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  • Explainer: US debt ceiling focus on ‘discretionary spending’ means cuts ahead

    Explainer: US debt ceiling focus on ‘discretionary spending’ means cuts ahead

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    WASHINGTON, May 24 (Reuters) – The central pillar of any debt-ceiling agreement between President Joe Biden and House Republican Kevin McCarthy is shaping up to be “discretionary spending” – the chunk of the United States’ roughly $6 trillion annual federal budget that is set annually by Congress.

    Talks are fluid as Biden and McCarthy work towards a deal to raise the $31.4 trillion debt ceiling and avoid a default as soon as June 1. But cuts to Social Security and Medicare programs that eat up most of the U.S. budget are already off the table.

    Instead, funds for programs from education to rail safety to law enforcement could be cut, trims that economists warn will slow U.S. economic growth.

    WHAT IS THE US DISCRETIONARY BUDGET?

    Congress sets funding levels for discretionary spending every year, which powers a wide swath of military and domestic programs.

    In 2022, discretionary spending reached $1.7 trillion, accounting for 27% of the overall $6.27 trillion spent, according to federal figures.

    Military spending typically accounts for roughly half of that total, though the amount varies from year to year.

    The other half is devoted to domestic programs like law enforcement, transportation, housing and scientific research.

    Estimated U.S. government discretionary spending for fiscal year 2023, in billion US dollars

    Discretionary spending as a share of U.S. gross domestic product peaked in the late 1970s, and cuts have served as the backbone for several landmark budget deals since the 1980s.

    Reuters Graphics

    HOW COULD DISCRETIONARY CUTS WORK?

    Biden and Democrats have offered to hold discretionary spending flat from the current 2023 fiscal year, a cut from Biden’s 2024 budget, and then cap spending in future years.

    House Republicans passed a plan last month that would save $3.2 trillion by capping growth at 1% annually for 10 years.

    Republicans say they will not accept a deal unless it results in the government spending less money than it did in the last fiscal year, and are pushing for cuts to 2022 levels.

    Both sides are also at odds over how long any spending caps should last, with Republicans now offering caps for six years, and the White House only two.

    Negotiators are avoiding the main driver of U.S. debt: rising retirement and health costs, driven by an aging population.

    The Social Security pension program is projected to increase by 67% by 2032, and the Medicare health program for seniors will nearly double in cost during that period, according to the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office. Together, these programs account for roughly 37% of current federal spending.

    U.S. spending on health, retirement and other benefit programs has climbed steadily in recent decades, but negotiators in debt-ceiling talks look to cut other domestic and military spending.

    MORE BATTLES AHEAD

    If they can hammer out a general agreement on these levels and caps, if could help the United States avoid default, but would likely set up another series of budget battles, as lawmakers would still have to agree on funding levels for everything from fighter-plane construction to border enforcement.

    Republicans have said they do not want to cut spending on national defense and veterans’ care, which would require other programs to shoulder steeper cuts.

    The Republican-led House Appropriations Committee has unveiled legislation that would boost spending on veterans’ care, border security, and other priorities next year.

    That would likely require cuts of more than 13% in other areas like scientific research and environmental protection if they want to keep overall spending at the same level as this year, according to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, a left-leaning think tank.

    The Democratic-controlled Senate is not likely to accept those figures – which could lead to a government shutdown if the two sides do not reach agreement by Sept. 30, the end of the fiscal year.

    POLITICS OF CUTS

    While Republicans on the federal level have generally pushed for funding cuts to these discretionary items and Democrats to increase them, Republican-leaning states tend to benefit more from federal domestic spending, according to a Reuters analysis.

    “Spending restraint always sounds good in the abstract and sounds less good when you’re talking about specifics,” said Jan Moller, head of the Louisiana Budget Project, a nonpartisan think tank.

    Even if Biden and McCarthy agree to spending caps in the years ahead, Congress might not stick to the agreement.

    In 2011, Democratic President Barack Obama reached a deal with Republicans to save $1.8 trillion over 10 years through discretionary spending caps. But lawmakers opted to bypass those caps in the years that followed.

    In the end, the agreement only saved $1.3 trillion, according to Brian Riedl, a fellow with the conservative Manhattan Institute.

    Reporting by Jarret Renshaw and Andy Sullivan; Editing by Heather Timmons and Andrea Ricci

    Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.

    Andy Sullivan

    Thomson Reuters

    Andy covers politics and policy in Washington. His work has been cited in Supreme Court briefs, political attack ads and at least one Saturday Night Live skit.

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  • No China, no deal: Bid to break sovereign debt logjams gets weary thumbs up

    No China, no deal: Bid to break sovereign debt logjams gets weary thumbs up

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    LONDON, April 13 (Reuters) – The latest bid by the world’s leading institutions and creditors to speed up debt restructurings and get bankrupt countries back on their feet has been greeted by a mix of cautious optimism and weary scepticism by veteran crisis watchers.

    Standoffs between major Western-backed lenders like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the world’s top bilateral creditor, China, have been blamed for keeping countries such as Zambia mired in default for nearly three years.

    The somewhat loose framework around sovereign restructurings has seen Beijing seek to influence the traditional rules of engagement in these processes.

    The renewed push to overcome the logjams came after a “roundtable” at the IMF Spring Meetings and included pledges from the Fund and World Bank to share assessments of countries’ troubles more quickly, provide more low-interest and grant funding and stricter timeframes on restructurings overall.

    The idea is that Beijing would then drop its insistence that the multilateral lenders take losses, or “haircuts”, on the loans they have provided or underwritten in crisis-hit countries.

    Beijing has not commented directly on the demand for multilateral lender haircuts, but in remarks published on Friday People’s Bank of China Governor Yi Gang reiterated China’s willingness to implement debt talks under the Common Framework, the platform introduced by leading G20 nations in 2020 to streamline talks with all creditors.

    “If the multilateral development banks are now making real commitments to provide fresh grants to distressed countries this is a breakthrough,” said Kevin Gallagher, director of the Boston University Global Development Policy Center.

    But he added that as the new plans lacked specific mention of China’s intentions it suggested the “lack of a strong and clear consensus” in Washington.

    The IMF’s managing director Kristalina Georgieva has stressed that with around 15% of low income countries already in debt distress and dozens more in danger of falling into it, far more urgency is needed.

    Besides members of the Paris Club of creditor nations such as the United States, France and Japan, cash-strapped nations now have to rework loans with lenders such as India, Saudi Arabia, South Africa and Kuwait – but first and foremost China.

    Beijing is now the largest bilateral creditor to developing nations, extending $138 billion in new loans between 2010 and 2021, according to World Bank data, and some estimates put total lending at almost $850 billion.

    Reuters Graphics

    HEADWINDS

    Global headwinds are about to get stronger too.

    Financially weaker countries with “junk”-grade sovereign credit ratings need to repay or refinance $30 billion worth of government bonds next year between them, compared to just $8.4 billion for the remainder of this one.

    The rise in global borrowing costs, though, means that many countries under the greatest stress are now unable to borrow in the international capital markets or, if they can, only at unsustainably high interest rates.

    The Chinese debt, meanwhile, is often opaque and muddied by arguments about whether the loans have been given by “official” entities – i.e by the government – or by “private” entities.

    Authorities in Beijing also prefer to roll over debt payments rather than write them off, and given it is an increasingly dominant creditor, it has little incentive to follow co-operative Paris Club-like principles.

    “It would be great to have China on board (with the push to speed up restructurings) but I don’t really have high hopes because there is a lot of geopolitics involved,” said Viktor Szabo, an emerging market debt manager at Abrdn in London.

    Select IMF loans to low and middle income countries by date of Board approval

    COMMON PROBLEMS

    Recent research by Boston University estimated that up to $520 billion in debt needs to be written off to help developing nations at greatest risk of default return to a sounder fiscal footing.

    But lengthy delays in Zambia, and more recently in Sri Lanka, have elicited widespread criticism of the Common Framework.

    Wednesday’s promises by the IMF to provide its assessments more quickly was an admission that the Common Framework was currently failing, Szabo added.

    “You have to make it functional. The fact that it’s been in place for three years and there is nothing to really show for it, that is really appalling.”

    Anna Ashton, director of China research at Eurasia Group, said this week’s developments underscored the benefits for China to give some ground on some of its concerns.

    “Being willing to compromise and facilitate debt restructuring right now is likely crucial to China’s continued credibility with the developing world writ large,” Ashton said.

    Patrick Curran, senior economist with Tellimer, added that China dropping demands for the big multilateral development banks (MDBs) to swallow losses on their loans could also be “a major breakthrough”.

    “There is likely to be broad support for the alternative proposal that MDBs mobilize their resources more aggressively, especially at a time when most low-income countries are locked out of the market,” Curran said.

    Germany’s finance minister Christian Lindner on Thursday too said all the talk now needed to be converted into action.

    The group that took part in Wednesday’s roundtable plans to meet again in coming weeks to address remaining issues, including how various creditors are treated, principles for cut-off dates and suspending debt payments.

    Ultimately, whether the new terms help Zambia, and countries like Sri Lanka, Ghana and Ethiopia that are also in the midst of bailout talks, finalise deals will be the only proof of whether the new terms work.

    “China is a difficult partner to talk to but we need China at the table for the solution of debt problems, because otherwise we won’t see any progress,” Lindner said.

    Reuters Graphics

    Additional reporting by Rodrigo Campos in New York and Joe Cash in Beijing
    Editing by Mark Potter

    Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.

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  • Consumer inflation in Japan’s capital rises at fastest pace in 40 years

    Consumer inflation in Japan’s capital rises at fastest pace in 40 years

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    • Tokyo Nov core CPI up 3.6% vs f’cast +3.5%
    • Tokyo CPI stays above BOJ’s 2% target for 6th straight month
    • Data underscores broadening inflationary pressure

    TOKYO, Nov 25 (Reuters) – Core consumer prices in Japan’s capital, a leading indicator of nationwide trends, rose at their fastest annual pace in 40 years in November and exceeded the central bank’s 2% target for a sixth straight month, signalling broadening inflationary pressure.

    The increase, driven mostly by food and fuel bills but spreading to a broader range of goods, cast doubt on the view of the Bank of Japan (BOJ) that recent cost-push inflation will prove transitory, some analysts said.

    The Tokyo core consumer price index (CPI), which excludes fresh food but includes fuel, was 3.6% higher in November than a year earlier, government data showed on Friday. The rise exceeded a median market forecast of 3.5% and the 3.4% increase seen in October

    The last time Tokyo inflation was faster was April 1982, when the core CPI was 4.2% higher than a year before.

    While the rise was driven mostly by electricity bills and food prices, companies were also charging more for durable goods as the weak yen pushed up the cost of imports, the data showed.

    “Price hikes are broadening and suggests the weak yen could keep inflation elevated well into next year,” said Mari Iwashita, chief market economist at Daiwa Securities.

    “Core consumer inflation may stay around the BOJ’s 2% target for much of next year, which would make it hard for the bank to keep arguing that the price rises are temporary.”

    The Tokyo core-core CPI index, which excludes fuel as well as fresh food, was 2.5% higher in November than a year earlier, picking up from the 2.2% annual gain seen in October.

    BOJ AN OUTLIER

    The BOJ has kept interest rates ultra-low on the view that inflation will slow back below its target next year when the boost from fuel price gains dissipate. The central bank has therefore remained an outlier from a wave monetary tightening around the world aimed at combating soaring inflation.

    Contrary to the experience of some western economies, where wages have surged with inflation, growth in wages and services prices remain muted in Japan.

    Of the components making up the Tokyo CPI data, services prices in November were up just 0.7% on a year earlier, after a 0.8% annual increase seen in October. That compared with a 7.7% spike in durable goods prices for November, which followed October’s 7.0% annual gain.

    Separate data released by the BOJ on Friday showed the corporate service price index, which measures prices that firms charge each other for services, had been 1.8% higher in October than a year earlier. That was slower than a 2.1% annual gain seen in September.

    BOJ Governor Haruhiko Kuroda has repeatedly said that, for inflation to sustainably hit his 2% inflation target, wages must rise enough to offset the rise in goods prices.

    Slow wage growth has been among factors delaying Japan’s recovery from the coronavirus pandemic. The world’s third-largest economy unexpectedly shrank an annualised 1.2% in the third quarter, partly because of soft consumption.

    The Tokyo CPI data heightens the chance of further rises in nationwide core consumer prices, which in October were 3.6% higher than a year earlier, also marking a 40-year high. The nationwide data for November is scheduled for release on Dec. 23.

    Reporting by Takahiko Wada and Leika Kihara; Editing by Sam Holmes and Bradley Perrett

    Our Standards: The Thomson Reuters Trust Principles.

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