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Tag: Estonia

  • Estonia Releases Vessel Held on Suspicion of Smuggling After Inspection

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    STOCKHOLM, ‌Feb ​5 (Reuters) – Estonia’s ‌Tax ​and ‍Customs Board ​said ​on Thursday ⁠it had allowed ‌the seized Baltic ​Spirit cargo ‌vessel ‍to leave ⁠the port of ​Muuga after an inspection had not confirmed suspicions it carried contraband.

    (Reporting ​by Anna Ringstrom, editing ​by Stine Jacobsen)

    Copyright 2026 Thomson Reuters.

    Photos You Should See – January 2026

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  • Russian-Installed Kherson Governor Accuses Ukraine of Killing 24 in New Year Drone Strike

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    MOSCOW, Jan 1 (Reuters) – The ‌Russian-installed ​governor of Ukraine’s ‌southern Kherson region on Thursday ​accused Ukraine of killing at least 24 people ‍in a drone ​strike on a hotel and ​cafe ⁠where New Year celebrations were being held.

    The governor, Vladimir Saldo, made the allegation in a statement on the Telegram messaging service.

    There was ‌no immediate comment from Ukraine, and Saldo ​did not ‌provide visuals or ‍other ⁠evidence that would enable Reuters to immediately verify the allegation.

    Saldo alleged in his post that three Ukrainian drones had struck the site of new New Year celebrations in ​Khorly, a coastal village, in what he said was a “deliberate strike”.

    Russian state news agencies reported that at least 24 people had been killed and 29 more injured, citing the local branch of Russia’s emergencies ministry.

    Kherson is one of four regions in Ukraine which Russia claimed ​as its own in 2022, a move Kyiv and most Western countries condemned as an illegal land grab.

    (Reporting by ​Reuters Writing by Felix Light: Editing by Andrew Osborn)

    Copyright 2026 Thomson Reuters.

    Photos You Should See – December 2025

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  • Germany’s Merz: Ukraine Will Need Strong Army After Any Peace Deal

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    BERLIN (Reuters) -Ukraine will need strong armed forces and security guarantees after any peace deal with Russia is agreed and Kyiv should not be forced to surrender territory, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said on Thursday.

    Stressing that European as well as Ukrainian security interests were at stake, Merz said guarantees were being discussed with the U.S. and Ukraine.

    “Ukraine needs strong armed forces, and if a peace agreement is reached … Ukraine will continue to need strong armed forces and reliable security guarantees from its partners,” said Merz at a press conference with his Estonian counterpart.

    The most important guarantee, he said, was a well-equipped Ukrainian army.

    “That is why we are also discussing the future target size of the Ukrainian army,” Merz said, adding it was too early to discuss any deployment of international troops.

    European countries have insisted that the upper limit for Ukraine should be 800,000 soldiers rather than 600,000.

    Merz also said Ukraine should not be forced to accept territorial concessions and that the front line must be the starting point for any negotiations.

    (Reporting by Madeline Chambers and Andreas Rinke; editing by Matthias Williams and Ros Russell)

    Copyright 2025 Thomson Reuters.

    Photos You Should See – Nov. 2025

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  • A New Rare-Earths Plant in Europe Shows How Tough Breaking China’s Grip Will Be

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    Europe is trying to get itself on the global rare-earths map, and a new facility on Russia’s border is its opening bid.

    The city of Narva in Estonia, once a textiles hub for the Russian Empire, is now host to Europe’s biggest production plant for the kinds of rare-earth magnets needed in electric cars and wind turbines. It is part of Europe’s push to secure a foothold in a global supply chain dominated at every step by China. Built by Canada’s Neo Performance Materials and financed in part by the European Union, the factory is expected to begin commercial deliveries to companies including the German car-parts supplier Robert Bosch next year.

    Copyright ©2025 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 87990cbe856818d5eddac44c7b1cdeb8

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    Kim Mackrael

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  • Opinion | The ‘Human Right’ to Smoke in Prison

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    If you want to see what a “living constitution” looks like, go to Europe. On Tuesday, in Vainik v. Estonia, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that four longtime prisoners in Estonia were due restitution from the state for “weight gain, sleeping problems, depression, and anxiety” caused by not being allowed to smoke in prison.

    The decision was grounded on Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The text of Article 8 doesn’t mention any right to enjoy a cigarette whenever one pleases. Rather, it protects a broad “right to private life,” which the court accused Estonia of violating in the Vainik case. “The Court,” the judges wrote, “was sensitive to the context of the already limited personal autonomy of prisoners, and that the freedom for them to decide for themselves—such as whether to smoke—was all the more precious.” An odd ruling, but perhaps Europe loves its cigarettes that much?

    Copyright ©2025 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 87990cbe856818d5eddac44c7b1cdeb8

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    John Masko

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  • Lithuania in Talks With Rheinmetall for Second Investment Project, Presidential Advisor Says

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    VILNIUS (Reuters) -Lithuania is in talks with German defence conglomerate Rheinmetall for a second investment project, a Lithuanian presidential advisor said on Tuesday.

    (Reporting by Andrius Sytas, writing by Louise Breusch Rasmussen, editing by Terje Solsvik)

    Copyright 2025 Thomson Reuters.

    Photos You Should See – Oct. 2025

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  • As Russia Tests NATO’s Limits, Estonia’s Tech Scene Heats Up

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    When Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, it came as little surprise to the  international community: leaders from various countries were warning weeks in advance that Vladimir Putin was poised to launch his attack, and made increasingly desperate public pleas to the Russian leader to step back from the brink—until it was too late. As for the Baltic states that border Russia? They told me they’d been expecting such an action for years, and had encountered meddling and mischief-making from Putin themselves.

    That’s partly why Estonia, whose eastern border abuts the west of Russia, has become Estonia has become an outsourced tech lab and factory for Ukraine’s frontline. 

    “If you are in war, your sense of urgency is different,” says Allan Martinson, a board member at the Estonian Founders’ Society, who has been around the country’s tech sector for 35 years. Martinson says that Estonia’s defense tech sector has coalesced in the last three years—since Russia crossed the border into Ukraine—and now accounts for around 10 percent of the total Estonian tech sector in terms of revenues.

    The Ukrainian Connection 

    Around 150 companies operate in Estonia’s defense tech sector, and around a third of them are run by Ukrainians, says Martinson—many of whom are still based in their home country but have taken advantage of Estonia’s e-Residency program. (The program allows non-Estonian residents to set up companies in the country within minutes, thanks to its entirely digital government processes.)

    The influx of Ukrainians looking to launch tech startups designed to help keep their country safe in a neighboring country has been a “very interesting contribution” to the Estonian tech sector, says Martinson. For Ukrainians, Estonia offers a link to the European Union and NATO member states—Ukraine is currently a member of neither entity. In fact, Ukraine’s attempts to sign up to both blocs is part of Putin’s tenuous public justification for his war. 

    “If there are teams that are building in the trenches to beat Russia right now, when they have a moment to think about, ‘Okay, how do we work with our NATO partners? How do you sell to them?’ then Estonia makes a lot of sense. It’s nearby,” says Sten Tamkivi, a former Skype executive who is now a partner at Plural, an Estonian-based tech investment firm. 

    Plural recently invested in Helsing, a defense tech firm that initially developed AI battlefield software, but which expanded into building autonomous strike drones late last year. Tamkivi calls it “the biggest tech breakout story in European defense right now. Helsing’s eastern NATO flank operations are run through Estonia.

    The links are also deep between the two countries’ governments: the current advisor to Ukraine’s deputy prime minister on AI and digital transformation, Kristjan Ilves, is also the former chief information officer of the Estonian government.

    So while Russia’s movement through Ukraine has stalled thanks to international support, including Estonia, those on the streets of Tallinn and in its tech sector are prepared for any incursion that could come.

    “Mentally speaking, I don’t think if you ask people on the street today they will answer that they’re in war,” says Martinson. “But are they afraid of war? My own perception is that we recognize there is a danger, but we are also not afraid. We are preparing on a national level and individual level, with defense entrepreneurs.”

    Just days before Martinson spoke to me, Russia flew fighter jets over Estonian airspace for 12 minutes, reaching within seconds of the capital, Tallinn, before being escorted out of the country by scrambled NATO jets. But for now, Estonia is a comparatively safe third-party location for Ukrainian entrepreneurs to base their business and its infrastructure. 

    Jumping through hoops 

    One snag in all of this is a NATO policy that requires all defense tech to serve a dual purpose in order to receive NATO funding, and to be part of any NATO state’s supply chain. The need to pretend to have a dual use for technologies that can save lives or defend borders means that encrypted radio communications tech firms are pretending their products could have use in the mining industry in order to attract investors’ eye. 

     “People are inventing these fake use cases to leave an image that they’re going to go to civilian use cases where they really should be focusing on building what’s necessary right now,” says Tamkivi. “It’s like, ‘Okay, let’s do defense, but let’s at least stay safe. Let’s say that nobody gets hurt,’” he says. “It’s this irrational or unrealistic picture of what is going on,” Tamkivi adds.

    Still, Estonia, and NATO countries on the bloc’s eastern flank are more exposed than other NATO states to the problems that can come from a more belligerent Russia. So Estonians tend to believe that there needs to be more action taken to try and tackle the threat. 

    Ragnar Saas, co-founder of Estonian defense tech venture capital firm Darkstar, compares the sense of urgency to Ukraine, where innovations are coming thick and fast: “How fast tech is growing in defense is probably the fastest area I know,” he says. “Those guys in Ukraine work seven days a week, because you’re basically defending your home.”

    Saas, whose wife is Ukrainian, and who sends convoys of vehicles from Estonia to Ukraine to help the war effort there, is bullish about Ukraine’s future—in large part because of its tech prowess, backed up by friendly nations like Estonia. “The biggest and best strategy for how Ukraine will win is by their tech,” he says. “They’re developing new weapons systems.”

    The next front

    Christoph Kühn, the German deputy director of NATO’s Cooperative Cyber Defence Centre of Excellence, which is based in a square, squat building on the outskirts of the Estonian capital, says that in his personal belief NATO is already at war with Russia in the cybersphere. The secretary-general of the Estonian foreign ministry, Jonatan Vseviov, gave the same message: Estonia is at war with Russia already, and is willing to defend itself, including by mobilizing its tech sector.

    Estonia’s government is responding to that threat. “For Estonia, helping Ukraine as much as possible is very important,” says Estonian prime minister Kristen Michal, who has been in post for a little over a year. “It’s a priority.” So much so that in the days after Estonia was buzzed by Russian warplanes, his cabinet approved devoting 5 percent of its entire budget to defense.

    “I hope that we can be of assistance and contact with Ukraine, for their defensive industry to exchange intellectual property and different kinds of innovations which are happening there,” Michal says. “Conflicts are usually best for innovation,” he adds.

    The country punches above its weight when it comes to tech innovation: Its unicorns include Skype, Wise, Bolt and Playtech, a leading gambling tech firm. And Estonians believe that they can put that power of innovation to purposes that do more than just benefit people. They can help protect Europe – and themselves. 

    “Five years ago, in the whole of Europe, I would suspect that nobody was thinking about the defense tech industry as part of their defense capabilities,” says prime minister Michal. “But right now, after what is happening in Ukraine, they really say, ‘When something happens, we need things to be done here. So we need innovation here. We need things to do here.’”

    The prime minister’s word choice seems deliberate. At the minute, Estonia sees things as a case of ‘when’, not ‘if’.

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    Chris Stokel-Walker

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  • Analysis-EU Scramble for Anti-Russia ‘Drone Wall’ Hits Political, Technical Hurdles

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    By Andrew Gray, Supantha Mukherjee and Max HunderBRUSSELS/STOCKHOLM/KYIV (Reuters) -Just hours after some 20 Russian drones entered Polish airspace…

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  • Estonian foreign minister expects further Russian provocations

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    NATO reacted appropriately to Russia’s recent violations of Estonia’s airspace but should expect further disruptive actions from Moscow, according to the Baltic country’s foreign minister.

    “I’m really sure that Russia will continue these provocations. It’s not about Estonia, it’s about NATO unity, as well as testing our capabilities, to also trans-Atlantic unity,” Margus Tsahkna told dpa on Friday on the sidelines of the Tallinn Digital Summit.

    In September, three Russian fighter jets entered the airspace of the EU and NATO member state for about 12 minutes.

    The government in Tallinn requested an emergency meeting of the UN Security Council and consultations with its allies under Article 4 of the NATO Treaty.

    In a subsequent statement, the military alliance warned Russia against further border violations, threatening the use of force.

    “We reacted, I think, in a very solid way,” said Tsahkna, adding that NATO had shown that it functions well, including through the immediate interception of the Russian aircraft.

    “Everything was under control. There was no immediate direct military threat.”

    Even after the incident, the alliance showed political unity and determination, he noted.

    Estonia’s foreign minister joined Latvia and Lithuania in calling for NATO’s mission to monitor Baltic airspace to be converted into a genuine defence operation.

    “We are supporting this idea,” said Tsahkna, while stressing that it is not enough to simply change the mission’s name.

    Rather, it must be upgraded with improved air-defence capabilities, according to the minister.

    The governments in Riga and Vilnius had previously spoken out in favour of transforming NATO’s Baltic Air Policing Mission into an Air Defence Mission.

    Under the joint mission implemented in 2004, NATO allies take turns providing fighter jets and personnel for armed protection flights.

    The three Baltic States of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, which border Russia, do not have suitable aircraft of their own for the task.

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  • Finland Lacks Jurisdiction in Baltic Sea Cable Breach Case, Court Says

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    HELSINKI (Reuters) -A Finnish district court ruled on Friday that Finland does not have jurisdiction to prosecute the captain and two officers of the Eagle S oil tanker, who were accused of breaking undersea power and internet cables in the Baltic Sea.

    (Reporting by Elviira Luoma, editing by Essi Lehto and Terje Solsvik)

    Copyright 2025 Thomson Reuters.

    Photos You Should See – Sept. 2025

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  • NATO to hold Article 4 talks after Russian jets detected over Estonia

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    NATO countries plan to meet early next week to discuss the airspace violation by Russian fighter jets reported by Estonia, a spokesman for the alliance told dpa on Saturday.

    Consultations will be held under Article 4 of the NATO treaty, he said, without providing an exact date for the talks.

    NATO’s Article 4 provides for talks among allies if a members feels that its “territorial integrity, political independence or security” is threatened.

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    Estonia requested the consultations after it detected three Russian MIG-31 fighter jets in its airspace without authorization early on Friday.

    Russia denied Estonia's account, stating that it had not violated any borders.

    Poland also reported on Friday that two Russian fighter jets had approached a Polish drilling platform in the Baltic Sea at low altitude, violating a security zone.

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  • New Jersey man pleads guilty in smuggling scheme intended to aid Russia’s war effort

    New Jersey man pleads guilty in smuggling scheme intended to aid Russia’s war effort

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    NEW YORK (AP) — A New Jersey man who was among seven people charged with smuggling electronic components to aid Russia’s war effort pleaded guilty Friday to conspiracy to commit bank fraud and other charges, authorities said.

    Vadim Yermolenko, 43, faces up to 30 years in prison for his role in a transnational procurement and money laundering network that sought to acquire sensitive electronics for Russian military and intelligence services, Breon Peace, the U.S. attorney in Brooklyn, said in a statement.

    Yermolenko, who lives in Upper Saddle River, New Jersey and has dual U.S. and Russian citizenship, was indicted along with six other people in December 2022.

    Prosecutors said the conspirators worked with two Moscow-based companies controlled by Russian intelligence services to acquire electronic components in the U.S. that have civilian uses but can also be used to make nuclear and hypersonic weapons and in quantum computing.

    The exporting of the technology violated U.S. sanctions, prosecutors said.

    The prosecution was coordinated through the Justice Department’s Task Force KleptoCapture, an interagency entity dedicated to enforcing sanctions imposed after Russian invaded Ukraine.

    Attorney General Merrick Garland said in statement that Yermolenko “joins the nearly two dozen other criminals that our Task Force KleptoCapture has brought to justice in American courtrooms over the past two and a half years for enabling Russia’s military aggression.”

    A message seeking comment was sent to Yermolenko’s attorney with the federal public defender’s office.

    Prosecutors said Yermolenko helped set up shell companies and U.S. bank accounts to move money and export-controlled goods. Money from one of his accounts was used to purchase export-controlled sniper bullets that were intercepted in Estonia before they could be smuggled into Russia, they said.

    One of Yermolenko’s co-defendants, Alexey Brayman of Merrimack, New Hampshire, pleaded guilty previously to conspiracy to defraud the United States and is awaiting sentencing.

    Another, Vadim Konoshchenok, a suspected officer with Russia’s Federal Security Service, was arrested in Estonia and extradited to the United States. He was later released from U.S. custody as part of a prisoner exchange that included Wall Street Journal reporter Evan Gershkovich and other individuals.

    The four others named in the indictment are Russian nationals who remain at large, prosecutors said.

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  • At the Olympic beach volleyball venue, the Eiffel Tower stars in a très French show

    At the Olympic beach volleyball venue, the Eiffel Tower stars in a très French show

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    PARIS (AP) — The biggest beach volleyball star at the Paris Olympics can’t set, spike or dive around the sand.

    But she sure is pretty.

    The Eiffel Tower has been stealing the show from the competition below at the Summer Games so far, with fans and players alike ooh-la-la-ing over the nonpareil setting that has turned the stadium on the Champ de Mars into the Olympics’ iconic venue.

    “I don’t know who chose this place to put beach volleyball. He deserves a medal, too,” said Cherif Younousse of Qatar, a Olympic medalist himself. “Warming up on the side court, we were like, ‘Wow, we are under the Eiffel Tower.’ We couldn’t even imagine playing beach volleyball here.”

    And the landmark the locals call La Dame de Fer — the Iron Lady — is just one reason the venue is such a hit. Fans wave baguettes, dance the can-can and sing along to music pumped out by a DJ, who turns the 12,860-seat stadium into the hottest club in Paris. A stream of celebrities, heads of state and royalty have stopped by to check it out.

    “I’m more than happy to tell all the other sports, ‘Yeah, we definitely got the best venue,’” said Australian Taliqua Clancy, who won a silver medal in Tokyo. “It’s absolutely incredible. Honestly, you can’t beat it.”

    Although beach volleyball only joined the Olympic program in 1996, it quickly has become one of the Summer Games’ most popular sports — thanks in part, no doubt, to the women in bathing suits, but also to an atmosphere that surrounds a fast-moving competition with a beach party vibe.

    The London venue at Horse Guards Parade sparkled with a view of the Big Ben clock tower and Benny Hill-style hijinx; four years later, the stadium at Copacabana beach pulsed with a samba beat, surrounded by Cariocas sunbathing — and playing beach volleyball and soccer — on the surrounding sands. Tokyo placed its venue in a waterfront park with a view of the Rainbow Bridge.

    Catch up on the latest from the 2024 Paris Olympics:

    But Paris, as Paris tends to do, upstaged them all.

    Every night as the sun sets behind the latticed landmark, the stadium goes dark and fans hold up their cellphone lights in a sort of digital reboot of Vincent Van Gogh’s “Starry Night.” At 10 p.m., the Eiffel Tower is illuminated with twinkling strobes, and would-be influencers scramble to get into position for the perfect picture, with the court and the Olympic rings and the tower all lined up in a row in the background.

    “That is what dreams are made of,” said American Kristen Nuss, whose Olympic debut began right after the light show. “Guys, it’s a memory that will definitely be imprinted in my brain for forever.”

    It’s not just the athletes.

    Spanish, Jordanian and Luxembourgish royalty have graced the arena, as have the presidents of Finland, Estonia and Lithuania ( and France, mais oui! ). French soccer great Zinedine Zidane came by the morning after carrying the torch in the opening ceremony, and basketball Hall of Famer Pau Gasol came to root for his Spanish countrymen.

    Gymnast Livvy Dunne cheered on fellow LSU Tigers Nuss and Taryn Kloth before posing for pictures to satisfy her 6 million TikTok followers. On Wednesday, Snoop Dogg and the cast of the “Today” show came to watch Americans Kelly Cheng and Sara Hughes beat France in straight sets.

    Moviemakers Baz Luhrmann and Judd Apatow and movie stars Elizabeth Banks and Leslie Mann have checked out the setting. Other times, it resembled a movie set: During a women’s match between France and Germany on Sunday, the crowd broke into a rendition of “La Marseillaise,” the French national anthem, that would make the resistance in “Casablanca” proud.

    It is a scene that is, most of all, très French: One woman dressed as a can-can dancer in bleu, blanc and rouge posed for pictures with any fan who asked. A painter dabbed at his oils in the back of the press tribune — the only place that offers even a few hours of shade. The DJ worked Edith Piaf songs into his hip-hop and techno playlist, and the crowd sings along. Men in berets, with painted-on Dali moustaches, waved baguettes to cheer on the French team.

    Hang that in the Louvre.

    And looming over it all is the century-old latticed landmark that gives the venue its name. Looking for a practice court before play began, a volunteer helpfully offered directions: “You go there,” she said, “and turn left from the Eiffel Tower.”

    “I think it’s the best venue ever,” France’s Clemence Vieira said after a 21-16, 23-21 loss to the Americans in front of the enthusiastic hometown fans. “It’s very symbolic, because the Tour Eiffel is a symbol of France. So I think there’s nothing to say but it’s just the best ever.”

    Vieira, a 23-year-old first-time Olympian from Toulouse, might be a little biased. But even some repeat competitors agree: The 2024 beach volleyball venue is not just the best in Paris, but maybe the best in the history of the Games.

    At the very least, it sets a standard that future organizers will struggle to surpass.

    “This will be a hard one to top, I think,” said Nuss, who is hoping her first Olympics won’t be her last. “I’m not sure how anyone else would do it. But, I mean, I’m willing to see how they try.”

    ___

    AP Summer Olympics: https://apnews.com/hub/2024-paris-olympic-games

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  • Zelenskyy offers Trump a tour of Ukraine’s front line

    Zelenskyy offers Trump a tour of Ukraine’s front line

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    “This is Russia’s war against any rules at all,” Zelenskyy said, to applause from the auditorium, adding:” If you do not manage to act now, Putin will make the next years catastrophic for other countries as well.”

    Zelenskyy’s appearance in Munich is part on an ongoing campaign to strengthen Kyiv’s ties with its Western allies. Before coming to Munich, he was in Berlin and Paris to sign security agreements, adding to a similar pact with the United Kingdom.

    Although Russia has more ammunition, the war is also causing problems, forcing it to plead for help from ramshackle dictatorships. “For the first time in Russian history, Russia bowed to Iran and North Korea for help,” said Zelenskyy.

    Despite problems like ammunition shortages and retreats from cities like Avdiivka, Zelenskyy insisted that Ukraine can prevail in the war against Russia, especially if its allies give it more arms and ammunition.

    “We can get our land back, and Putin can lose,” he said, adding: “We should not be afraid of Putin‘s defeat and the destruction of his regime. It is his fate to lose — not the fate of the rules-based order to vanish.”

    Antoaneta Roussi contributed reporting.

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  • NATO front-runner Mark Rutte faces flak over low Dutch defense spending

    NATO front-runner Mark Rutte faces flak over low Dutch defense spending

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    BRUSSELS — Outgoing Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte is emerging as the front-runner to be the new NATO chief, but faces resistance in Washington from lawmakers who accuse the Netherlands of underspending on defense on his watch, and from others who think it’s time for a woman at the top.

    In what’s shaping up to be at least a three-person race, Rutte is considered a strong favorite, according to two European officials and a diplomat granted anonymity to talk about internal deliberations.

    “He’s certainly a heavyweight, he’s a very good candidate,” Poland’s Ambassador to NATO Tomasz Szatkowski said at an event hosted by POLITICO Pro Defense on Tuesday.

    One of the officials said the longtime Dutch leader had won the support of “senior U.S. and German officials.”

    France, another crucial decision-maker, is also favoring Rutte, driven primarily by his personal rapport with President Emmanuel Macron, who was one of Rutte’s earliest cheerleaders in his quest for the NATO top job.

    “That Macron and Rutte appreciate each other is no secret,” said a French diplomat.

    However, some American lawmakers adamantly oppose Rutte, as the Netherlands has consistently failed to meet NATO’s defense spending target of 2 percent of gross domestic product.

    That pits him unfavorably against Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas, who signaled interest in the NATO job while in Washington last week. Her government agreed to raise defence spending to 3 percent of GDP for 2024-2027, from 2.85 percent this year. Tallinn has also been an outsize supporter of Ukraine in terms of weaponry.

    The underdog is Latvia’s Foreign Minister Krišjānis Kariņš, whose announcement on Sunday that he was running was even a surprise to some in Riga, according to a diplomat.

    The candidacies of Kallas and Kariņš ruffle some Western European feathers — still smarting from the intense criticism they faced from Baltic nations that they are insufficiently supportive of Ukraine and too fearful to challenge Russia.

    The White House was coy when asked whether U.S. President Joe Biden prefers Rutte.

    “We’re not going to get into internal deliberations over the next secretary general,” said National Security Council spokesperson Adrienne Watson. “We look forward to working closely with allies to identify a secretary general who can lead the alliance at this critical time for transatlantic security.”

    Penny-pincher

    For some, though, the record of burden sharing in a secretary-general candidate’s home country does matter politically, and Washington is scrutinizing that closely.

    U.S. Senator Dan Sullivan, a Republican from Alaska and senior of member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, said Rutte “should be unequivocally disqualified” over his country’s record on NATO burden sharing. He said there is “deep bipartisan frustration in the U.S. about NATO members not pulling their weight.”

    Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas signaled interest in the NATO job while in Washington last week | Leon Neal/Getty Images

    The Netherlands has a poor track record. In 2014 it spent only 1.15 percent of its GDP on defense, while the alliance has a 2 percent spending goal. This year, The Hague will spend 1.7 percent of GDP and has agreed to spend 2.03 percent in 2024 and 2.01 percent in 2025.

    Ahead of July’s NATO summit in Vilnius, Sullivan led a bipartisan group of 35 senators in writing a letter to Biden urging him to ensure NATO countries meet their defense spending commitments. That tally — which amounts to more than a third of the U.S. Senate — hints at the potent politics of burden sharing in Washington.

    Congress’ ongoing negotiations over its annual defense legislation include a provision from Sullivan that would require the Pentagon to prioritize NATO members that hit the 2 percent target when making decisions about U.S. military basing, training, and exercises.

    Some in Biden’s own Democratic Party also believe it’s time for a woman to run NATO.

    “I’ve long thought it was time the allies appoint the first woman NATO secretary general,” Senate NATO Observer Group Co-Chair Jeanne Shaheen, a Democrat from New Hampshire, said in a statement.

    “That said, it’s critical that support for NATO remains strong and bipartisan in the Senate and for that to happen, the successor for this important position should hail from a country that is meeting the 2 percent defense spending commitment, or has a robust plan in place to meet that goal, which was agreed to by all allies in Vilnius,” she added.

    With NATO helping coordinate members’ efforts to help Ukraine fight Russia, there are also calls for someone from the eastern flank of the alliance to become the next leader.

    “Maybe at some point it is also [the] right time for the alliance to look at the region of Eastern Europe,” Ukraine’s Ambassador to NATO Natalia Galibarenko told POLITICO. “So my preference … would be at some point to see [a] secretary-general representing Eastern Europe.”

    Such as Kallas?

    “Why not?” said the Ukrainian envoy.

    With additional reporting from Clea Caulcutt. and Joshua Posaner. Joe Gould and Alexander Ward reported from Washington.

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    Stuart Lau, Alexander Ward and Joe Gould

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  • ‘External’ source suspected as Finland, Estonia gas, telecom link damaged

    ‘External’ source suspected as Finland, Estonia gas, telecom link damaged

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    Damage to undersea gas and telecommunications links comes just over a year after sabotage to Nord Stream gas pipeline.

    Damage to an undersea gas pipeline and telecommunications cable connecting Finland and Estonia appears to have been caused by “external activity”, Finnish and Estonian officials said.

    The Finnish government on Tuesday reported damage to a gas pipeline and a telecommunications cable with Estonia following an unusual drop in pressure on Sunday in the Balticconnector gas pipeline, which led to its shutdown.

    Speaking at a news conference, Finnish Prime Minister Petteri Orpo stopped short of calling the pipeline damage an act of sabotage but said it could not have been caused by regular operations.

    “According to a preliminary assessment, the observed damage could not have occurred as a result of normal use of the pipe or pressure fluctuations. It is likely that the damage is the result of external activity,” Orpo said.

    Finland’s National Bureau of Investigation was leading an inquiry into the leak, Orpo said.

    Finnish telecoms operator Elisa also confirmed on Tuesday that it suffered a break in a data cable connecting Finland and Estonia over the weekend.

    Asked by a reporter whether Finland’s government suspected Russian involvement in the latest incident, Orpo said he did not want to speculate on potential perpetrators before authorities completed the investigation in Finland.

    Estonian Prime Minister Kaja Kallas said that Estonia and Finland had informed their allies in NATO and the European Union regarding the incidents and she was in contact with the Finnish leader on the “next steps” to be taken.

    “Both Estonia and Finland are taking these incidents very seriously and are doing everything possible to determine the circumstances,” Kallas said in a statement.

    The damaged cable and pipeline “are in very different locations, although the timing [of the incidents] is quite close”, Estonian Defence Minister Hanno Pevkur told a press briefing.

    Pevkur said that Estonian authorities received photos confirming that the damage to the Balticconnector was “mechanical” and “human-made”.

    “This damage must have been caused by some force that was not created by … a diver or a small underwater robot; the damage is more massive,” Pevkur said, adding that seismologists have previously stated there was no explosion at the incident site.

    Heidi Soosalu, a seismologist at the Estonian Geological Service, told the Estonian public broadcaster ERR on Tuesday that neither Estonian nor Finnish seismic stations registered anything resembling explosions during the time period the Balticconnector registered a loss of pressure.

    The incident comes just over a year after the Nord Stream gas pipelines running between Germany and Russia in the Baltic Sea were damaged by explosions believed to be sabotage. That case remains unsolved.

    Estonia’s Navy told The Associated Press news agency they were conducting an investigation on the damaged gas pipeline together with the Finnish military in the Gulf of Finland.

    The 77km-long (48 miles) Balticconnector pipeline runs across the Gulf of Finland from the Finnish city of Inkoo to the Estonian port of Paldiski. The 300 million euro ($318m) pipeline, largely financed by the EU, started commercial operations at the beginning of 2020.

    The Balticconnector has been the only gas import channel to Finland, apart from LNG, since Russian imports were halted in May 2022, following Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

     

    Russia stopped supplying gas to Finland after it refused to pay Moscow in rubles, a condition imposed on “unfriendly countries” – including EU member states – as a way to sidestep Western financial sanctions against Russia’s central bank.

    European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said she had spoken with Finnish premier Orpo and Estonia’s Kallas regarding damage to the gas pipeline and telecoms cable.

    “Only by working together can we counter those seeking to undermine our security, and ensure that our critical infrastructure remains robust and reliable in the face of evolving threats,” von der Leyen said in a statement.

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  • Europe blinks amid calls to stop backing Ukraine 

    Europe blinks amid calls to stop backing Ukraine 

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    BRUSSELS — Russian President Vladimir Putin has made little secret of his plan to keep up the pressure on Ukraine until Western resolve breaks. More than 500 days into his war of aggression, he now has reason to believe things are working out the way he hoped, even if events are not playing out how he might have imagined.

    Governments in Poland, Estonia, Slovakia and others in Central and Eastern Europe have been among Kyiv’s staunchest allies since the first day of Russia’s full-scale invasion. Beyond sending weapons and welcoming millions of Ukrainian refugees, they have been Ukraine’s loudest advocates in the West, pushing for a tough line against Moscow in the face of reluctance from countries like France and Germany.

    But as the leaders of some of these ride-or-die allies face reelection battles or other domestic challenges, and governments get nervous about the impact of Ukraine one day joining the European Union, that support is starting to waver.

    The most striking example is Poland, whose Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki announced on Wednesday that he would stop delivering new weapons to Ukraine. The statement marked a stunning escalation in a dispute between Kyiv and its closest EU neighbor over grain shipments Warsaw claims are undercutting production from Polish farmers ahead of a parliamentary election on October 15.

    “Ukraine realizes that in the last months, they’re not bordering Poland, they’re bordering Polish elections,” said Ivan Krastev, chair of the Centre for Liberal Strategies in Sofia, Bulgaria. So for now, “the votes of a hundred thousand Polish farmers are more important for the government than what is going to be the cost for Ukraine. And we’re going to see this happening in many places,” he added.

    Morawiecki is facing a tough challenge from Donald Tusk, a former prime minister who has also served as president of the European Council. As part of his electoral strategy, the prime minister is courting supporters of the far-right Confederation Party, which opposes aid for Ukraine.

    “We are no longer transferring weapons to Ukraine, because we are now arming Poland with more modern weapons,” Morawiecki said in an appearance on Polish television channel Polsat.

    While it’s tempting to write off the tensions as electoral fireworks, there are reasons to believe they could persist beyond the campaign. As a Western diplomat who asked not to be named pointed out, the grain dispute between Warsaw and Kyiv reveals deeper misgivings about Ukraine joining the EU. “For 18 months, Poland has badgered any member state that would utter the slightest hesitation towards Ukraine,” the diplomat said. “Now they’re showing their true colors.”

    The problem for Kyiv is that it’s not just Poland where support seems to be slipping. Since the start of the war, the Baltic states have led the pro-Ukraine charge in Brussels and Washington, perhaps nobody as loudly or effectively as Estonia’s liberal prime minister, Kaja Kallas.

    As the daughter of a former prime minister and European commissioner, Kallas was widely seen as the emblem of a newly emboldened Eastern Europe that would ride the Ukraine crisis to positions of greater power in Brussels. But Kallas’ credibility took a hit over a scandal involving her husband, who was revealed to own a stake in a company that kept doing business in Russia after the February 2022 invasion, even as his wife was advocating for ending all trade with Moscow.

    Asked about Kallas’ troubles, Estonia’s Foreign Minister Margus Tsahkna said that no amount of political upheaval would change the country’s course: “We constantly have elections, and we constantly have domestic issues, but it doesn’t change our policy,” Tsahkna said. “One thing Estonia has had in all these 32 years is the same continuous foreign policy.”

    That said, Kallas has been a lot less vocal since the scandal broke in late August, depriving Kyiv of one of its strongest advocates in Western capitals.

    Poland’s PM Mateusz Morawiecki announced on Wednesday that he would stop delivering new weapons to Ukraine | Omar Marques/Getty Images

    Then there’s Slovakia. The Central European country has been among Europe’s biggest backers of Ukraine, but elections on September 30 could turn it into a skeptic overnight.

    “If you have a society where only 40 percent support arms delivery to Ukraine and your government offers support almost at the level of the Baltics, that creates a backlash,” said Milan Nič, a fellow at the German Council on Foreign Relations.

    Robert Fico, the country’s populist former prime minister, is campaigning on a pro-Russian, anti-American platform that opposes sanctions against Russian individuals and further arms deliveries to Kyiv. He’s on course to win the election, according to POLITICO’s Poll of Polls.

    A victory for Fico would give Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán — one of Kyiv’s biggest European skeptics — an ally on the EU stage. If his party gets enough support to be part of the government, Fico told the Associated Press earlier this month, “we won’t send any arms or ammunition to Ukraine anymore.”

    To be sure, Ukraine still has plenty of strong backers in Europe. Lithuania, Latvia, Romania, Sweden, Finland and others remain strongly committed, and French President Emmanuel Macron has recently swung strongly behind Kyiv. Some analysts also downplay the importance of Poland and Slovakia’s role at the moment, pointing out that there aren’t many weapons left to deliver in the countries’ armories.

    Kyiv, for now, seems relaxed. Speaking at a press conference after an event in Brussels last Friday, Ukraine’s Deputy Prime Minister for European Integration Olha Stefanishyna downplayed the static between Kyiv and some of its erstwhile friends: “We have a strong commitment and a political confirmation that none of the political processes will affect the ongoing support,” she said.

    It’s hard to imagine, however, that somewhere Putin isn’t rubbing his hands, and watching.

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    Nicholas Vinocur and Jacopo Barigazzi

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  • Top Russian official says British politicians now a legitimate military target

    Top Russian official says British politicians now a legitimate military target

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    LONDON — British politicians are now a legitimate military target for Moscow, a senior Russian official said, after the U.K.’s Foreign Secretary James Cleverly argued Ukraine has the right to use force within Russian borders.

    Speaking in Estonia Tuesday, Cleverly said Ukraine “has a right” to project force “beyond its own borders” as part of its self-defense, following a series of drone strikes that hit Moscow’s wealthiest neighborhoods. The U.K. minister argued that Kyiv striking inside Russia would “undermine” the Kremlin’s ability to continue its war in Ukraine, which has officially denied responsibility for the attack.

    Dmitry Medvedev, former Russian president and deputy chair of the Russian Security Council, hit back on Wednesday arguing that the U.K. is “de facto leading an undeclared war against Russia” by supplying Ukraine with military aid and specialists.

    “That being the case, any of its public officials (either military, or civil, who facilitate the war) can be considered as a legitimate military target,” he wrote on Twitter.

    Medvedev, who regularly makes blunt remarks about the war in Ukraine and has called for the killing of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, warned: “The goofy officials of the U.K., our eternal enemy, should remember that within the framework of the universally accepted international law which regulates modern warfare, including the Hague and Geneva Conventions with their additional protocols, their state can also be qualified as being at war.”

    Cleverly’s remarks meanwhile appear to be at odds with the U.S.’ position. White House Press Secretary Karine Jean-Pierre said at a briefing Tuesday that the U.S. was still gathering information on the reports of drones striking in Moscow.

    “We do not support attacks inside of Russia. That’s it. Period,” she said.

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    Cristina Gallardo

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  • Eyeball to eyeball: Estonia stares down Russia | CNN

    Eyeball to eyeball: Estonia stares down Russia | CNN

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    Tallinn, Estonia
    CNN
     — 

    In 2014, when Russia illegally annexed Crimea and began fomenting conflict in Ukraine’s Donbas region, there was a short phrase that captured the fear that Moscow would try to grab still more territory, this time in Estonia: “Is Narva next?”

    Narva, Estonia, a city of 60,000 people, is as close as you can get to Russia in Europe. It sits high on the western bank of the Narva River, its 13th-century castle proudly flying the blue, black and white flag of Estonia. On the opposite bank stands Ivangorod, population roughly 10,000, with its 15th century fortress, atop which flutters the red, blue and white flag of Russia.

    Between them stretches a bridge straight out of a Cold War movie, fortified with chain link fences and barbed wire, the route that Russian tanks might take to invade Estonia – or so the theory goes. So far, however, Russian tanks have not rolled over the bridge and Estonia, a small nation of 1.3 million people but a staunch member of NATO, is intent on making sure that never happens.

    At Tapa military base, Estonia’s largest, a two-hour drive west from Narva, “Spring Storm” is under way, a large NATO military exercise with approximately 14,000 troops from 11 countries, testing the preparedness and interoperability of Estonia’s flagship 1st and 2nd Infantry Brigades with NATO troops from Denmark, France, Italy, Latvia, Poland, Britain and the US.

    One day before the Lennart Meri security conference began in the capital Tallinn – an annual meeting of political leaders, military figures and academics – I joined a group of journalists observing preparations for the exercises.

    At one staging area, French Foreign Legion soldiers in fierce green camouflage face paint showed us France’s AMX-10 RC armored fighting vehicle (dubbed the “Tank Destroyer”) that’s being used in Ukraine. Next to it – a Caesar self-propelled howitzer with its 155mm 52 caliber gun that can shoot 40 kilometers (25 miles.) We hopped a bus to another part of the base see Wildcat and Apache attack helicopters flown in by British pilots the day before.

    “Estonia has a bad neighbor,” Major General Veiko-Vello Palm, Deputy Commander of the Estonian Defense Forces, tells us. Readiness is key, he said. ‘We won’t have much warning.”

    And if Russia tries to invade? “Let them try,” he added with a wry grin.

    At last year’s Lennart Meri Conference, which took place just eleven weeks after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the mood among the Estonian experts, including government officials, military officers and diplomats, was a respectful but firm: “We told you so:” Told you that Russia would invade. Told you that Moscow has long-term hostile strategic goals. Told you that Vladimir Putin won’t stop with Ukraine.

    This year, with NATO united, Estonia’s neighbor Finland joining the defense alliance and Sweden expected to follow suit, with Russian forces suffering devastating casualties in Ukraine, the mood in Tallinn among many European and American participants was confident, but the Estonians remain cautious. “The times aren’t going to be easier for us in the near future,” Major General Palm warned. “Russia’s threat is not getting smaller.”

    Vladimir Putin has a bigger goal than Ukraine, Estonian officials say: to dissolve the rules-based world order and as long as that’s the goal, Russia will remain the most dangerous immediate and long-term threat to the West.

    “We know the Russians and Russian know us,” one official told us. “We watch them, and they watch us. We think we know roughly what makes them tick.”

    Like parts of Ukraine, Estonia was illegally annexed and occupied by the Soviet Union. Thousands of Estonians died after being loaded onto cattle cars and exiled to Siberia.

    Estonians at the conference were adamant: Unless Russia is utterly defeated in Ukraine, there is no reason to expect Putin will change his strategic objective. Their NATO allies, they said, are still operating on several “myths” about the war. Like the idea that this is “Putin’s war.” It’s not, the Estonian Ministry of Defense claims in a discussion paper. In spite of massive Russian casualties on the battlefield, there’s widespread support for the war among the Russian public. “The imperialist mindset is historically rooted in Russia,” the authors argue.

    “Russia has never been a democratic country and is unlikely to become one…Russia’s leadership has been preparing the society for a large-scale war with the West for the past 20 years…Even if Putin were stopped, the next man in line would not be any different, because Russia is not any different.”

    The military exercises took place at Tapa military base, Estonia's largest, a two-hour drive west from Narva.

    Estonian Defense officials insist that its allies are still too cautious, afraid of “uncontrollable escalation,” wary that Putin will retaliate with nuclear weapons. That, the Estonians maintain, allows Russia not only to control escalation but to control the West’s strategy. “War of attrition is a very heavy price for perceived strategic stability,” they say. “Going forward, we must strive to refrain from paralyzing self-deterrence and excessive fear of escalation.”

    The first day of the conference I grabbed a seat at a standing-room only discussion with Russian journalists who fled Russia after Moscow invaded Ukraine. They’ve been living in the Baltic nations, in Georgia, Germany and the Netherlands, unsure when – or even if – they will be able to go home. As usual with Russians, the discussion quickly turns philosophical.

    “The repression has grown so great,” says one TV journalist. “There’s something deeply wrong with my country,” says another, “there’s a total rejection of political responsibility…We all are hostages of a madman.”

    One journalist, as Russians often do, tells a Soviet-era joke: Communist party leader Leonid Brezhnev announces that tomorrow, the state will start to execute people. “Any questions?” he asks. “Should we bring the rope?” pipes up one timid person.

    Many Russians have been de-politicized by the Kremlin. “They simply don’t have any opinion on the war,” one journalist explains. “It’s like North Korea.” Russians are confused, torn, not even asking themselves whether they support the war or not. They tune out news, focusing on everyday concerns.

    One day before the Lennart Meri conference, a group of journalists observed preparations for military exercises.

    Several Russians at the conference said they feel personally responsible for the horrors Russia is unleashing on Ukraine. “We will have to pay for it for many years to come,” one said. Russia has never confronted even its Soviet past, they all agreed, and there’s little likelihood it will examine, let alone atone for what it now is doing to Ukraine.

    What’s more, Vladimir Putin is winning support for the war from so-called “swing states” and nations in the Global South.

    Fiona Hill, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution and former senior director for European and Russian affairs at the US National Security Council, gave the keynote address and engaged in a kind of virtual debate with Putin, insisting this is not, as he argues, a “proxy war” between the US or the “collective West” and Russia. The Ukraine war, she said, “is now effectively the reverse—a proxy for a rebellion by Russia and the ‘Rest’ against the United States.”

    Russia, she said, “has cleverly exploited deep-seated international resistance, and in some cases open challenges, to continued American leadership of global institutions.” The so-called “Rest” of the world “seek to cut the U.S. down to a different size in their neighborhoods and exert more influence in global affairs. They want to decide, not be told what’s in their interest.”

    This year at the Lennart Meri conference the Estonians aren’t saying “We told you so.”

    But, in the conference halls in Tallinn, and at the Tapa military base, they are adamant that Russia must be held accountable for its crimes in Ukraine as well as deterred from any further aggression. It’s vital for security in Europe, and in the world, they say, and for the Estonian nation’s survival. They know they will have to live with their big neighbor to the east for a very long time.

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  • Scouring the seas for Putin’s pipeline saboteurs

    Scouring the seas for Putin’s pipeline saboteurs

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    It’s an hour before dawn breaks over the North Sea. Aboard the KV Bergen, the officer of the watch is wide awake. 

    The 93-meter long Norwegian Navy Coast Guard vessel is on patrol, 50 miles out to sea. The sky is dark, the sea darker. But off the starboard bow, bright lights gleam through the rain and mist. Something huge and incongruous is looming out of the water, lit like a Christmas display.  

    “Troll A,” says Torgeir Standal, 49, the ship’s second in command, who is taking the watch on this bleak March morning. 

    It’s a gas platform — a big one.  

    When it was transported out to this desolate spot nearly 30 years ago, Troll A — stretching 472 meters from its seabed foundations to the tip of its drilling rig — became the tallest structure ever moved by people across the surface of the Earth. Last year, Troll, the gas field it taps into, provided 10 percent of the EU’s total supply of natural gas — heating homes, lighting streets, fueling industry. 

    “There are many platforms here,” says Standal, standing on the dark bridge of the Bergen, his face illuminated by the glow from the radar and satellite screens on his control panel. “And thousands of miles of pipeline underneath.” 

    And that’s why the Bergen has come to this spot today. 

    In September 2022, an explosion on another undersea gas pipeline nearly 600 miles away shook the world. Despite three ongoing investigations, there is still no official answer to the question of who blew up the Nord Stream pipe. But the fact that it could happen at all triggered a Europe-wide alert.

    The Norwegian Navy’s KV Bergen, seen in the background, after departing from the port of Bergen

    Against a backdrop of growing confrontation with Moscow over its brutal invasion of Ukraine and its willingness to use energy as a weapon, the vulnerability of the undersea pipes and cables that deliver gas, electricity and data to the Continent — the vital arteries of comfortable, modern European life — has been starkly exposed. 

    In response, Norway, alongside NATO allies, increased naval patrols in the North Sea — an area vital for Europe’s energy security. The presence of the Bergen, day and night, in these unforgiving waters, is part of the effort to remain vigilant. The task of the men and women on board is to keep watch on behalf of Europe — and to stop the next Nord Stream attack before it happens. 

    The officers of the watch 

    But what are they looking for? 

    In recent weeks the Bergen has tracked the movements of a Russian military frigate through the North Sea — something that it has to do “several times every year,” says Kenneth Dyb, 47, the skippsjef, or commander of the ship. 

    The Russians have a right to sail through these seas out to the Atlantic, and it is very unlikely Moscow would be so brazen as to openly attack a gas platform or a pipeline. But, says Dyb, as his ship steams west to another gas and oil field, Oseberg, “it’s important to show that we are present. That we are watching.” 

    Recent reports that Russian naval ships — with their trackers turned off — were present near the site of the Nord Stream blasts in the months running up to the incident have reinforced the importance of having extra eyes on the water itself. 

    The Oseberg oil and gas field, 130 kilometers north-west of Bergen

    Of course, the gas didn’t come for free. Norway has profited hugely from the spike in gas and oil prices that followed Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. The state-owned energy giant Equinor made a record $75 billion profit in 2022. Oslo is sensitive to accusations of war profiteering — and keen to show Europe that it cares about its neighbors’ energy security as much as it cares about their cash. 

    But the threat to the pipelines could also be more low-key. One of the many theories about the Nord Stream attack is that it was carried out by a small group of divers, operating from an ordinary yacht. In such a scenario, something as seemingly innocent as a ship suddenly going stationary, or following an unaccustomed course through the water, could be suspicious. The Bergen’s crew have the authority to board and inspect vessels that its crew consider a cause for concern.  

    Russia’s covert presence in these waters has been acknowledged by Norway’s intelligence services in recent weeks. A joint investigation by the public broadcasters in Norway, Sweden, Denmark and Finland uncovered evidence of civilian vessels, such as fishing ships, being used for surveillance activities. This is something that has been “going on forever,” according to Ståle Ulriksen, a researcher at the Royal Norwegian Naval Academy, but it has increased in intensity in recent years. 

    “We always look for oddities, anything that is unusual, like new ships in the area that have not been here before,” says Magne Storebø, 26, senior petty officer, as he takes the afternoon watch on the bridge later that day. 

    The sky is leaden and the horizon lost in cloud. Coffee in hand, Storebø casts his eye over the radar and satellite screens as giant windscreen wipers whip North Sea spray from the floor-to-ceiling windows. There are few ships around, all of them familiar to the crew; service vessels plying back and forth from the gas and oil platforms. 

    The Nord Stream incident and the new security situation has changed the way Storebø thinks about his work, he says. 

    He is “more aware of the consequences suspicious vessels could have,” he says. “More awake, you could say.”   

    Senior Petty Officer Magne Storebø keeps watch from the bridge

    Soft-spoken and calm beyond his years, Storebø is philosophical about the potential dangers of his work. He has been in the Navy for four years, in which time war has broken out on the European continent and the threat to his home waters has come into sharp focus. 

     “If you are going to put a rainy cloud over your head and bury yourself down, I don’t think the Navy or the coastguard is the right place to work in,” he says in conversation with two shipmates later that day. “You need to adjust and to look in a positive direction — and to be ready in case things don’t go that way.” 

    Energy war round two 

    As Europe emerges from the first winter of its energy war with Russia, its gas supplies have held up better than almost anyone expected. 

    But as the Continent braces for next winter, the risk of another Nord Stream-style attack to a key pipeline is taken seriously at the highest levels of leadership. 

    “Things look OK for gas security now,” said one senior European Commission official, speaking on condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive matters of energy security. “But if Norway has a pipeline that blows up, we are in a different situation.” 

    EU policymakers see four key risks to gas security going into next winter, the senior official added: exceptionally cold weather; a stronger-than-expected Chinese economic recovery hoovering up global gas supply; Russia cutting off the remaining gas it sends to Europe; and last but not least, an “incident” affecting energy infrastructure. 

    Such an event might not only threaten supply but could potentially spark panic in the gas market, as seen in 2022, driving up prices and hitting European citizens and industries in the wallet. And nowhere is the potential for harm greater than in the North Sea. 

    Norway is now Europe’s biggest single supplier of gas. After Russian President Vladimir Putin and the energy giant Gazprom shut off supply via Nord Stream and other pipelines, Norway stepped up its own production in the North Sea, delivering well over 100 billion cubic meters to the EU and the U.K. in 2022. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen visited Troll A herself in March this year — the first visit of a Commission president to Norway since 2011 — to personally thank the country’s president, Jonas Gahr Støre, for supplies that “helped us through the winter.” 

    “We have a huge responsibility, supplying the rest of Europe with energy,” Defense Minister Bjørn Arild Gram told POLITICO. “To be a stable, reliable producer of energy, of gas, is an important role for us and we take that very seriously. That is why we are also doing so much to protect this infrastructure.” 

    The vast majority of that gas is transported into northwest Europe via a complex network of seabed pipes — more than 5,000 miles of them in Norway’s jurisdiction alone. The North Sea has an average depth of just 95 meters. That’s not much deeper than the Nord Stream pipes at the location they were attacked.  

    “It actually doesn’t take a particularly sophisticated capability to attack a pipeline in relatively shallow waters,” says Sidharth Kaushal, research fellow at the Royal United Services Institute think tank in the U.K. A small vessel, “some divers and an [explosive] charge” are all it could take, Kaushal says. 

    The navy chief 

    After the Nord Stream incident in September, suspicion instantly fell on Russia. Moscow has a record of operating in the so-called gray zone — committing hostile acts short of warfare, often covertly.  

    To date, the three investigations looking into the incident have yet to confirm that suspicion. But European governments — and their militaries — are not taking any chances. 

    In the days immediately following the explosions, NATO navy chiefs started calling each other to try to coordinate efforts to protect energy infrastructure, says Rune Andersen, the chief of Norway’s navy, speaking to POLITICO at Haakonsvern naval base, before the KV Bergen’s voyage. 

    Everyone had the same thought, he says. “If that happens in the North Sea, we will have a problem.”  

    Andersen joined the Navy as a young man in 1988, in the last days of the Cold War. Now 54, he is used to the Russian threat overshadowing Norway’s and Europe’s security. 

    “After decades of attempts to integrate or cooperate with Russia, we now have war in Europe. We see that our neighbor is brutal and willing to use military force,” he says grimly. “I worked in the Navy in the ’90s when it was enduring peace and partnership on the agenda. We are back to a situation where our job feels more meaningful — and necessary.” 

    Kenneth Dyb, the skippsjef, or commander of the ship

    However, he points out, his own forces have so far not seen any Russian movements or operations “that are different to what they were before” the Nord Stream attacks. “The job we are doing is precautionary, rather than tailored to any specific threat,” he adds. 

    Even so, those early discussions with NATO allies have now formalized into daily coordination via the Allied Maritime Command headquarters in the U.K., to ensure there are always NATO ships on hand that can act as “first responders” to potential incidents. British, German and French ships have joined their Norwegian counterparts in the monitoring and surveillance effort. 

    It is “by nature challenging” to protect every inch of pipeline, all of the time, Andersen says. 

    The role of the Bergen and ships like it, he adds, is just “one bit of the puzzle.” Simply by their presence at sea, these ships increase the chances of catching would-be saboteurs in the act, and hopefully deter them from trying in the first place.  

    The goal, in other words, is to reduce the size of the “gray zone” — or to “increase the resolution” of the navy’s picture of the activity out on the North Sea, as Andersen puts it. 

    In collaboration with the energy companies and pipeline operators, unmanned underwater vehicles — drones — using cameras and high-resolution sonar have been used, Andersen says, to “map the micro-terrain” around pipelines. These are sensitive enough to spot an explosive charge or other signs of foul play. 

    Equinor, alongside the pipeline operator Gassco, has carried out a “large inspection survey” of its undersea pipeline infrastructure, a company spokesperson says. The survey revealed “no identified signs of malicious activities” but pipeline inspections are ongoing “continuously.” 

    Senior Petty Officer Simen Strand speaks to the crew. “We haven’t had much to fear in the past. We are probably less naïve nowadays,” he says.

    Perhaps understandably, the heightened level of alert has led to the occasional false alarm. A spate of aerial drone sightings near Norwegian energy infrastructure around the time of the Nord Stream attacks last year included a report of a suspicious craft circling above Haakonsvern naval base itself. 

    “After a while, we concluded it was a seagull,” says Andersen, with the shadow of a grin.  

    Europe on alert 

    The navy chief is nonetheless deadly serious about the potential threat. A Nord Stream-style attack in the North Sea is possible. Anderson will not be drawn on the most vulnerable points in the network, saying only that “easy to access” places and “key hubs” are “two things in the back of mind when we think [about] risk.” 

    Throughout Europe, the alert has been raised. This month, NATO warned of a “significant risk” that Russia could target undersea pipelines or internet cables as part of its confrontation with the West. 

    Several countries are increasing patrols and underwater surveillance capabilities. The British Royal Navy accelerated the purchase of two specialist ocean surveillance ships, the first of which will be operational this summer. The EU and NATO have established a new joint task force focusing on critical infrastructure protection, and a “coordination cell” has been established at NATO headquarters in Brussels to improve “engagement with industry and bring key military and civilian stakeholders together” to keep the cables and pipelines secure. 

    Norway — and Europe — are in this struggle for the long haul, Andersen believes.  

    Indeed, even as Europe transitions from fossil fuels to green energy, the North Sea will remain a vital powerhouse of offshore wind energy, with plans for a huge expansion over the next 25 years. Earlier this year, the Netherlands’ intelligence services reported a Russian ship seeking to map wind farm infrastructure in the Dutch sector of the North Sea. “We think the Russians wanted to investigate the possibilities for potential future sabotage,” Jan Swillens, head of the Dutch Military Intelligence and Security Service tells POLITICO in an emailed statement. “This incident makes clear that these kinds of Russian operations are performed closer than one might think.” 

    At the same time in the Baltic, countries are shoring up security around their infrastructure, at sea and on land. Late last year, Estonia carried out an underwater inspection of the two Estlink power cables and the Baltic Connector gas pipeline linking it to Finland, the Estonian navy says. Lithuania, meanwhile, is paying “special attention” to security around its LNG terminal at Klaipėda and the gas cargoes that arrive there, a defense ministry spokesperson says. 

    Torgeir Standal, left, the KV Bergen’s second in command

    It was in Lithuania that Europe had its first major false alarm since the Nord Stream incident, when a gas pipeline on land exploded on a Friday evening in January. Foul play was briefly considered a possibility in the immediate aftermath but was quickly ruled out. The pipe was 40 years old, and had been subject to a technical fault. 

    The danger posed by Russia to infrastructure throughout Europe should not be underestimated, says Vilmantas Vitkauskas, director of Lithuania’s National Crisis Management Centre and a former NATO intelligence official. 

    “We know their way of thinking, [the way] they send signals or apply pressure,” Vitkauskas says. “We understand Russia quite well, and we are quite worried by what we see — and how vulnerable our infrastructure is in Europe.” 

    The watchers on the water 

    Back aboard the Bergen, life for the sailors carries on as normal. It’s a young crew, with an average age of around 30. Some are conscripts. It’s still compulsory in Norway for 19-year-olds to present themselves for national service, but only around one in four are actually recruited for the mandated 19-month stint.   

    The days are long. Surveillance, maintenance and exercises in search and rescue are all part of the crew’s regular routine. A helicopter from one of the Oseberg oil and gas platforms soars overhead, and the crew are drafted into an exercise winching people on and off the deck of the Bergen in the dead of night, simulating a rescue operation. 

    The ship needs to be ready to respond to an incident should the call come in from naval headquarters that help is required, or a suspicious vessel has been identified in their patch of the North Sea. But in their downtime, the sailors head to the gym on the lower deck, or play FIFA on the X-box in the sparse games room. Three hearty meals a day are served in the galley kitchen. There is even a ship’s band, cheekily named “Dyb Purple” after their commander. Dyb “takes it well,” says Senior Petty Officer Storebø. 

    In the daily whirl of activity, most of the young sailors don’t think of their work in the grand strategic sense of protecting the energy security — the warmth, the light, the industry — of an entire continent. 

    But the context of the Ukraine war — and the precedent set by the Nord Stream attack — has added a note of solemnity just below the surface of the comradeship and bonhomie. 

    “We are probably less naïve nowadays,” says 33-year-old Senior Petty Officer Simen Strand, who has a wife and two children, a boy and a girl, back home in Bergen. “We haven’t had much to fear in the past, there hasn’t been a concrete threat.” 

    Storebø agrees but is characteristically sanguine. “Russia has always been there … I’ve not personally felt any more unease than before.” 

    The next day, Storebø has the night watch, from midnight to four in the morning, as the Bergen travels back to base for a short stop before heading out to sea again.  

    It’s dark up on the bridge, with the glow of the control panel screens the only light inside. Twenty miles away, little lights can be seen on the Norwegian coast. A lighthouse flares to the south, at Slåtterøy, not far from Storebø’s home island of Austevoll. Beneath the waves, unseen, gas flows from the Troll field back to the mainland, where it is processed. From there, it continues its journey south to light the dark of European nights.  

    All is quiet but Storebø can’t afford to lose focus. “Coffee and music help,” he says. “I like the night shifts.”  

    As the officer of the watch, he has to be ready, should the radar, the satellites, or his own eyes see something out of the ordinary — ready to call the captain and raise the alarm. 

    That’s the job, he says. “You always have it in the back of your mind.” 

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    Charlie Cooper

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