status in the call to protest.

    “Those who come out in protest [in Russia] are the real heroes,” another political activist, Ruslan Shaveddinov, said in the video.

    The demonstration drive is designed to be a unifying moment, but it has exposed divisions among those Russians who have stayed in Russia and those who have left. And it has hit a nerve among some of Navalny’s staunchest supporters.   

    At stake is the question: Who has the right to ask Russians to take to the streets to protest their government, and is it worth the risk they run? 

    Some 2500 supporters of Russian opposition politician Alexei Navalny marched in Berlin earlier this year | Omer Messinger/Getty Images

    Since Navalny’s jailing, his supporters still in Russia have been living on a knife edge.

    A Russian court decision in June 2021 labeling his movement as “extremist” has led to his network of campaign offices being dissolved. His allies have fled, gone underground, or been locked up. Any day now, Lilia Chanysheva, a former regional coordinator of Navalny’s team, is expected to be sentenced to 12 years in prison on extremism charges. 

    The pressure on Navalny himself shows no sign of abating, either, now that he has been transferred to a maximum-security prison in Melekhovo, a town some 250 kilometers east of Moscow. New criminal charges are constantly being lodged against him, including for extremism and most recently terrorism, which could see his sentence of 11 and a half years extended by decades. 

    His team members say he is being harassed in jail and being denied food and access to medical care. The only way to save him, they argue, is to keep him in the public eye.  

    Irritating logic

    Admitting the risk of prosecution for Russians inside the country, they have promised to provide legal and financial aid to those who are detained on Sunday. 

    But that has sparked further irritation, with some pointing out that in today’s Russia, any link to Navalny is toxic. Critics question the logic that to help one man, supporters must expose themselves to jail sentences; they accuse Navalny’s team-in-exile of being detached from the reality on the ground.

    “[In Russia,] anyone who stages even a one-man picket can be slapped with criminal charges,” Alexei Vorsin, a former Navalny coordinator in Khabarovsk, wrote on Telegram on May 29. Vorsin has fled the country after being charged with extremism.

    Vladimir Pastukhov, a Russian analyst based in London, drew a parallel with Bloody Sunday in 1905, when Father Gapon famously led a march of peaceful protesters right into the path of the Winter Palace’s guards’ bullets.

    ​​”It’s a question of responsibility [that Navalny has] toward his congregation, and the right to use it as cannon fodder against the Kremlin,” Pastukhov said in a YouTube video broadcast of “Khodorkovsky Live.” 

    Activists in Russia have been issued with pre-emptive warnings by the authorities not to act on the June 4 protest call, and several are already facing charges of organizing an unsanctioned event, for simply sharing information on the protest online.

    Nonetheless, there are those like Moscow opposition politician Elvira Vikhareva, who has gone as far as publicly announcing her intention to take to the street.

    Alexei Navalny embraces his wife Yulia in this photograph taken from a TV screen during a live broadcast of a court hearing in 2022 | Alexander Nemenov/AFP via Getty Images

    “I am convinced that politically motivated murders, the persecution of dissidents, and assassination attempts will continue as long as we allow these scoundrels to continue making a fool out of people,” she said in a post on Telegram.

    In a written comment to POLITICO, Vikhareva, who in March said traces of poison had been found in her blood, specified that she thought it was “up to every individual to decide” which risks they were prepared to take. 

    ‘Monstrous ambivalence’

    Faced with public backlash over the potential dangers, Navalny’s team has partially backtracked or at least softened its message. It recently released a second video saying there were other, less risky, ways of showing Navalny “that he is not alone.”

    Leonid Volkov, one of Navalny’s closest allies, recently listed a number of such “in-between options” during a breakfast radio show hosted by the Russian journalist Alexander Plushev. They included putting up flyers at building entrances, “talking to acquaintances on social media,” or chalking Navalny a birthday message in a public place.

    But Volkov defended his team’s overall strategy, saying that there was a demand for protest, and that excluding Russia from a worldwide demonstration would be “strange.”

    Dmitry Oreshkin, a political analyst based in Riga, told POLITICO that even a high turnout in Russia, which he thought unlikely, would not impact the Kremlin’s current course.

    “This type of regime does not listen to street protests, and easily suppresses them,” Oreshkin said. 

    And yet, he argued, the alternative is for Russians “to sit at home and do nothing,” normalizing their government’s politics of repression and war.

    “That is the monstrous ambivalence facing Russians today.” 

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    POLITICO Staff

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  • Sen. Tommy Tuberville’s White Nationalism Comments Skewered By Predecessor Who Prosecuted KKK Members

    Sen. Tommy Tuberville’s White Nationalism Comments Skewered By Predecessor Who Prosecuted KKK Members

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    Before his 2017 special election to the Senate in Alabama, in which he defeated accused child molester Roy Moore, Doug Jones was best known for prosecuting two Ku Klux Klan members who bombed Birmingham’s 16th Baptist Church in 1963, killing four girls. On Sunday morning, Jones offered harsh words for his successor, former Auburn football coach Tommy Tuberville, for spending the past week playing footsie with white nationalism. 

    In an interview last Monday with a public radio station in Birmingham, Tuberville, a member of the Senate Armed Forces Committee, was asked whether he believed “white nationalists” should be able to serve in the military. The Biden administration has made countering extremism in the military a major domestic priority in the wake of the January 6 attack; nearly one in five rioters who have been charged are military veterans. “They call them that,” Tuberville replied, referring to the Biden administration’s criticism of white nationalists. “I call them Americans.”

    “He has this history of saying these things,” Jones said during a Sunday morning appearance on MSNBC. “This is a man who when he was running for Senate did not even know what the Voting Rights Act was.” Jones was referencing a moment during the 2020 campaign in which Tuberville was asked about expanding the Voting Rights Act and struggled to explain the basic contents of the law. 

    Tuberville’s office attempted to clarify the comments on Wednesday, telling Alabama-based news outlet AL.com that Tuberville was being “skeptical of the notion that there are white nationalists in the military, not that he believes they should be in the military.” Speaking at the U.S. Capitol on Thursday, Tuberville said, “There’s a lot of good people that are Trump supporters that for some reason my Democratic colleagues want to portray as white nationalists. That’s not true.”

    Jones counted himself skeptical of Tuberville’s attempt to walk back his comments: “It’s hard to get someone to walk back and clarify when they really have no clue what they’re talking about,” he said Sunday morning. Jones added that white nationalism “has been on the country’s radar” since the deadly Charlottesville march in 2017. Numerous reports have demonstrated that the U.S. military struggles with a white nationalism problem. 

    Tuberville’s remarks last week were also criticized by Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, who called them “utterly revolting” on Thursday. “I cannot believe this needs to be said, but white nationalism has no place in our armed forces and no place in any corner of American society, period, full stop, end of story,” Schumer said

    On Saturday afternoon, Jones quote-tweeted a video of the white supremacist gang Patriot Front marching toward the U.S. Capitol building: “I damn sure hope they haven’t been listening to Tuberville and going to try and enlist!”

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    Jack McCordick

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  • Report: Pentagon Leaker Was Preparing for Race War

    Report: Pentagon Leaker Was Preparing for Race War

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    On April 13, a group of camouflage-clad FBI agents arrested 21-year old National Guardsman Jack Teixeira at his home in Massachusetts. Teixeira was charged with leaking classified documents containing national security secrets. He faces up to 25 years in prison, and has yet to enter a plea. 

    From the moment of Teixeira’s arrest, reports have emerged that the invitation-only Discord server where Teixeira leaked the documents was a cesspool of racist memes, offensive jokes, and gun fetishization. But on Saturday morning, the Washington Post released a much more wide-ranging report on Teixeira’s extremism, drawing on previously unpublished videos, chat logs, and interviews with several of Teixeira’s friends. This new evidence, writes the Post, suggests Teixeira was “readying for what he imagined would be a violent struggle against a legion of perceived adversaries — including Blacks, political liberals, Jews, gay and transgender people.” 

    In online posts, Teixeira called the mainstream media “zogshit,” a slur for “Zionist Occupied Government;” repeated January 6 false flag conspiracy theories; and referenced Waco and Ruby Ridge, two 1990s standoffs between law enforcement and armed extremists that have become a touchpoint for the far right. 

    “He used the term ‘race war’ quite a few times,” one close friend told the Post. “He did call himself racist, multiple times…I would say he was proud of it.” The friend, who said Teixeira was “very happy” after a white supremacist shooter killed 51 people at two mosques in New Zealand in 2019, added that Teixeira “ would send me a video of someone getting killed, ISIS executions, mass shootings, war videos…He absolutely enjoyed gore.” The friend said Teixeira had told him “multiple times” about “his desire to shoot up his school” when he was in high school. 

    The Post uncovered videos of Teixeira shooting guns in his backyard as well as at a nearby gun range. At the latter, Teixeira recorded a video of himself using a racist slur before emptying a magazine. In the house he shared with his mother and stepfather, Teixeira amassed what the Post described as “a small arsenal of rifles, shotguns and pistols, as well as a helmet, gas mask and night-vision goggles.”

    Teixeira remains in custody, as prosecutors argue that he poses a flight risk. A detention hearing originally scheduled for last Thursday was canceled

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    Jack McCordick

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  • How Gulf tensions drove Qatar to seek friends in Brussels

    How Gulf tensions drove Qatar to seek friends in Brussels

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    Press play to listen to this article

    Voiced by artificial intelligence.

    They’re dazzlingly rich, and they expect to be in charge for a long, long time.

    The monarchs leading Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia might seem from the outside like a trio of like-minded Persian Gulf autocrats. Yet their regional rivalry is intense, and Western capitals have become a key venue in a reputational battle royale.

    “All of these governments … really want to have the largest mindspace among Western governments,” said Jon B. Alterman, director of the Middle East Program at the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies.

    As the Gulf states seek to wean themselves off the oil that made them rich, they know they’ll need friends to help transform their economies (and modernize their societies).

    “They think it’s important not to be tarred as mere hydrocarbon producers who are ruining the planet,” Alterman added.

    With an erstwhile vice president of the European Parliament in jail and Belgian prosecutors asking to revoke immunity from more MEPs, allegations of cash kickbacks and undue influence by Qatari interests look likely to ensnare more Brussels power players.

    The Qatari government categorically denies any unlawful behavior, saying it “works through institution-to-institution engagement and operates in full compliance with international laws and regulations.”

    Against the background of regional rivalries, that engagement has become increasingly robust. While tensions with Riyadh have eased over the past few years, Qatar’s mutual antagonism with the United Arab Emirates has been particularly severe.

    Qatar’s survival strategy

    Regional rivalries burst beyond the Middle East in 2017 in a standoff that would reshape regional dynamics.

    Until then, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates had been essentially frenemies. As members of the Gulf Coordination Council, they’d been working toward building a common market and currency in the region — not so different from the European Union.

    But different responses to the Arab Spring frayed relations to a breaking point.

    The Qatar-based Al Jazeera news network gave a platform to the Muslim Brotherhood, the Islamist party that rode a wave of unrest into power in Egypt and challenged governments throughout the Arab world. And Doha didn’t just offer a bullhorn — it gave the Muslim Brotherhood direct financial backing.

    Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, meanwhile, considered the Muslim Brotherhood to be a terrorist group.

    Along with Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and the UAE severed diplomatic ties with Doha in June 2017, barring Qatar’s access to airspace and sea routes; Saudi Arabia closed its border, blocking Qatar’s only land crossing.

    Among the demands: close Al Jazeera, end military coordination with Turkey and step away from Iran. Qatar refused — even though it was crunch time for building infrastructure ahead of the 2022 World Cup and 40 percent of Qatar’s food supplies came through Saudi Arabia.

    Fighting what it called an illegal “blockade” became an existential mission for Doha.

    “The only thing Qatar could do was make sure everyone knew Qatar exists and is a nice place,” said MEP Hannah Neumann, chair of the Parliament’s delegation for relations with the Arab Peninsula (DARP).

    “They really stepped up the diplomatic efforts all around the world to also show, ‘We are the good ones,’” said Neumann, of the German Greens.

    Qatar needed Brussels because it had already lost an even bigger ally: Washington. Not only did then-President Donald Trump take the side of Qatar’s rivals in the fight; he also appeared to take credit for the idea of isolating Qatar — even though the U.S.’s largest military base in the region is just southwest of Doha.

    Elsewhere, Qatar had already been working with the London-headquartered consultancy Portland Communications since at least 2014 — as its World Cup hosting coup was becoming a PR nightmare, with stories emerging over bribed FIFA officials and exploited migrant workers.

    Exploding onto the EU scene

    In Brussels, Doha leaned on the head of its EU Mission, Abdulrahman Mohammed Al-Khulaifi, who had moved to Belgium in 2017 from Germany, to step up European relations.

    Within days of the fissure, Al-Khulaifi appeared in meetings at NATO, and within months opened a think tank called the Middle East Dialogue Center to hone Doha’s image as an open promoter of debate (in contrast, it contended, to its neighbors) and pressure the EU to intervene in the Mideast.

    By the next year, he was speaking on panels about combating violent extremism — alongside Dutch and Belgian federal police. By late 2019, Al-Khulaifi hosted the first meeting of embassy’s Qatar-EU friendship group with a “working dinner.”

    “The situation following the blockade has pushed Qatar to establish closer relations outside the context of the regional crisis with, for example, the European Union,” Pier Antonio Panzeri, then chair of the Parliament’s human rights subcommittee, told Euractiv in 2018.

    The following year, Panzeri would attend the Qatari-hosted “International Conference on National, Regional and International Mechanisms to Combat Impunity and Ensure Accountability under International Law,” and heap praise on the country’s human rights record.

    Panzeri is now in a Belgian prison, facing corruption charges; his NGO, Fight Impunity, is under intense scrutiny for being a possible front.

    Neumann said that Qatar’s survival strategy has paid off. “Absolutely, it worked,” she said. “I think it’s fair enough, if they didn’t do it with illegal means.”

    Directly or indirectly, Qatar clocked several big victories during this period, including multiple resolutions in Parliament on human rights in Saudi Arabia and a call to end arms exports to Riyadh in the wake of the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi. Doha also inked a cooperation arrangement with the EU in March 2018, setting the stage for closer ties.

    Frenemies once again

    Since Saudi Arabia and Qatar signed a deal to end the crisis two years ago, Riyadh-Doha relations have generally thawed. Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, 37, traveled to Qatar in November for the World Cup and embraced Qatar’s emir, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani, 42, while wearing a scarf in the host’s colors.

    However, relations between Qatar and the United Arab Emirates — led by Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, 61 — remain chilly.  

    As the Gulf transforms, the United Arab Emirates “has come to see that role as being a status quo power,” said Alterman. On the part of its neighbor, “Qatar has come to see that role as aligning with forces of change in the region, and that’s created a certain amount of mutual resentment.”

    Qatar’s smaller scale contributes to Doha’s sense of internal security, fueling its openness to engaging with groups that others see as an existential threat.

    Qataris see themselves as “champions of the Davids against the Goliath,” said Andreas Krieg, an assistant professor at King’s College London who has worked in the past as a consultant for the Qatari armed forces. Civil society organizations founded by “a range of different opposition figures, Saudi opposition figures in the West, have been supported financially by Qatar as well,” Krieg added. (Khashoggi, one of the era’s most prominent Saudi opposition figures, had connections to the state-backed Qatar Foundation.) “Hence why Qatar was always seen as sort of a thorn in the side of its neighbors.”

    And while the €1.5 million cash haul confiscated by Belgian federal police looks like an eye-popping sum, it certainly pales in comparison to the amount the Gulf states spend on legal lobbying in Brussels. And that sum, in turn, pales in comparison to what those countries spend in Washington.

    “Brussels isn’t that important,” Krieg said. “If you look at the money that these Gulf countries spend in Washington, these are tens of millions of dollars every year on think tanks, academics … creating their own media outlets, investing strategically into Fox News, investing into massive PR operations.”

    Nonetheless, the EU remains a key target. Abu Dhabi is strengthening its “long-standing partnership” with Brussels on economic and regional security matters “through deep, strategic cooperation with EU institutions and Member States,” said a UAE official, in a statement. 

    “Brussels was always a hub to create a narrative,” said Krieg.

    And right now, each of the region’s power players is deeply motivated to change that narrative.

    Alterman invoked a broad impression of the Gulf countries as “people who have more money than God who want to take the world back to the 7th Century.”

    But that’s wrong, he said. “This is all about shaping the future with remarkably high stakes, profound discomfort about how the world will relate to them over the next 30 to 50 years — and frankly, a series of rulers who see themselves being in power for the next 30 to 50 years.”

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    Sarah Wheaton

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  • German police arrest Iranian man suspected of planning chemical terror attack

    German police arrest Iranian man suspected of planning chemical terror attack

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    German police arrested a 32-year-old Iranian man suspected of plotting a chemical attack.

    The Iranian national was arrested in the town of Castrop-Rauxel, near Dortmund, on suspicion of procuring toxins including cyanide and ricin in order to commit a terror attack inspired by Islamic extremism, German authorities said on Sunday. Another person was detained during the operation, they said.

    The Iranian’s house was cordoned off and searched in order to secure further evidence, with German media reporting that several officers and emergency workers in full protective suits were present at the scene.

    A joint statement by Düsseldorf’s public prosecutor and the police forces of the cities of Recklinghausen and Münster said that the arrest was the result of an investigation by the region of North Rhine-Westphalia’s anti-terrorism office. German tabloid Bild reported that Germany’s law enforcement was tipped off by a foreign intelligence agency about the man’s plan.

    Preparing a serious act of violence is punishable with a prison sentence of six months to 10 years under German law, according to the police statement.

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    Gian Volpicelli

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