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Tag: Editorials

  • Editorial: Latest nor’easter can’t compare to Blizzard of ‘78

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    As some southeastern Massachusetts communities and the state of Rhode Island still try to dig out from Monday’s nor’easter, many have drawn comparisons to the standard by which all the region’s snowstorms are measured — the Blizzard of ’78.

    These two blockbuster winter storms certainly share some characteristics — including hurricane-force wind gusts and relentless snowfall.

    And both storms descended on the area on a Monday — Feb. 6 in ’78.

    Coincidentally, both were preceded by significant snowstorms just a few weeks prior.

    Coastal communities in both instances took the brunt of these two ocean behemoths, due to a wind-fueled tidal storm surge.

    Like Monday’s storm, Isolated locations in the ’78 blizzard received higher snow totals, with as much as 40 inches recorded in Plymouth County.

    On average, that 1978 storm deposited about 27 inches of snow on the area — 27.1 inches in Boston, 27.6 in Providence.

    Records at the time indicated Lowell received anywhere from 24 to 30 inches of the white stuff.

    Though our just concluded nor’easter certainly wreaked havoc on certain communities, the devastating effects of the ’78 blizzard were more widespread.

    The fury of our recent nor’easter relented by Monday evening, but the 1978 storm pummeled the region for 35 consecutive hours, a seemingly stationary menace that continued to spew an endless stream of snow and high winds.

    The huge technological strides made in the intervening 48 years also contributed to the widely different level of preparation for these two powerful weather events.

    Unlike today, the 1978 storm’s devastation was amplified by rudimentary weather forecasting and a lack of instant communication.

    The internet didn’t exist. There were no weather alerts sent to a nonexistent smartphone, or 24/7 cable news networks. MassDOT only received periodic updates from the National Weather Service over a teletype machine.

    That contributed to the storm’s devastating effect — it seemingly arrived on our doorstep with little advanced warning.

    By the time snow actually began in earnest, it was far too late for last-minute preparations.

    Weather forecasts at the time suggested a blizzard that struck the Midwest could meet a tropical storm heading up from the southern coast, covering the area in snow on that Monday morning.

    But when morning came without any precipitation, skeptical New Englanders treated the workday like business as usual.

    By the time the realization of the storm’s severity finally sunk in, countless commuters clogged the highways by early afternoon in a frantic rush to get home before blizzard conditions made that impossible.

    Unfortunately, the storm soon made even major highways impassable.

    Rather than running the risk of staying in  their cars in the hopes of some assistance, motorists simply left their vehicles and walked to safety.

    By the time then-Gov. Michael Dukakis — wearing what would become his signature cardigan wool sweater — declared a state of emergency, the storm was cranking.

    The state’s interstate highways were shut down for a week, along with local driving bans.

    Recovery efforts received significant help from the National Guard — who often manned checkpoints to keep nonessential workers off the roads — and cost hundreds of millions in 1978 dollars.

    Another stark difference were the deaths attributed to the two storms.

    As of this writing, at least five deaths have been attributed to this nor’easter — two in Maryland from a falling tree, one from carbon monoxide poisoning in Rhode Island, and two in a storm-related motor-vehicle accident in Pennsylvania.

    The Blizzard of ’78, by contrast accounted for about 100 deaths across the entire East Coast.

    Some deaths were attributed to carbon monoxide poisoning, as people stranded in their cars left the engines running to keep them warm, and snow piled up around them.

    But none were more tragic than the ill-fated rescue attempt by the crew of the 49-foot pilot boat Can Do.

    It left Gloucester Harbor on Feb. 6 to assist a 44-foot Coast Guard cutter that had lost power and radar while trying to aid the oil tanker Global Hope off the coast of Salem.

    The Can Do, rocked by a large wave, lost radar, and ultimately sank, with all crew members — Frank Quirk, Frank Quirk Jr., Donald Wilkinson, Norman Curley, and Ken Fuller — losing their lives.

    The National Weather Service compiled these significant Blizzard of ’78 statistics:

    • Snowfall: Started late Feb. 5, hit hardest Feb. 6 and continued until Feb. 7.

    • Duration: 35 hours and 40 minutes.

    • Snowfall totals: 1 to 3 feet.

    • Deaths in Massachusetts.: 73.

    • Blizzard-related injuries/illnesses: 4,324.

    • Cars stranded on Route 128: 3,000.

    • Trucks stranded on Route 128: 500.

    • Damages: $500 million.

    • Top wind gust in Boston: 79 mph.

    • Typical hurricane wind speed: 74 mph.

    • Favorite media blizzard blurb: “The week the state stood still.”

    • How long the state stood still: Feb. 6-13.

    We don’t dispute the ferocity of our Monday blizzard, or the hazards faced — and still being faced — by countless individuals, homeowners and businesses.

    But it’s obvious which unique, frightening weather event had the greater impact on the region caught in its grip.

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  • Editorial: Auditor’s answers might finally end AG merry-go-round

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    Déjà vu all over again.

    That describes the status of the lengthy tug of war between Attorney General Andrea Campbell and state Auditor Diana DiZoglio over the latter’s authority to inspect the inner workings of the Legislature.

    The latest iteration of this Cabinet level battle of wills occurred after the attorney general’s appearance Tuesday on GBH’s “Boston Public Radio” program.

    “I hope the voters get exactly what they voted for,” Campbell said in reference to the overwhelming support of a 2024 ballot measure that sought to give the auditor the power to review how lawmakers operate out of the public eye.

    However, the AG laid the blame for this impasse squarely on DiZoglio.

    “I hope the auditor stops the standoff,” Campbell added.

    For her part, an obviously exasperated DiZoglio has accused Campbell of “public corruption” for stonewalling the will of the people.

    Despite the support of nearly 75% of their constituents, the Legislature’s Democratic leadership has raised concerns about the constitutional validity of the voter-approved law.

    Meanwhile, Campbell and DiZoglio have gone back-and-forth about who’s responsible for delaying the audit process.

    If you thought both sides have expressed similar sentiments previously, you’d be correct.

    During an October rally at the State House in support of the legislative audit, DiZoglio told the Boston Herald that the attorney general was “working together with legislative leaders” to prevent the probe from unfolding.

    In response to a Herald inquiry at the time, Campbell said “any audit must be conducted within constitutional limitations,” while saying there is “no dispute about whether Question 1 is the law.”

    But a law in name only, without any actionable powers.

    “In order to move forward, the auditor must address our unanswered questions,” the AG said in a statement shared with the Herald, “including assurances that the audit remains within the confines of the (state) constitution.”

    Then and now, DiZoglio has asked: what questions?

    DiZoglio previously said that the AG needs to “stop alleging to the general public that my office has in some way not provided or withheld information that she needs to do her job.”

    The auditor continued: “If she’s going to continue to allege that, then it is her obligation to sue me and my office to get the information that she needs… to be able to make sure that this law is enforced. We would be happy to meet the attorney general there, happy to meet legislative leaders there. We need to get this law followed.”

    The attorney general, in that recent GBH interview, doubled down on the auditor’s supposed intransigence.

    “We represent almost every state agency and constitutional officer in the commonwealth,” Campbell said Tuesday. “Anytime an agency comes to us and asks us to represent them, we ask them a certain amount of questions, they reply, and then we move forward or not.

    “The only agency or constitutional office we have had any issue with since I’ve taken office is the auditor. And it’s not for lack of trying — it’s not for lack of trying to resolve this.”

    DiZoglio responded to Campbell’s Tuesday comments in a statement to the State House News Service:

    “The Attorney General continues to falsely claim that she needs more questions answered from my office. This is why I have called on the AG to sue me, and my office, so we can end this so-called ‘standoff.’

    “She won’t face me directly in interviews, however, and won’t sue me — as I have repeatedly called on her to do. Why? Because she is well aware that she needs nothing else from my office to be able to do her job,” the Methuen Democrat said.

    “She cannot continue to claim that my office hasn’t given her what she needs, yet refuse to sue me. It’s her duty to this commonwealth to drag me to court if I haven’t provided what she needs to get this law enforced — and I’ll skip into the courtroom happily providing whatever is allegedly needed from my office.”

    DiZoglio called Campbell’s actions “stall tactics” that are “giving the Legislature more time to destroy documents and records.”

    Campbell said Tuesday that there’s “a pathway forward” where DiZoglio could get an outside lawyer should Campbell’s office opt not to represent her.

    The auditor’s office previously confirmed to the Herald that it was in contact with the law firm of Donnelly, Conroy & Gelhaar regarding litigation.

    “Even in that posture, which we allow for other agencies, she still has to answer certain questions, and she has not provided us those answers,” Campbell said.

    According to Campbell’s office, the core questions DiZoglio needs to answer revolve around her position on key legal issues, including what she believes she can and cannot audit, whom she would sue and what the legal claim would be.

    Asked by “Boston Public Radio” co-host Jim Braude whether it’s an “unreasonable request” to also ask DiZoglio about what aspects of the Legislature she might want to audit, Campbell said that the court would ask her the same question.

    Well, it took a while, but it finally appears we now know the questions Campbell says must be answered.

    But if the auditor believes those queries constitute AG overreach, then we’re likely back to square one.

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  • Editorial: Potential ballot bid would ax recreational pot, including cafes 

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    It’s no longer a pipe dream.

    At least for now.

    Ten years after Massachusetts voters approved the use of recreational marijuana, individuals 21 and older will now be allowed to enjoy that experience at licensed social consumption establishments.

    While it appeared at times that this eventually might never arrive — due to the glacial pace of deliberations and internal disruptions — the Cannabis Control Commission has finally approved the rules of operation for this expansion of marijuana consumption.

    “Today we honored the will of the Massachusetts voters, and they voted for this in 2016. Here we are, almost in 2026 and we got it across the finish line,” Commissioner Kimberly Roy during a press conference after last week’s vote.

    “Today is another milestone in the Massachusetts cannabis industry.”

    Commission Chair Shannon O’Brien, who successfully won her job back a few months ago after being relieved of duty by State Treasurer Deb Goldberg, agreed.

    “The important thing is, this is the will of the voters,” O’Brien said. “Some people may have some concerns, because this is a little bit of a brave new world. We don’t really know. We know what our local pub looks like, but we don’t really understand what this looks like.”

    While the regulations likely will be filed with the Secretary of State by Dec. 19 and promulgated on Jan. 2, the rollout of pot cafes or other venues probably won’t occur until 2027.

    Commissioners estimate that it will take up to 18 months before businesses can offer on-site marijuana products.

    That’s based on the rollout of cannabis delivery licenses, which took six months for a licensee to file an application. Once the applications were received, it took 11 additional months before the licensees began operating.

    The regulations allow for three types of social consumption licenses.

    A “supplemental” license for existing marijuana retail businesses, where customers could consume products they purchased on-site; a “hospitality” license for on-site consumption at new or existing non-cannabis businesses like yoga studios or theaters; and an “event organizer” license that would allow for temporary on-site consumption at events like rallies and festivals.

    Municipalities must decide individually if they want social consumption businesses in their community, and if so, develop their own standards of practice.

    Roy said several communities, including Cambridge, Chelsea, Fitchburg, Somerville, Haverhill, Holyoke, Provincetown and Worcester, have expressed interest in allowing social consumption sites.

    Chair O’Brien said the Commission would continue to work with municipalities over the next six months to gauge their interest.

    “I’m hoping that some of these things can go more quickly,” O’Brien said. “But there is a lot of work to do with the municipalities to make sure that they are ready, because there’s going to be a lot of regulatory framework that is going to be controlled by municipalities, a lot of applications that’s going to be managed by them.”

    Commissioners are also part of several working groups, including one for local advisory to help city and town leaders with the regulations, public awareness, and a group focused on responsible vendor training.

    O’Brien said the regulations have been changed from the draft released in late July to get rid of “unnecessary regulatory burdens,” allowing retailers to bring in more revenue and helping businesses take care of over-served patrons.

    For example, O’Brien said the approved regulations allow retailers to sell shelf-stable snacks, which offers a new form of revenue. Also, retailers can offer what’s called “THC inhibitors,” which can help reduce symptoms and reactions for those who feel like they’ve consumed too much marijuana.

    The regulations require licensees to offer customers food and ban alcohol sales within the same area, so there’s no “co-mingling” of substances.

    Alcohol can be sold under the same roof as cannabis, but must be sold in different areas, Roy said.

    Roy noted there are several provisions aimed at ensuring safe cannabis consumption.

    These include training “budtenders” serving cannabis on site to recognize signs of impairment.

    Also, the sale of cannabis products must end 30 minutes before a business closes, and licensees must have approved transportation plans to help customers who may be too impaired to drive home.

    Licensees also have to get a public-safety plan approved by both the Commission and local officials.

    Massachusetts becomes the first New England state to allow social consumption of cannabis, joining Alaska, California, Colorado, Illinois, Maryland, Michigan, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico and New York.

    Ironically, just as Massachusetts prepares to enact a provision of a law passed by referendum, a group is in the process of using that same vehicle to repeal that 2016 recreational pot statute.

    That ballot question, called “An Act to restore sensible marijuana policy,” would end non-medical cannabis use in Massachusetts, effectively terminating a $1.6 billion industry.

    Wendy Wakeman, chair of the organization behind this campaign, told Springfield 22News that her coalition, made up of parents, mental health professionals, teachers, and medical professionals, feels that the industry is woefully understudied and under-regulated.

    If approved, the ballot question, currently awaiting signature certification from the Secretary of State, would make Massachusetts the first state in the country to undo recreational marijuana legalization.

    It would come up for a vote on the November 2026 state ballot — before pot cafes even served their first customers.

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  • Editorial: Agencies need real clout to exert health-care control

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    UMass Memorial Health’s unwavering decision to close the Leominster Hospital Maternity Ward sent a clear signal to Beacon Hill that the Department of Public Health needs more leverage to bear in these situations.

    And that can only happen through the Legislature, which must provide the DPH with the authority to make shuttering a vital medical service a difficult, painstaking process.

    If that were the case, UMass Memorial Health probably wouldn’t have gone forward with its September 2023 closure.

    As we previously predicted at the time, as long as UMass Memorial Health followed the current protocol, the state was powerless to alter the closure’s course.

    The announcement reaffirming its intention to close came only hours after the Worcester legislative delegation joined with North Central Mass. lawmakers to request a delay.

    That, like previous petitions, fell on deaf ears, even over the DPH and lawmakers’ objections.

    The Health Policy Commission, in its quest to control health-care costs, works under the same limitations.

    Although it’s an independent state agency charged with monitoring cost trends, as with the DPH, the Health Policy Commission can only make recommendations, not issue binding mandates.

    Since the HPC has no real enforcement powers, we shouldn’t be surprised that its health-care cost-containment goals have been routinely ignored.

    In a competitive environment, marketplace forces control the pace of price increases and worker compensation.

    Without those restraints, health-care costs find their own level – considerably higher than HPC guidelines.

    That’s not how business works in the real world.

    The HPC previously set the cost growth benchmark at 3.6% for 2026, despite the fact that total health-care expenditures grew by 8.6% from 2022 to 2023.

    While hospitals and other medical facilities routinely blow through cost controls, private industry in this state somehow manages to toe the line HPC expects from its client base.

    That’s reflected in the combined data for the Boston-Worcester-Providence, R.I., area for the statistical year that ended in September.

    Compensation costs for private industry workers in the Boston metro area rose by 3.3% for that 12-month period.

    Nationwide, total compensation and benefit costs for civilian workers increased by 3.5% over the same timeframe.

    Undeterred, health-care oversight officials pledged last week to maintain their strategy of setting a cost-containment target, despite their ineffectiveness.

    The HPC urged policymakers and health-care leaders to “recommit to the health care cost growth benchmark” in 2026, and “convene to develop consensus on a comprehensive set of reforms.”

    The HPC board agreed on the topline recommendation as they voted to issue a new report in response to last month’s cost trends hearing.

    As reported by the State House News Service, hours of testimony at the Dec. 11 hearing focused on mounting affordability issues, challenges accessing care, and the threat of massive insurance coverage losses due to federal policy changes.

    Critics rightly pointed out the obvious – the benchmark established in 2012 does not represent a strong check on growing costs.

    At a recent primary-care task force meeting, Retailers Association of Massachusetts President Jon Hurst said the benchmark “obviously has not been followed for the last decade or so.”

    The new cost trends report offers four major and familiar themes for recommendations: administrative complexity, health-care prices, pharmaceutical spending, and low-value care, avoidable health-care visits.

    Lora Pellegrini, CEO of the Massachusetts Association of Health Plans, said the HPC, for more than a decade, has identified the same factors driving health-care spending growth.

    “The troubling reality is that, year after year, these cost drivers have gone largely unaddressed,” Pellegrini said in a statement.

    “And we are now seeing the consequences in real time: premiums climbing faster than wages, cost sharing rising as employers struggle to manage those premiums, and patients facing increasing barriers to care. The affordability challenges we face today are the direct result of a failure to act on what the data has long made clear.”

    The HPC says Massachusetts should take action to “dramatically” reduce the “significant administrative complexity” in the system, “prioritizing those that impede care for patients and burden primary-care clinicians and support staff (e.g., prior authorization).”

    The HPC recommended Massachusetts tackle “excessive prices” for provider services, noting that other states rein in costs “above a fair, reasonable threshold or moderate price growth to a sustainable rate.”

    With rising prescription drug spending, the HPC advises the state to consider forthcoming recommendations from the new Office of Pharmaceutical Policy and Analysis, as well as the Division of Insurance.

    The HPC also recommends that Massachusetts should encourage payers and providers to reduce “low value care” and avoidable emergency department visits, ED boarding, and readmissions.

    To accomplish that, the state must expand access to behavioral health-care and primary care, which is at the crux of the task force led by the HPC and the Executive Office of Health and Human Services.

    “The HPC has outlined a comprehensive and evidence-based roadmap, not once, but repeatedly,” Pellegrini said. “The time to act is now.”

    But there’s that word again, recommend.

    As we’ve witnessed, words without teeth don’t produce the desired results.

    Arm the DPH and HPC with actionable authority to make those recommendations stick.

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  • Opinion | End U.S. Energy Dependence

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    The Trump administration’s renewed focus on securing critical minerals highlights an urgent truth, reinforced in “China Aims to Keep U.S. Military From Obtaining Its Rare Earths” (U.S. News, Nov. 12): America’s energy future depends on what we build and where we build it.

    For too long, we have relied on foreign sources for the rare-earth elements and advanced materials that power everything from electric grids and defense systems to the data centers fueling artificial intelligence. Even with the rare-earths deal Mr. Trump struck with China last month, more action is required to diversify supplies and strengthen domestic production as an essential step toward energy security.

    Copyright ©2025 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 87990cbe856818d5eddac44c7b1cdeb8

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  • Editorial: Despite building spurt, home ownership still remains elusive goal

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    It’s a recurring, discouraging statistic that no aspiring first-time homebuyer wants to hear.

    Despite enduring some of the highest monthly expenses nationwide, only one in seven renter households in Greater Boston can afford an “entry level” home, according to the 2025 Greater Boston Housing Report Card released Wednesday.

    The share of renter households with the means to buy a starter home fell from 30% in 2021 to 15% in 2025, the report shows.

    That’s despite a period of increased housing construction activity.

    “While new data from the U.S. Census Bureau shows a significant uptick in new home completions in recent years, the increase has not significantly helped home affordability, and a decline in the number of new housing permits statewide suggests any construction uptick could be short-lived,” said Luc Schuster, executive director of the research arm of the Boston Foundation.

    The annual housing report found that Massachusetts created just under 98,000 housing units from April 2020 to July 2025, with about 71,000 in Greater Boston.

    The pace marks a “meaningful increase” and “would put Massachusetts within striking distance” of meeting the state’s goal of building 222,000 new units by 2035, the report stated.

    “But permits, which signal future housing construction, are way down,” the report states. “New permits as of July 2025 are running 44% below levels for the same period in 2021.”

    Despite the modest increase in housing construction, “Greater Boston’s housing affordability crisis has only worsened since the pandemic,” the report shows.

    In 2025, home prices and rents have broadly leveled off but remain at unaffordable levels, the data shows.

    Whereas in 2021, a household earning about $98,000 could buy a home at the low end of the market with a $2,520 monthly payment, a household this year would need to earn over $162,000 to afford the $4,200 monthly payment on the starter homes.

    While Greater Boston encompasses communities with the state’s highest housing costs, it’s not an insignificant sample.

    The Metropolitan Area Planning Council defines Greater Boston as an area made up of 101 communities — 22 cities and 79 towns — that includes a mix of coastal communities, older industrial centers, rural towns, and urban neighborhoods.

    And while housing costs do moderate somewhat beyond that region, so do the incomes of those who live there.

    And in many cases, incomes haven’t kept pace with housing prices, even in Gateway Cities.

    For example, since 2021, housing prices in Lawrence have climbed nearly 70% to a median of $500,000.

    Lt. Gov. Kim Driscoll spoke on the report’s finding Wednesday, citing the administration’s work in passing the $5.2 billion Affordable Homes Act in 2024, and the MBTA Communities Law requiring zoning for multifamily housing in the 177 communities served by that transportation system.

    Despite the government’s efforts to spur housing construction, market forces — primarily the high cost of land and building materials — have conspired against it.

    As the lieutenant governor stated, building sufficient housing shouldn’t be this hard.

    But in Massachusetts, that’s the inescapable norm.

    DPU continues exemplary pipeline safety performance

    Building on the protocols incorporated in the wake of the catastrophic 2018 pipeline explosions in three Merrimack Valley communities, the Massachusetts Department of Public Utilities has received another perfect score from the federal Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration for its oversight safety program in 2024.

    On Sept. 13, 2018, a series of natural gas pipeline explosions in Lawrence, Andover and North Andover killed one man and injured dozens more.

    The explosions and fires occurred after high-pressure natural gas was released into a low-pressure gas distribution system, causing damage to more than 130 structures, and destroying five homes.

    Firefighters fought more than 80 blazes and thousands of people were evacuated from their homes.

    Columbia Gas of Massachusetts, the company held responsible for the disaster, pleaded guilty in federal court to pipeline safety law violations and negligence and agreed to pay a fine of $53 million.

    The events ultimately cost the company more than $1 billion.

    This evaluation marks the third consecutive year that the DPU’s Pipeline Safety Division has received a perfect score for the enforcement and implementation of federal pipeline safety standards.

    Through rigorous enforcement, the Division now ensures that the investor-owned gas utilities, municipal gas departments, steam distribution companies, and operators of intrastate Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) and Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LPG) facilities comply with both state and federal safety laws.

    The Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration regulates the safety of the transportation of energy and other hazardous materials. It must review annual progress reports, pipeline program procedures and records, and observe on-site inspections done by state safety regulators to adequately assess each state’s pipeline safety program when conducting evaluations.

    Since 2022, the Pipeline Safety Division has scored the maximum possible points for both portions of PHMSA’s evaluation.

    With legislative changes increasing penalties for gas operators that violate pipeline safety laws and regulations, the Pipeline Safety Division drove the reduction in damages through its enforcement, an increased field presence, and education.

    The series of safety reforms resulting from the 2018 pipeline disaster that tragically took one life should ensure that nothing approaching the scale of that cataclysmic event will ever occur again.

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  • Opinion | Maduro Caused the Disaster

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    Regarding Quico Toro’s essay “ Another U.S. Attempt to Topple Maduro Would Be a Disaster” (Review, Nov. 8): Venezuela’s economic collapse and migratory crisis began in 2013, at least four years before the U.S. imposed broad U.S. sanctions. From 2013 onward, Venezuela experienced the highest inflation rate in the world and a precipitous decline in gross domestic product, driven directly by the devastating economic policies of Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro, including widespread nationalizations, reckless monetary and fiscal policies and the implementation of universal price and currency controls.

    Mr. Toro neglects the consequences of the Biden administration’s policy of accommodation. Far from improving conditions, diplomatic passivity has allowed the government to dig in its heels, intensifying repression and exacerbating the humanitarian crisis.

    Copyright ©2025 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 87990cbe856818d5eddac44c7b1cdeb8

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  • Editorial: Legislature, take baby steps with poverty-lifting bills

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    First the BabySteps Savings Plan, and now the Baby Bonds program?

    The latter is distinct from the former, an operational opt-in strategy providing a $50 seed deposit into a 529 college savings account for all state newborns.

    As of September 2023, the most recent data available, more than 26,000 families had started saving for their children’s education and vocational training since the program’s inception in January 2020.

    The two initiatives also differ in eligibility criteria. While the BabySteps plan covers every newborn, Baby Bond legislation targets the socially and economically disadvantaged.

    Multiple Baby Bond bills have been introduced in the state Legislature, where they’ve remained without gaining any traction.

    Several related bills have been filed, including S.1999, “An Act Addressing the Racial Wealth Gap,” and H.3429 / H.48, “An Act establishing a Massachusetts Baby Bonds program.”

    Currently, “An Act establishing a Massachusetts Baby Bonds program” has been filed by House Bill H.3429 (and related H.48) and Senate Bill S.2146.

    The legislation’s sponsors include state Rep. Andres Vargas, state Sen. Paul Feeney, and supported by State Treasurer Deb Goldberg.

    A virtual hearing for the Senate bill before the Joint Committee on Financial Services occurred Wednesday.

    In 2022, Treasurer Goldberg established a Baby Bonds Task Force, a diverse group of experts, advocates, and community leaders, to research and develop recommendations for how a baby bonds program could be most effectively structured and implemented.

    The task force’s findings have served as a foundation for the treasurer’s ongoing policy discussions.

    If enacted, the proposal would work as follows, based on task force recommendations and bills’ details:

    Children born on or after a specific date — tentatively July 1, 2024 — whose families receive Transitional Aid to Families with Dependent Children or are in the custody of the Department of Children and Families, would automatically be enrolled in the program.

    Individual, government-managed trust accounts would be created, with an initial state investment — amount to be determined — that would accrue interest over time.

    Funds would become accessible to the beneficiaries when they turn 18 up until age 35, provided they still reside, work, or pay taxes in Massachusetts at the time of withdrawal.

    A Baby Bonds Trust Fund Advisory Board would assist the treasurer in policy development and fraud prevention.

    If beneficiaries don’t claim their funds by age 35 or die before that age, the money will return to the trust.

    Funds could be used for specific wealth-building purposes, such as post-secondary education, job training, purchasing a home in Massachusetts, investing in a Massachusetts-based business, and other wealth-generating investments as defined by the legislation.

    The funds in the account would not be considered an asset when determining eligibility for other government benefits.

    The legislation aims to reduce economic disparities and provide long-term financial opportunities for disadvantaged children in Massachusetts.

    The legislation would align Massachusetts with Connecticut and Washington, D.C., where similar bills have been passed.

    Treasurer Goldberg testified last week before the Joint Committee on Financial Services in support of Baby Bonds legislation, emphasizing the positive opportunities it would provide.

    “Baby Bonds will narrow the racial wealth gap and provide our youngest generation with a foundation for success,” said Goldberg. “By investing early in the lives of every child, we can help ensure that more young people enter adulthood with the resources they need to build a stable financial future.”

    The concept of Baby Bonds, first developed by economist Dr. Darrick Hamilton, advances the idea as a way to address structural inequities in wealth accumulation. His work has helped shape national conversations on how publicly funded child trust accounts can promote economic mobility and reduce racial wealth disparities.

    During her testimony, Goldberg highlighted the need for a fiscally responsible and equitable program that builds on her office’s ongoing economic empowerment work. She emphasized the importance of collaboration among state leaders, community organizations, and private partners to create a program that meaningfully supports children and families across Massachusetts.

    Beyond the individual benefits, Goldberg stressed that Baby Bonds represent a smart investment in the overall Massachusetts economy. By helping more young adults pursue higher education, start businesses, and become homeowners, the program would stimulate economic growth and strengthen local communities.

    Research indicates that reducing wealth inequality enhances productivity, innovation, and long-term economic stability, benefiting not only individual families but also the state’s workforce and competitiveness.

    Goldberg invited the joint panel and her fellow policymakers to collaborate with her office to develop a model that’s both impactful and operationally feasible, ensuring accountability and strong outcomes for children and families.

    While no one can argue with the altruistic intent of this legislation, as with many well-intentioned measures, they come with bedeviling details, with the funding source being the most obvious.

    Will this be a line item in annual fiscal year state budgets, come from the treasury as needed, or be funded through some private endowment?

    Can that initial investment — $6,500 has been mentioned — guarantee a return that will significantly improve someone’s economic prospects as they enter adulthood?

    These and many other questions will need an answer before we can expect lawmakers to make an informed Baby Bonds decision.

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  • ICE is lawlessly detaining Coloradans, the judicial branch is our only hope (Editorial)

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    Federal immigration officials are out of control, and America’s third branch of government needs to rein in the gross abuse of power on display in Colorado and across the nation.

    Gregory Davies, a high-level federal official overseeing deportation arrests in Colorado, told a judge last month that Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials did not have a warrant to arrest Fernando Jaramillo-Solano. But the agents arrested Jaramillo-Solano anyway after mistakenly pulling the Durango man over while he was on his way to drop off his 12-year-old and 15-year-old children at school. ICE officials detained all three, and they spent weeks in Durango before they were shipped to Dilley, Texas.

    This is no simple mistake that is easily rectified.

    ICE is causing real harm to contributing members of our community  — teachers, nurses, mothers and fathers. And children are traumatized in the wake of these unjustified detainments.

    President Donald Trump has upended the mission at ICE, a part of Homeland Security that was once dedicated to keeping Americans safe by deporting criminals. The president has said he plans to deport the more than 13 million people who live in the United States without legal immigration status, regardless of whether they have committed other crimes. But he has gone farther than that, and his agents are now detaining people who do have legal status. The intent is clear — push out immigrants even who are doing everything right.

    Trump’s intent is that the people his agents wrongfully detain will either self-deport becasue conditions are so poor in the federal facilities or that if a judge orders their release, they will be silenced by their fear of reprisal, after all, they were detained once; who can protect these individuals from being detained again?

    But Trump has calculated wrong. These brave victims of Trump’s mass deportation policy are speaking out, and have filed a lawsuit together to try and prevent ICE from terrorizing people.

    Caroline Dias Goncalves, the 19-year-old college student who was detained in Grand Junction and held for almost three weeks in a detention center in Aurora because a sheriff’s deputy thought her perfect English was broken by an accent, testified that her detainment has dramatically affected her life.

    She lost her driver’s license, moved back home and has reduced her course load at the University of Utah.

    To Davies she might be “collateral” damage, but to us she is an injured kid trying to rebuild her life. Her arrest was completely unnecessary and likely illegal. If people like Davies don’t step up to make sure that ICE agents are doing their jobs – targeting and arresting criminals for deportation – then who will?

    The answer of course is that the judicial branch must act as a strong check on the abuses of the executive branch.

    Trump’s immigration enforcement squad cannot just smash and grab Coloradans because they suspect someone might be here illegally. And if these agents do, there must be legal consequences for them and their bosses, no matter how high the orders have come from.

    Gonclaves was lucky. She was released.

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  • Editorial: Vote no on Santa Clara County Measure A sales tax increase

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    The Medicaid cuts in President Trump’s “Big Beautiful Bill” will squeeze Santa Clara County health care funding. But raising local taxes is not the solution.

    Instead, county supervisors should stem their rapidly escalating spending, which has doubled in the past eight years and ranks highest per capita by far of the 10 largest California counties.

    And voters should reject Measure A, the five-year sales tax increase on the Nov. 4 special election ballot that has been in the planning stages since long before Trump won reelection.

    The measure would add another five-eighths of a cent to each dollar of taxable goods, pushing the total rate to 10% or more in most of the county.

    State data indicates that the average person in the county currently pays at least $1,700 a year in sales tax, which is distributed between state and local governments. Measure A would increase that by at least $113 annually.

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  • Opinion | Trump’s Message to Maduro

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    Mary Anastasia O’Grady wonders about President Trump’s motivations for sending military assets to the Caribbean (“Trump’s War Drums in Venezuela,” Americas, Oct. 13). Interception of drug smugglers? Unseating Nicolás Maduro from power? Perhaps another, simpler answer: The ships are there to dissuade the Venezuelan regime from invading oil-rich Guyana next door.

    Em. Prof. Bill Casey

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  • Opinion | What I Saw in Gaza in the Final Days of War

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    Your editorial gathers the right “ Lessons of Trump’s Gaza Peace Deal” (Oct. 10). President Trump did what not only President Biden couldn’t but what all the European leaders recently calling for “cease-fire” never tried. The 20-point plan achieves Israel’s goals of the war, protects Palestinian interests, offers hope for a future without Hamas and sets the conditions for lasting peace.

    As I boarded my plane out of Tel Aviv on Oct. 10, pure joy was in the air. It permeated every space, billboard sign and hotel. Israelis weren’t celebrating vengeance. They were relishing the prospect of peace, security and the end of a nightmare.

    Copyright ©2025 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 87990cbe856818d5eddac44c7b1cdeb8

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  • Opinion | Is Qatar Finally Ready to Split With Hamas?

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    Amit Segal writes that “change is afoot,” as Doha is finally pressing Hamas to accept the Gaza peace deal President Trump has put on the table (“ Why Qatar Changed Course on Hamas,” op-ed, Oct. 1). Qatari support for the proposal is a positive development, but the U.S. should be cautious it isn’t fleeting. Doha has played double games before, and unless it sustains its pressure on Hamas, this may prove to be another one.

    Qatar’s next move will be telling. Hamas agreed in part on Friday to the Trump administration’s proposal for Gaza, essentially saying, “Yes, but,” with the apparent intention of stalling the plan’s roll out. If talks drag on, will Doha increase the pressure on its longtime client, or back new conditions that Hamas demands and side with terrorists as it did on Oct. 7, 2023?

    Copyright ©2025 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 87990cbe856818d5eddac44c7b1cdeb8

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  • Opinion | How’s Life in That New Palestinian State?

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    I have a few questions for the foreign governments that approved “ A Palestinian State for Hamas” (Review & Outlook, Sept. 23). What is its capital city? Can Christians and Jews freely practice their religion there? Can women divorce, own property, vote, run for office, get abortions? Will elections be regularly held? Will gay marriage be allowed? Finally, do all citizens of the “state” have the right to kidnap, rape, torture and murder Jews?

    The Jewish people are celebrating the New Year of 5786—many of them, living in the state their foes want to wipe off the map. Meanwhile, Hamas refuses to release hostages kidnapped almost two years ago. Useful idiots in the U.K., Australia, France and elsewhere reward them for their intransigence. Recognition of this supposed state is an affront to decency, morality and common sense.

    Copyright ©2025 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved. 87990cbe856818d5eddac44c7b1cdeb8

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  • Opinion | The Key to Ukraine’s Victory

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    ‘Is there a Manstein in Kyiv?’ isn’t the right question.

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  • Colorado voters are dissatisfied with Democrats. Polis, Hickenlooper and Bennet can’t hide (Editorial)

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    Americans are recoiling from the Democratic Party, and even in blue states like Colorado, Democrats are feeling the burn.

    With Republicans fielding the best candidate for governor they’ve had in a decade – Sen. Barbara Kirkmeyer – liberal politicians would be wise to address the root causes of this dissatisfaction publicly, frequently and head-on. The reality is that Americans are struggling — our politics are becoming more violent, everything is more expensive, and the job market is tightening.

    After years of enjoying popularity, Colorado’s top Democrats are now showing a remarkable drop in their approval ratings among voters. President Donald Trump remains deeply unpopular in the state, but Gov. Jared Polis, Sen. Michael Bennet and Sen. John Hickenlooper are failing to break a 50% approval rating, meaning more of those asked than not said they were unhappy with the politicians’ work.

    These results from a poll conducted in early August of 1,136 registered Colorado voters by Magellan Strategies mirror what we are seeing across the nation. Americans are dissatisfied.

    According to a New York Times analysis of available voter registration numbers, the Democratic Party is hemorrhaging voters across the board and particularly in swing states. Meanwhile, the Republican Party is gaining voters after years of losses.

    Part of the shift is voters simply changing their affiliation to unaffiliated, but the Magellan Poll clearly indicates that there is more afoot than voters just looking to participate in open primaries.

    Magellan, a conservative-leaning Colorado firm, found that among voters who supported Kamala Harris in 2024, 47% have unfavorable opinions of the Democratic Party.

    To be clear, voters who were polled still said they were more likely to support a Democrat for governor next year. Only 38% of those polled said they would likely support a Republican for governor. Kirkmeyer has an uphill battle to be certain, but her opponents are weakened.

    We’d hazard a guess that the non-existent Democratic primary in 2023 to challenge a sitting president who was showing cognitive decline while in office is part of the reason voters are upset. It will take time for voters to forgive – and no one will ever forget – the disastrous presidential debate.

    But national politics can’t take all the blame.

    Gov. Jared Polis has served almost eight years in office and 52% of voters told pollsters that they had an unfavorable opinion of his work, and 35% strongly disapprove. That is softened only by the fact that 56% of voters polled strongly disapproved of the job President Donald Trump is doing, but Colorado has rejected Trump three times in general elections and the Republican Party rejected him in the 2016 caucus.

    U.S. Sen. Michael Bennet is doing slightly better with 44% of voters reporting disapproval of him, and U.S. Sen. John Hickenlooper was at 49%.

    Bennet is going to face Attorney General Phil Weiser in the Democratic Primary for governor. Weiser wasn’t included in the poll and neither were any of the Republican candidates.

    The bottom line is that Democrats cannot spend this election talking about Donald Trump, and pretending that voters don’t have real concerns about the governance of both political parties. Voters may still put many or even most Democrats into office, but if the party wants to recover, its top leaders must start this election cycle with something more than fear and loathing.

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    The Denver Post Editorial Board

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  • Occupational licensing is a costly burden

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    One in five American workers need a government license in order to work. While some licensing schemes might be better justified than others on plausible health and safety grounds, occupational licensing requirements often amount to nothing more than rent-seeking. That is, an effort by existing workers in a particular field seeking to limit competition by throwing up additional barriers to entry.

    Government intervention should always be a matter of last resort for this reason. When the government meddles in the market, it risks all manner of deleterious consequences. From unjustly preventing people from working to driving up the cost of services to distorting the labor market, poorly justified and onerous licensing schemes  can do far more harm than good.

    A new report from the Archbridge Institute shows that this is no partisan matter. States under Democratic and Republican rule can and do impose harmful occupational licensing schemes. Indeed, according to the institute, Oregon, Tennessee and Texas have the highest occupational licensing burdens in the nation.  California is ranked by the institute as having the 21st highest licensing burden.

    A decade ago, California’s Little Hoover Commission reported on the problems of licensing. “The burden to Californians is significant: Applicants to lower-income licensed occupations — those who earn less than the national average income — on average pay $300 in fees, spend 549 days in education or training and take an exam in order to work. Consumers also bear a burden when the government limits who can practice a profession. Nationally, consumers pay an estimated $200 billion more annually for services due to licensing restrictions,” they reported.

    Yet California has made no real movement toward liberalizing its labor market.

    Indeed, while most states in the country have implemented some form of universal licensing recognition — that is, allowing workers licensed for occupations in one state to be allowed to work in their state without too many hurdles — California, Oregon, Texas and Tennessee are among those that have not.

    As a concrete example, while most states have joined the Nurse Licensure Compact to allow nurses to freely work across the country, the California Legislature has consistently rejected the idea.

    Universal licensing recognition would be a good first step for California, but so too would a robust review of which occupations it licenses and whether they ought to be subject to state licensure at all.

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  • President Trump embraces socialism as Republicans shrug

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    President Trump is a capitalist billionaire who campaigned on freeing American markets to compete globally. But last Friday he pushed Intel Corp. of Santa Clara into selling the U.S. government a 10% ownership in the company. The Wall Street Journal reported, “The U.S. government will become Intel’s largest shareholder as nearly $9 billion in grants awarded to the company by the 2022 Chips Act are converted to equity.” 

    Even if that turns out to be profitable, owning 10% of Intel will give the government an interest in the company succeeding. If it fails, taxpayers lose $8.9 billion. If it succeeds and makes a profit, that’s worse, because it will encourage more interference in this and other markets.

    Sen. Rand Paul, R-Kentucky, blasted the move, saying, “Socialism is literally government control of the means of production.” But self-described socialist Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., praised Trump’s action as similar to an amendment he proposed to the CHIPS Act, which was signed by Democratic President Joe Biden. 

    Once again, President Trump has aligned himself with the socialists. 

    Intel has had problems. Its stock dropped from $68.21 a share on April 5, 2021, to $23.43 on the morning of Trump’s announcement. It closed Tuesday at 24.36 Yet Intel’s current market capitalization of $107 billion is plenty to get back in the game – if it does the right thing. But the government is the last place to go to for investment advice. Just look at its ownership of Amtrak or the U.S. Postal Service. 

    Meanwhile, other companies have filled Intel’s void. The world’s most valuable company is chipmaker NVIDIA in Santa Clara, with a $4.4 trillion market cap – 41 times Intel’s. American firms continue to lead the world and don’t need government “help.” 

    Intel has had problems before. But what a difference from the 1980s, when it almost went broke. In his 1989 book, “Microcosm,” George Gilder described how Intel soared in that decade to become the world’s greatest maker of microprocessors, a computer’s “brains.” Japanese electronics giants NEC, Hitachi, Fujitsu and Toshiba were taking over the memory-chip part of an industry long led by Intel and other American companies. 

    Then, Gilder wrote, under visionary CEO Andy Grove, “Intel bet the company on the microprocessor. Memory was the past; logic was the future.” The key: Silicon Valley’s unrestricted capitalist competition, which beat Japan’s government-directed industrial policy. “In the Valley, crisis is opportunity.” Since then that spirit has led the Valley, and California and America, to dominate the world technology market, including against the rise of an even more formidable competitor than Japan: China. It would do President Donald Trump well to read “Microcosm.” 

    This mistake could hurt California the most, hampering our companies’ competitive edge just when they need it for the battle over artificial intelligence with China. If Silicon Valley is hobbled, the massive revenues it pours into state and local coffers will tank. 

    California’s U.S. senators and representatives should lead the way in unplugging Trump’s chip socialism.

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  • Editorial: New Rourke Bridge links family legacy with Lowell’s future

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    Four decades after a temporary solution was built to bridge sections of Lowell and provide access to Route 3 and I-495 for motorists in surrounding communities, a groundbreaking on Aug. 13 signified the dawn of a new transportation era — the construction of a modern, permanent replacement.

    The Rourke Bridge honors the legacies of Raymond Rourke, a former Lowell mayor, state representative and deputy state Department of Transportation secretary, and his son, state Rep. Timothy Rourke, whose life was tragically cut short in 1982 at age 29 by a fatal car accident.

    The bridge opened in 1985, two years after construction began.

    The two-lane Bailey pony truss bridge spanned the Merrimack River, connecting the Highlands and Pawtucketville sections of Lowell.

    Thought to be just a temporary solution for accommodating the growing number of vehicles from Lowell and surrounding communities, over time, it became overwhelmed by the volume of traffic, which routinely caused significant congestion throughout the surrounding area and delayed emergency vehicle response times, given its proximity to Lowell General Hospital on Varnum Avenue.

    Not only was the bridge’s vehicle capacity inadequate, but the 40-year-old structure does not comply with current multimodal Americans with Disabilities Act standards for bicycle and pedestrian use.

    The 1,250-foot span carries approximately 27,000 vehicles back and forth each day, including buses and other heavier vehicles. There are no shoulders or bike lanes, and pedestrians navigate the crossing in a steel cage that vibrates with passing traffic.

    At the groundbreaking, U.S. Rep. Lori Trahan, a Lowell native, summed up the feelings of countless motorists over the decades by recalling her Rourke Bridge experiences.

    “When I got my driver’s license I crossed the bridge, white-knuckled in my dad’s old pickup truck. If you’ve ever felt that bridge sway under your tires, or braced yourself as cars squeezed past in the opposite direction, you know exactly what I mean,” said Trahan.

    Even the walking path, which sits on the west side of the bridge under a chain-link arch, is nerve-racking to walk across, the 3rd District U.S. rep said.

    “That experience is not unique to me … Every person in Lowell, Dracut, Chelmsford, Tyngsboro and beyond has a story about the Rourke Bridge, the bottlenecks, the anxiety and the frustration.”

    Those unpleasant memories should, like the existing temporary structure, fade into history once the new Rourke Bridge opens for business.

    The new iteration will be built at more of an angle across the Merrimack River, with the southern end being in roughly the same spot as it is today — near Wood Street past the Collegiate Charter School’s athletic fields — while the northern end will connect farther to the west along Pawtucket Boulevard, across from Old Ferry Road.

    It will include four total passenger vehicle lanes, two going in each direction, with a bicycle path and walking path.

    By design, the new Rourke Bridge will arc over the Merrimack River on its six concrete piers.

    The new span will improve passage, sightlines and safety for all users. The placement of the six piers maximize the width of usable riverway for recreational use such as rowing and boating.

    The new bridge, which has a 75-year service life, will be three times as wide as the existing two-lane bridge, a welcome relief for motorists used to the claustrophobic feel of the current one.

    While preliminary sight work, including soil boring samples, utility work and tree clearing at the north and south approaches, has already begun, construction, which is expected to take up to four years, is scheduled to start in earnest this fall.

    The temporary bridge will remain in use during that time; it won’t be demolished until the new one opens for traffic in 2029 or 2030.

    The design-build project, which keeps costs down by combining final design and construction into a single phase, will be built by construction firm Skanska USA and Jacobs Solutions Inc.

    In April, MassDOT announced that Skanska was awarded the $274 million contract.

    In June, Skanska announced that it had been awarded a $303 million contract.

    That sum includes a fund for unexpected expenses.

    Hopefully, unlike Skanska’s experience with the Lowell High construction/rehab project, those funds will cover any contingencies.

    The majority of the construction capital will come from the federal government, with the remaining portion from state and local sources.

    The city of Lowell will allocate $10 million to support the construction of water main connection work by the Lowell Regional Water Utility adjacent to the new bridge.

    The project will increase the city’s ability to provide potable water backup when needed for the Highlands.

    State and federal money funds the bridge design and construction costs, but incidental costs such as cross connections and utilities fall on the municipalities.

    Aside from harrowing stories of traversing a span that has lasted far beyond its intended purpose, that bridge kept the memory of two honored sons of Lowell alive.

    And now, this new motorist, pedestrian and bicyclist friendly bridge will carry the Rourke name well into the next century.

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  • Editorial: Are the Frankenstein mansions on East Colfax really worthy of preservation?

    Editorial: Are the Frankenstein mansions on East Colfax really worthy of preservation?

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    Should the two historic “Frankenstein mansions” on Franklin and East Colfax – badly damaged by a fire following years of neglect — be demolished or should Denver’s preservationists prevail in their demands the homes be restored to their former glory?

    The truth is that little remains architecturally on the 130-year-old buildings worth salvaging, and that was the case even before the Wyman Historic District was designated in 1993 to save a neighborhood full of stately mansions of historic value. Like bulky monsters constructed in an ad-hoc manner from bits and pieces, storefronts had been added to the homes in 1938 to capitalize on the bustling commercial area on Colfax. The boxy additions are poorly executed.

    And even before the current owners – Pando Holdings — purchased the buildings at Franklin and Colfax in 2017, they were in decline.

    Sadly saving the old buildings by blocking their demolition until someone comes along with the desire, financial means and ability to structurally restore them is not the best way to protect the Wyman Historic District.

    Signs of fire damage are apparent from the back of the vacant building at 1600 East Colfax Avenue in Denver on July 17, 2024. (Photo by Zachary Spindler-Krage/The Denver Post)

    In March a fire rendered the homes unsound and the owner wants to abandon his already approved plans to preserve both houses as part of a mixed-use development with a seven-story residential building on the large parking lots behind the homes.

    Denver’s Landmark Preservation Commission rejected the demolition permit requested by Pando Holdings and developer Kiely Wilson.

    But allowing the buildings to sit structurally damaged, vacant and badly burned for an indeterminate amount of time is doing more damage to Wyman than their demolition.

    The fire was possibly started by people using the empty buildings for shelter – although the Denver Fire Department has not been able to determine a cause yet. The remaining structures are unsound and a safety hazard to anyone else who might try to enter the fenced-off area, whether that’s homeless individuals or Denver teens looking for a fun graffiti pallet.

    Demolition seems to be the best path forward.

    That is not to say that we don’t sympathize with the Preservation Commission’s consternation over the turn of events.

    A plan was in place to save the buildings, and if they are demolished there is less ability to ensure that the developer will build something compatible with the historic district. The commission has more teeth when it comes to preserving a historic building and can even order repairs on buildings so homeowners don’t intentionally allow a historic structure to decay beyond the point of salvage so they can demolish it. Do we suspect that Pando Holdings is guilty of such a nefarious practice? If there was evidence of wrongdoing, no one has named it.

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