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Tag: Drug cartels

  • Son of

    Son of

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    A son of notorious drug lord Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman and three other members of the Sinaloa cartel have been sanctioned by the U.S. government, officials announced Tuesday. 

    Joaquin Guzman Lopez, 36, is one of El Chapo’s 12 children and the fourth member of Los Chapitos, the nickname given to the sons of El Chapo who allegedly run a powerful faction of his drug empire. 

    guzman.jpg
    Joaquin Guzman Lopez

    U.S. Treasury Department


    On Tuesday, he was marked as “designated” by the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC). A person or entity listed as “designated” has their assets blocked, and U.S. persons are “generally prohibited from dealing with them,” OFAC says. People who deal with them may face sanctions themselves.

    The other three sanctioned members of the cartel include Raymundo Perez Uribe, Saul Paez Lopez and Mario Esteban Ogazon Sedano. Uribe allegedly leads a supplier network used by the cartel to obtain chemicals used to make drugs; Lopez is allegedly involved in coordinating drug shipments for members of Los Chapitos; and Sedano allegedly purchases chemicals used to make drugs and operates illegal laboratories on the behalf of the cartel. 

    A Mexican company, Sumilab, S.A. de C.V., was also designated by OFAC, for its “involvement in providing and shipping precursor chemicals for and to” cartel members and associates. 

    All four individuals and the company were designated for “having engaged in, or attempted to engage in, activities or transactions that have materially contributed to, or pose a significant risk of materially contributing to, the international proliferation of illicit drugs or their means of production.” 

    “Today’s action continues to disrupt key nodes of the global illicit fentanyl enterprise, including the producers, suppliers, and transporters,” said Under Secretary of the Treasury for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence Brian Nelson in the OFAC news release. “Treasury, in close coordination with the Government of Mexico and U.S. law enforcement, will continue to leverage our authorities to isolate and disrupt Los Chapitos and the Sinaloa Cartel’s operations at every juncture.”

    These are not the first charges faced by Lopez, who works closely with Los Chapitos and has responsibilities including “overseeing many aspects of the Los Chapitos drug trafficking empire,” OFAC said. 

    Lopez was first indicted on federal drug trafficking charges in 2018 and has multiple charges since then. The other three members of Los Chapitos have also been indicted on U.S. federal drug trafficking charges in one or more jurisdictions. Last month, three members of Los Chapitos were hit with multiple charges in the U.S., including fentanyl trafficking, weapons trafficking, money laundering and witness retaliation. They have denied the charges.

    The Sinoloa cartel is responsible for a significant portion of illicit fentanyl trafficked into the United States, and has operated since the 1980s. The organization increased its power and influence in the early 2000s, and has since become one of the largest drug trafficking operations in Mexico, OFAC said. The cartel also traffics heroin and methamphetamine in multi-ton quantities, the agency said. 

    El Chapo, the Sinaloa cartel’s founder, is serving a life sentence in a maximum security prison in Colorado after being convicted in 2019 on charges including drug trafficking, money laundering and weapons-related offenses.

    In January, El Chapo sent an “SOS” message to Mexico’s President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, alleging that he has been subjected to “psychological torment” in prison.

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  • “El Chapo” sons deny U.S. fentanyl indictment accusations, claim they are “scapegoats”

    “El Chapo” sons deny U.S. fentanyl indictment accusations, claim they are “scapegoats”

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    Sons of former Sinaloa cartel leader Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán have denied accusations made by U.S. prosecutors last month, saying in a letter that they have no involvement in the production and trafficking of the potent synthetic opioid fentanyl.

    The letter was provided to The Associated Press by José Refugio Rodríguez, a lawyer for the Guzmán family. Despite not being signed, Rodríguez said he could confirm that the letter was from Guzmán’s sons.

    The Mexican government did not explicitly confirm the letter’s authenticity, but President Andrés Manuel López Obrador said Thursday it had been analyzed by the country’s security council.

    The sons of Guzmán said “we have never produced, manufactured or commercialized fentanyl nor any of its derivatives,” the letter said. “We are victims of persecution and have been made into scapegoats.”

    Milenio Television first reported the letter Wednesday.

    U.S. prosecutors detailed in court documents last month how the Sinaloa cartel had become the largest exporter of fentanyl to the United States, resulting in tens of thousands of overdose deaths. Guzmán is serving a life sentence in the United States for drug trafficking.

    Guzmán’s sons are known collectively as the “Chapitos”. Iván Archivaldo Guzmán Salazar and Jesús Alfredo Guzmán Salazar are the lead defendants among 23 associates charged in a New York indictment. Ovidio Guzmán López, alias “the Mouse,” who allegedly pushed the cartel into fentanyl, is charged in another indictment in the same district. Mexico arrested him in January and the U.S. government has requested extradition. Joaquín Guzmán López is charged in the Northern District of Illinois.


    Son of “El Chapo” arrested in Mexico ahead of Biden’s visit

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    U.S. prosecutors say the “Chapitos” have tried to concentrate power through violence, including torturing Mexican federal agents and feeding rivals to their pet tigers.

    The sons deny that too, saying they are not the leaders of the Sinaloa cartel and do not even have tigers. They describe a loose federation of independent drug producers and manufacturers in the state of Sinaloa, many of whom appropriate their name for their own advantage.

    But according to a U.S. indictment unsealed last month, the “Chapitos” and their cartel associates have also used corkscrews, electrocution and hot chiles to torture their rivals.

    The indictment goes on to allege that El Chapo’s sons used waterboarding to torture members of rival drug cartels as well as associates who refused to pay debts. Federal officials said that the Chapitos also tested the potency of the fentanyl they allegedly produced on their prisoners. 

    Mexico arrested Ovidio Guzmán in January and has seized some fentanyl laboratories, but López Obrador has repeatedly denied that Mexico produces the drug and accused U.S. authorities of spying and espionage after the indictments were unsealed.

    El Chapo, the Sinaloa cartel’s founder, is serving a life sentence in a maximum security prison in Colorado after being convicted in 2019 on charges including drug trafficking, money laundering and weapons-related offenses.

    In January, El Chapo sent an “SOS” message to Mexico’s President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, alleging that he has been subjected to “psychological torment” in prison.

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  • Authorities find 8 bodies in Mexican resort of Cancun

    Authorities find 8 bodies in Mexican resort of Cancun

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    MEXICO CITY — Authorities in the Mexican resort of Cancun said Tuesday they are trying to identify eight bodies found dumped in the Caribbean resort.

    Speaking to families of missing people, Oscar Montes de Oca, the head prosecutor of the Caribbean coast state of Quintana Roo pledged to carry out more searches and identifications.

    The bodies were found in searches over the weekend in which police looked in wooded lots and even sinkhole ponds known as cenotes.

    More than 112,000 people are listed as missing in Mexico, and searches for clandestine grave sites have become common throughout the country. What is unusual is that they are now being carried out in Cancun, the crown jewel of Mexico’s tourism industry.

    The clandestine body dumping grounds are often used by drug cartels to dispose of bodies of their victims. Several cartels are fighting for control of the Caribbean coast and its lucrative retail drug trade.

    Montes de Oca said five of the bodies were found at a building site that had apparently been abandoned. The bodies had been dumped there between one week and two months ago; three have been identified as people reported missing previously.

    At another site in a wooded area on the outskirts of Cancun, authorities found three sets of skeletal remains. They have not yet been identified.

    The bodies were found in a poor neighborhood about 10 miles (15 kilometers) from Cancun’s beach and hotel zone, but relatively closer to the resort’s airport.

    Similar searches were also carried out in Felipe Carrillo Puerto, a town south of Tulum.

    Volunteer searchers, including the relatives of missing people, and specially trained dogs also participated with investigators in the searches.

    Feuding drug gangs have caused violence in Cancun and the resort-studded Caribbean coast south of it.

    Earlier this month, four men in Cancun were killed in a dispute related to drug gang rivalries. The dead men were found in the city’s hotel zone near the beach.

    A U.S. tourist was shot in the leg in the nearby town of Puerto Morelos in March. The U.S. State Department issued a travel alert that month warning travelers to “exercise increased caution,” especially after dark, at resorts like Cancun, Playa del Carmen and Tulum.

    In 2022, two Canadians were killed in Playa del Carmen, apparently because of debts between international drug and weapons trafficking gangs.

    In 2021, in Tulum, two tourists — one a California travel blogger born in India and the other German — were killed when they apparently were caught in the crossfire of a gunfight between rival drug dealers.

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  • Gunmen shoot up resort in central Mexico, killing 7 people

    Gunmen shoot up resort in central Mexico, killing 7 people

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    Authorities in central Mexico say a band of gunmen invaded a resort where dozens of vacationers were spending the weekend and opened fire, killing six adults and a 7-year-old, authorities said

    MEXICO CITY — A band of gunmen invaded a resort where dozens of vacationers were spending the weekend in central Mexico and opened fire, killing six adults and a 7-year-old, authorities said.

    Officials in the Cortazar municipality in Guanajuato state said in a statement that an eighth person was seriously wounded in the midafternoon attack at the La Palma resort. The statement did not speculate on a possible motive.

    After the shooting, the attackers destroyed the spa shop and took the security cameras before fleeing, officials said. Three women, three men and the child died.

    A video posted on social media shows several people in swimsuits running about crying, screaming and hugging their children.

    Mexican soldiers and police aided by a helicopter were searching for the attackers.

    Guanajuato, an agricultural and industrial hub, has been Mexico’s most violent state for years. The Jalisco New Generation drug cartel has been fighting with local criminal groups, including the Santa Rosa de Lima cartel, which is apparently backed by the Sinaloa cartel.

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  • Gunmen kill 7 in Mexico resort, local officials say

    Gunmen kill 7 in Mexico resort, local officials say

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    A band of gunmen invaded a resort where dozens of vacationers were spending the weekend in central Mexico and opened fire, killing six adults and a 7-year-old, authorities said.

    Officials in the Cortazar municipality in Guanajuato state said in a statement that an eighth person was seriously wounded in the midafternoon attack at the La Palma resort. The statement did not speculate on a possible motive.

    After the shooting, the attackers destroyed the spa shop and took the security cameras before fleeing, officials said. Three women, three men and the child died.

    A video posted on social media shows several people in swimsuits running about crying, screaming and hugging their children.

    Mexican soldiers and police aided by a helicopter were searching for the attackers.

    Guanajuato, an agricultural and industrial hub, has been Mexico’s most violent state for years. The Jalisco New Generation drug cartel has been fighting with local criminal groups, including the Santa Rosa de Lima cartel, which is apparently backed by the Sinaloa cartel. 

    Last November, several people were killed in a shootout at a police station in the Guanajuato city of Celaya. That same month, nine people were killed in a shooting in a bar in the Guanajuato town of Apaseo el Alto. Last September, 10 people died in a pool hall shooting in Guanajuato’s Tarimoro municipality. 


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  • Sons of

    Sons of

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    Washington — Federal prosecutors unsealed criminal charges against 28 members and associates of the Mexican Sinaloa Cartel —  including the three sons of former drug lord Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán — accusing them of orchestrating a transnational fentanyl trafficking operation into the United States. 

    Announcing the charges on Friday, Attorney General Merrick Garland and Justice Department officials laid the loss of hundreds of thousands of American lives from fentanyl squarely at the feet of the defendants.

    Investigators say the accused — part of the “Chapitos” network — facilitated the purchase of the precursor chemicals of fentanyl from China, manufactured the deadly drug in Mexico, and then worked to smuggle the substance into the U.S. 

    Four Chinese nationals and one Guatemalan national were charged with supplying fentanyl ingredients to the cartel. The FBI wants the four Chinese nationals captured and is offering a $1 million reward, though taking them into custody to face charges in the U.S. will likely prove difficult. On Friday, the Treasury Department also announced sanctions against two Chinese companies for their role in supplying the precursor chemicals. 

    Once manufactured, the investigators allege the cartel used a network of vehicles, tunnels, aircraft, and couriers to smuggle the fentanyl into the United States, despite knowing the drug would kill Americans. Ivan Guzman Salazar, Alfredo Guzman Salazar, and Ovidio Guzman Lopez — El Chapo’s son — allegedly made hundreds of millions of dollars by sending fentanyl to the U.S., according to the Justice Department. 

    Other charged individuals include operators of secret labs in Mexico where fentanyl is made, weapons dealers who help the Sinaloa Cartel arm its security, and money launderers who funded the operations. Of the 24 charged, eight are in custody across the globe. The attorney general said the U.S. government would work to seek their extradition to face charges on American soil. 

    “The United States government is using every tool at its disposal to combat the fentanyl epidemic,” Garland said, “Many of us have heard the stories of those who have lost loved ones to fentanyl poisoning. In the face of unimaginable pain, those families have shown extraordinary bravery in sharing their stories. We are grateful to them. We know that nothing can repair the harm they’ve suffered or bring back the loved ones they have lost.” 

    “We are doing everything in our power, and using every authority we have, to bring those responsible to justice,” he added.

    Federal officials on Friday detailed the Chapitos’ gruesome and cruel practices aimed at extending their power and amassing greater wealth — from testing the potency of the fentanyl they allegedly produced on prisoners to feeding victims of their violence to tigers in order to intimidate civilians. 

    According to the Justice Department, between August 2021 and August 2022, 107,735 people died of drug overdoses in the United States, two-thirds primarily from fentanyl. Nearly 200 people die every day from fentanyl poisoning. And in 2022, the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) seized more than 50 million fentanyl-laced pills, more than double the amount collected the year prior, the Justice Department said. 

    Garland said Friday that the Sinaloa Cartel is “largely responsible” for the increased fentanyl trafficking into the U.S. 

    The news comes just one day after Garland and Deputy Attorney General Lisa Monaco met with members of Mexican security officials in Washington, D.C. in part to discuss the fentanyl crisis. According to the Justice Department, both sides “pledged” to increase information-sharing and cooperation on criminal investigations. 

    Last month, Mexico’s President Andrés Manuel López Obrador controversially stated that the deadly drug is neither created nor consumed in his country and blamed Americans for the totality of the epidemic. 

    Garland said that Justice Department officials met Thursday with their counterparts in the Mexican government and the two countries renewed their commitment to working together against fentanyl and firearms trafficking.

    Monaco highlighted the need to combat drug trafficking and fentanyl proliferation on social media, telling reporters on Friday that she and DEA Administrator Anne Milgram met with social media companies last week  discuss how social media companies “must do more to stop the sale of fentanyl on their platforms.” 

    “It’s no longer enough to protect our children from drug dealers in the park or on the street corner—because now those drug dealers ply their deadly trade on social media apps running on the phones in our kids’ pockets,” Monaco said. She said online platforms are usually where the initial contact between buyer and sellers occurs and described social media applications as the “super highway” of the fentanyl supply chain.

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  • U.S. sanctions Chinese suppliers of chemicals for fentanyl production

    U.S. sanctions Chinese suppliers of chemicals for fentanyl production

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    Two Chinese businesses were sanctioned Friday by the United States after allegedly supplying precursor chemicals used to produce fentanyl to drug cartels in Mexico.

    “Illicit fentanyl is responsible for the deaths of tens of thousands of Americans each year,” said Brian E. Nelson, the Under Secretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence, in a Treasury Department news release announcing the sanctions. The department “will continue to vigorously apply our tools” to stop chemicals from being transferred, he said.

    The announcement comes on the same day the Justice Department charged 28 Sinaloa Cartel members in a sprawling fentanyl trafficking investigation. The indictments also charged four Chinese citizens and one Guatemalan citizen with supplying those chemicals. The same five were also sanctioned by the Treasury Department, according to its release.

    In recent years, the Drug Enforcement Administration has called on the Chinese government to crack down on supply chain networks producing precursor chemicals. DEA Administrator Anne Milgram told CBS News last year that Chinese companies are the largest producers of these chemicals.

    In February, Iowa Republican Sen. Joni Ernst accused China of “intentionally poisoning” Americans by not stopping the supply chain networks that produce fentanyl. 

    Vanda Felbab-Brown, a Brookings Institution senior fellow who has researched Chinese and Mexican participation in illegal economies said in testimony submitted to the House of Representatives Subcommittee on National Security, Illicit Finance, and International Financial Institutions there is little visibility into China’s enforcement of its fentanyl regulations, but it likely “remains limited.” 

    Law enforcement and anti-drug cooperation between the U.S., China and Mexico “remains minimal,” Felbab-Brown said in her testimony, and sanctions are one tool that may induce better cooperation.

    Sanctions ensure that “all property and interests in property” for the designated persons and entities must be blocked and reported to the Treasury.

    Chemical companies Wuhan Shuokang Biological Technology Co., Ltd and Suzhou Xiaoli Pharmatech Co., Ltd were slapped with sanctions for their contribution to the “international proliferation of illicit drugs or their means of production,” the Treasury Department said. 

    The Guatemalan national was sanctioned for their role in brokering and distributing chemicals to Mexican cartels.

    Caitlin Yilek and Norah O’Donnell contributed to this report.

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  • Indigenous anti-mining activist found slain in Mexico

    Indigenous anti-mining activist found slain in Mexico

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    MEXICO CITY — An Indigenous anti-mining activist has been killed in a dangerous part of western Mexico, authorities confirmed Tuesday.

    The killing of Eustacio Alcalá comes just over two months after two other community anti-mining activists disappeared near where Acalá’s body was found.

    It reinforced Mexico’s reputation as the deadliest place in the world for environmental and land defense activists, according to a report by the nongovernmental group Global Witness, which said Mexico saw 54 activists killed in 2021.

    Alcalá was found dead days after he disappeared while driving on a highway known for violent incidents on Saturday. He was driving a group of nuns or lay religious workers — it wasn’t clear which — in his truck, when they were pulled over by armed men; the nuns were later released, the activist group All Rights For Everyone said.

    Alcalá had led a largely successful fight to prevent an iron ore mine from opening near his Nahua village of San Juan Huitzontla. Residents argued the proposed mine would pollute waterways and damage the environment.

    The village is near the townships of Aquila and Coalcoman in the western state of Michoacan. The area has been on the front line of drug cartel turf battles for years.

    Prosecutors in Michoacan state said Alcalá’s body had bullet wounds. They said he was kidnapped over the weekend.

    Human rights groups demanded the killers be brought to justice.

    “We demand an exhaustive investigation,” said the Centro Miguel Agustin Pro Juarez, a human rights group that helped Alcalá’s village win a court injunction against the mine last year.

    The area is known for its iron ore deposits, which in the past have proved a magnet for drug cartels seeking to extort money from mining companies. In the previous decade, one gang even exported iron ore.

    The two activists who disappeared in January have not been seen since their bullet-ridden vehicle was found on a roadway.

    The two had been active in fighting a big iron ore mine in the town of Aquila. Inhabitants have long complained the open-pit mine caused pollution and drew violence to the area, while offering little benefit to residents.

    Michoacan has long been plagued by environmental degradation and turf battles that currently pit the Jalisco cartel against the local Viagras drug gang.

    In February, Michoacan anti-logging activist Alfredo Cisneros was shot to death in the Purepecha Indigenous village of Sicuicho.

    The Indigenous communities of Michoacan have fought for years against mining and illegal logging that target the pine and fir forests of the mountainous region. Loggers often clear cut trees to plant avocados, a highly lucrative export crop in Michoacan.

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  • Drug trafficking blamed as homicides soar in Costa Rica

    Drug trafficking blamed as homicides soar in Costa Rica

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    LIMON, Costa Rica (AP) — In this colorful Caribbean port, where cruise ship passengers are whisked to jungle adventures in Costa Rica’s interior, locals try to be home by dark and police patrol with high-caliber guns in the face of soaring drug violence.

    Costa Rica logged a record 657 homicides last year and Limon – with a homicide rate five times the national average — was the epicenter.

    The bloodshed in a country better known for its laid-back, “it’s all good” outlook and its lack of a standing army has stirred a public outcry as the administration of President Rodrigo Chaves scrambles for answers.

    Where Costa Rica had previously been just a pass-through for northbound cocaine from Colombian and Mexican cartels, authorities say it is now a warehousing and transshipment point for drugs sent to Europe by homegrown Costa Rican gangs.

    In Limon, that shifting criminal dynamic has mixed with swelling ranks of young unemployed men who make up the majority of the casualties in fierce territorial battles.

    Martín Arias, the deputy security minister and head of Costa Rica’s Coast Guard, said Limon’s violence stems from disputes over both the control of cocaine shipped to Europe and the marijuana sold locally.

    In January, authorities dismantled a ring working to smuggle drugs through the container port. Cocaine has been secreted into walls of the steel containers and even packed among pineapple and yucca headed for Spain and Holland.

    Foreign drug traffickers used to pay Costa Rican fishermen to bring gasoline to their smuggling boats.

    “Later, the Mexican narcos said, ‘We’re not going to use money; we’re not going to leave the trail that money leaves in banks, in systems; we’re going to pay in cocaine,’” Arias said.

    At first, the fishermen and their associates didn’t have the contacts to sell their cocaine abroad, so they sold it locally as crack. But once they realized how much more the cocaine was worth in Europe, they began smuggling it out of the port, he said.

    Meanwhile, marijuana was arriving from Jamaica and Colombia, and gangs fought over the local market. Victims of that violence are mostly in marginalized neighborhoods, Arias said.

    Costa Rican authorities classified 421 of last year’s 657 homicides as “score settling.”

    Former Security Minister Gustavo Mata estimated that 80% of the killings in Costa Rica were related to the growth in drug trafficking.

    “We used to talk about Colombian cartels, Mexican cartels,” Mata said. But now investigators have found gangs led by Costa Ricans, he said.

    Mata, who served as security minister from 2015 to 2018, said that Costa Rica had become an “enormous warehouse” of drugs and an operations center for exports to Europe.

    The Limon port’s shipping business – both legal and illegal – has placed it at the center of violence.

    “In Limon, there are four strong criminal groups competing for the drug market,” said Randall Zúñiga, director of Costa Rica’s Judicial Investigation Department. These groups clash, and “generally the people who die are sellers or members of the criminal groups.”

    But the violence has not been confined to Limon or to those involved in the drug trade.

    The Feb. 28 shooting of 8-year-old Samuel Arroyo, killed by a stray bullet while he slept in the capital San Jose, stirred popular outrage. Costa Ricans with no connection to the boy’s family turned out for his funeral carrying white balloons.

    President Chaves said Samuel died in a manner that was “outrageous, inexplicable and unacceptable.” The president said the shooting apparently stemmed from a gang war. A 15-year-old was arrested in connection with the death.

    One month earlier, Ingrid Muñoz organized a demonstration outside federal courts in San Jose to demand action after her 19-year-old son Keylor Gambia was killed defending his girlfriend from an assault.

    “What we’re seeking is to create consciousness so that there is not impunity,” Muñoz said. “What we want is justice, so that the judges, as well as the prosecutors, understand the serious situation that not only the youth, but everyone in the country, is living.”

    Security Minister Jorge Torres, in comments to congress in January, faulted a justice system in which he said those sentenced on drug violations serve only a fraction of their prison sentences. “There are crimes for which you must serve the entire sentence,” Torres said.

    Torres said he would have a new security strategy ready by June, but meanwhile more resources for police were needed. “If we want to resolve this in the short term we need more police in the streets,” he said.

    Limon sits 100 miles (160 kilometers) east of San Jose. It is Costa Rica’s most important port, handling much of the country’s exports to the United States and Europe.

    In 2018, the government privatized its container port, giving the concession to a Dutch company.

    Antonio Wells, secretary general of the dockworkers union for Costa Rica’s Atlantic ports, said some 7,000 jobs were lost in the port privatization, which he blames for Limon’s social problems.

    Last year, Limon was the canton with the second-highest murder rate with more than 62 homicides per 100,000 residents.

    “If there are no jobs, it sounds terrible to say, but for many the closest thing to a job is being a hit man,” Wells said.

    Costa Rica’s murder rate has increased in each of the last four years. Last year’s rate was 12.6 per 100,000 residents, still only about one-third of Honduras, but the highest for Costa Rica since at least 1990.

    Costa Rica’s Association of Professionals in Economic Sciences in January found a strong correlation between low levels of development and high homicide rates in the most violent cantons like Limon.

    “This isn’t the Limon I grew up in,” a retiree who identified himself only as David said on a recent day as he chatted with others in the city’s central square. “After 9 o’clock at night you can’t walk and it’s really sad.”

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  • The U.S. could designate Mexican drug cartels as terrorist organizations — what would that mean?

    The U.S. could designate Mexican drug cartels as terrorist organizations — what would that mean?

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    The powerful Mexican drug cartel responsible for the kidnapping of four U.S. citizens  — and the death of two of them — could be designated as a Foreign Terrorist Organization by the U.S. 

    Secretary of State Antony Blinken said in a hearing in March that the department is considering the designation for the Mexican drug cartels, which could include the Gulf Cartel, the cartel responsible for the attack. The foreign terrorist (FTO) designation has been attracting interest as a tool to use against the cartel in recent years. 

    Why is it being considered?

    The killing of the two American citizens crossed a “red line,” says Javed Ali, associate professor of practice at the Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy at the University of Michigan. 

    The Mexican drug cartels also traffic fentanyl, which is responsible for soaring opioid deaths in the U.S. — over 70,000 Americans died of synthetic opioid overdoses in 2021, most of them caused by fentanyl that comes from Mexico. Last year, the DEA seized enough fentanyl to kill every American, more than 50 million fentanyl-laced pills and over 10,000 pounds of fentanyl powder, the vast majority of it at the southern border.

    Ali thinks now is the right time to designate the cartels as terrorist organizations, arguing that the U.S. is not currently using “all the tools we have” to counter them. 

    What makes a group a Foreign Terrorist Organization? 

    In order to be labeled an FTO a group or network has to meet three criteria:

    • Must be foreign-based
    • Engages in terrorist activity
    • The terrorist activity threatens U.S. citizens or U.S. national security. 

    How many Foreign Terrorist Organizations are there?

    There are over 30 groups designated by the State Department, but none operate solely as drug cartels.

    What would re-labeling a group as an FTO actually do?

    An FTO designation unlocks the option for more foreign sanctions and a material support charge, which makes it much easier to indict someone on lesser charges if affiliated with the terrorist organization. 

    “It certainly stigmatizes them,” said Ali. “I would think the last thing a Mexican drug cartel wants is to be labeled by the United States as a terrorist organization. That’s bad for business.”

    Does Congress have a role in categorizing a group as an FTO?

    The secretary of state makes the designation, in coordination with the attorney general and treasury secretary. Then, it is sent to Congress for review and if it raises no issue with the designation, after seven days, it’s published in the Federal Register, making it official. 

    Rep. Chip Roy, Republican of Texas, has introduced legislation that asks Blinken to target several cartels for FTO designation: the Gulf Cartel, Cartel Del Noreste, Cartel de Sinaloa and Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion. In February, 21 Republican attorneys general called on President Joe Biden and Blinken to declare Mexican drug cartels as FTOs.

    How would the designation affect drug cartels? 

    It won’t stop the cartels, Ali says, but it would get their attention — and the attention of anyone working with them. Because of the material support charge available to the U.S. after an FTO designation, the charges would be far more severe for even a low-level offense, such as giving money to the cartel. Donating to an foreign terrorist organization can result in a maximum sentence of up to 20 years in prison. 

    Officially labeling the Mexican drug cartels as terrorists emphasizes the national security threat they pose and confers authorizations the U.S. hopes would have a chilling effect.  

    Downsides to FTO designation?

    But there are potential disadvantages to making the designation. It could adversely affect U.S.-Mexico relations. 

    “We have enormous authority already in dealing with drug trafficking organizations, in terms of all the policing capabilities we have to deal with them, particularly in the United States,” says Pamela Starr, an international relations professor at the University of Southern California. “What it would do, however, is undermine bilateral cooperation with Mexico, and that would dramatically undermine our capacity to deal with the challenges in Mexico.” 

    And the FTO designation might also damage Mexico’s appeal as a tourist destination by contributing to the perception that it’s less safe. 

    Starr also warns the designation could radicalize drug cartels further. “My real concern is that if you treat organized crime as if it were a terrorist organization, they might begin to employ terrorist tactics,” Starr said. 

    In a worst case scenario, the cartel could increase targeting of U.S. citizens, according to Ali. 

    But Ali argues the FTO designation for Mexican drug cartels is worthwhile. “This level of activity is absolutely having an impact on our national security, more from the flow of drugs in the U.S. than the targeting of Americans in Mexico. But it still gives you another tool. Why not use it when the status quo doesn’t seem to be working?” 

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  • DEA overseas review barely mentions corruption scandals

    DEA overseas review barely mentions corruption scandals

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    NEW YORK — After nearly two years and at least $1.4 million spent, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration on Friday released an external review of its overseas operations that barely mentions recent corruption scandals and offers recommendations that critics dismissed as overly vague.

    Much of the 50-page report outlines the DEA’s sprawling, 69-country “foreign footprint,” while lauding its efforts to plug gaping holes in the oversight of undercover money laundering operations and special vetted units overseas.

    “This report is stunningly vague in its actual evaluation of known problems at the DEA and remedies to fix them,” said Sen. Chuck Grassley, an Iowa Republican on the Senate Judiciary Committee. “This speaks to the agency’s broader effort to evade oversight. The agency has attempted to dodge my oversight inquiries but I intend to push forward.”

    The external probe was announced in 2021 following reporting by The Associated Press on the crimes of José Irizarry, a disgraced former DEA agent now serving a 12-year federal prison sentence after confessing to laundering money for Colombian drug cartels and skimming millions from seizures and informants to fund an international joyride of fine dining, parties and prostitutes.

    Irizarry told the AP last year that DEA agents have come to accept that there’s nothing they can do to make a dent in the flow of illegal cocaine and opioids into the United States that has driven more than 100,000 overdose deaths a year.

    “The drug war is a game,” Irizarry said. “It was a very fun game that we were playing.”

    Irizarry’s case got one paragraph in the external review. An ongoing federal grand jury inquiry into some of his jet-setting former DEA colleagues was mentioned in a footnote. Also, Irizarry’s lawyer told AP he offered to make his client available for an interview for the review but was never contacted.

    “Interviews and documents demonstrated that the DEA has already largely implemented the recommendations from the DOJ OIG to enhance the oversight of compliance risks arising out of the agency’s foreign operations,” the review concluded, referring to the U.S. Justice Department’s Office of Inspector General.

    The probe found fault with the bureaucracy it said bogs down the assignment of agents to foreign divisions and recommended putting incentives in place to attract “top talent to hard-to-fill offices.” It also blamed the “corrupting influence” of cartels for instances of “individual misconduct by DEA personnel.”

    “DEA also could do more to ensure supervisors are effectively evaluated and ultimately held accountable for compliance-related issues,” the review found.

    Other recommendations included more regular audits of foreign offices and vetted police units, and stricter controls on expenses.

    The external review was conducted by former DEA administrator Jack Lawn and Boyd Johnson, a former federal prosecutor who handled international drug cases. Public records show the no-bid contract was awarded to the law firm WilmerHale, where Johnson works, at a cost of $1.4 million. Johnson did not respond to emails seeking comment.

    The report made little mention of the turmoil that has roiled DEA operations in Mexico, where law enforcement cooperation collapsed amid the tenure of a regional director who was quietly ousted from his post for having improper contact with lawyers for narcotraffickers.

    AP reported earlier this year that Nicholas Palmeri served just 14 months in the post and retired before an Office of Inspector General report found he sought government reimbursement to pay for his own birthday party.

    “For a report that cost the government over $1.4 million, it does not seem to recommend the types of changes that would actually prevent another Irizarry or other misconduct,” said Bonnie Klapper, a former federal prosecutor in New York. “While the report is very thorough in laying out DEA’s role and responsibilities, it mentions only a very few examples of misconduct, and its recommendations don’t go far enough.”

    Palmeri arrived to Mexico in the wake of one of the biggest setbacks in recent years in the U.S.-led drug war: the botched arrest of former Mexican Defense Secretary Salvador Cienfuegos. The retired general was nabbed on a sealed U.S. drug warrant upon arrival at the Los Angeles airport in 2020 only to be released a few weeks later under pressure from Mexico’s leftist president, who retaliated by disbanding an elite police unit that was a key DEA ally.

    Neither the Cienfuegos incident nor the arrest of another prominent U.S. ally in Mexico — ex-security chief Genaro Garcia Luna — are mentioned in the report.

    “The report’s key takeaway about improving information sharing and breaking down internal silos couldn’t be more commendable,” said John Feeley, a retired U.S. diplomat who worked alongside the DEA in numerous postings overseas. “But the biggest silo that needs to be dismantled from an operations perspective is the DEA’s failure to communicate to front offices and ambassadors when it’s investigating senior officials of host nations.”

    DEA Administrator Anne Milgram, who has declined repeated interview requests, said in a statement that the agency would implement all 17 of the report’s recommendations.

    “DEA is committed to meeting the challenges presented by today’s global drug threats and ensuring that our work is conducted at the highest level possible,” she said.

    __

    Goodman reported from Miami. Contact AP’s global investigative team at Investigative@ap.org.

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  • Mexican migrant killed in California capsize left daughter

    Mexican migrant killed in California capsize left daughter

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    MEXICO CITY — Yecenia Lazcano Soriano left behind a 4-year-old daughter in her home town of Tehuacan, Mexico, when she set out almost in secret to reach the United States.

    The last message she sent to relatives was a heart emoji. Days later, on the California coast, two small boats carrying her and other migrants capsized in rough surf off a beach in San Diego.

    The 22-year-old’s body was one of eight recovered shortly after the accident last Sunday at Black’s Beach, one of the deadliest maritime smuggling events near U.S. shores.

    A single mother, Lazcano Soriano’s story was almost a microcosm of the desperation that drives many migrants to the United States. Nearly 129,000 migrants were stopped trying to cross the U.S. border in February.

    At age 15, Lazcano Soriano went to live with the father of her child, but he was abducted and disappeared, like over 112,000 other Mexicans who have vanished since drug cartel violence picked up in 2006.

    Lazcano Soriano dreamed of opening her own store in Tehuacan, a poor agricultural town lying between the cities of Puebla and Oaxaca in south-central Mexico. Most there make a tenuous living growing flowers or corn. The single mother sold fruit and vegetables at a local market.

    But with jobs scarce, she decided to follow her aunt, Wendy Valencia, who left Tehuacan to emigrate to Dallas six years ago.

    Lazcano Soriano left Tehuacan weeks ago, telling only two of her relatives. The last message she sent was a heart emoji to Valencia. After that, there was silence, until the chilling news came: Authorities had identified her by ID documents found on her body.

    “She wasn’t afraid of work,” Valencia said in a telephone interview. “She was a warrior, a woman who was accustomed to struggle.”

    She left her daughter in the care of her 72-year-old grandmother and two other aunts, but had hoped to be reunited with the girl.

    “Her goal was to give her daughter a better future, an adequate home,” Valencia said. Life was never that kind to Lazcano Soriano; her companion’s disappearance was never solved.

    A total of 23 people were thought to aboard the two boats that capsized off San Diego. Many of the other passengers are believed to have made it to land and escaped.

    Mexican authorities said preliminary identification based on records found with people’s bodies indicate seven of the eight dead were Mexicans.

    Just 25 miles (40 kilometers) from Tehuacan, in the town of Tlacotepec de Benito Juarez, the tragedy touched the family of Alma Figueroa Gorgoria.

    Figueroa Gorgoria would have turned 18 next week. She had set out for the United States with her aunt, Ana Jacqueline Figueroa, 23. Both of their bodies were identified in San Diego.

    Just seven miles (12 kilometers) in the other direction, the nearby farming community of Santiago Miahuatlan was the hometown of Guillermo Suárez González, who also risked traveling in the boats to reach the United States. A worker at a local export assembly plant, the 23-year-old dreamed of a better life; he left behind four children. Eloy Hernández Baltazar, 58, also lived in Santiago Miahuatlan, and was also among the dead.

    The Puebla state migrant aid office said the paperwork has been submitted to return Suárez González to his home town for burial.

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  • 14-year-old boy dubbed

    14-year-old boy dubbed

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    Mexico president says fentanyl is US problem


    President of Mexico denies fentanyl is produced or consumed in country

    03:26

    Mexico City — Mexican authorities have arrested a 14-year-old boy nicknamed “El Chapito” for the drug-related killing of eight people near Mexico City, the federal Public Safety Department said Thursday. The boy allegedly rode up on a motorcycle and opened fire on a family in the low-income Mexico City suburb of Chimalhuacan.

    Another man was also arrested in the Jan. 22 killings, and seven other members of the gang were arrested on drug charges.

    MEXICO-POVERTY-EDUCATION
    An aerial view of the municipal garbage dump (bottom) and the Escalerillas neighborhood in Chimalhuacan, a low-income suburb of Mexico City, Mexico, February 24, 2021.

    ALFREDO ESTRELLA/AFP/Getty


    The victims were holding a party at their house at the time of the attack, which also left five adults and two children wounded. It was reportedly a birthday party.

    The boy’s name was not released, but his nickname — “Little Chapo” — is an apparent reference to imprisoned drug lord Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman. El Chapo has been serving a life sentence in a “supermax” maximum security prison in Colorado since his 2019 conviction on charges including drug trafficking, money laundering and weapons-related offenses. 


    Son of “El Chapo” arrested in Mexico ahead of Biden’s visit

    01:57

    The motive in the killings has not been made public, but drug gangs in Mexico frequently dabble in kidnapping and contract killing. They also kill rivals selling drugs on their territory, or people who owe them money.

    Mexico is no stranger to child killers.

    In 2010, soldiers detained a 14-year-old boy nicknamed “El Ponchis” who claimed he was kidnapped at age 11 and forced to work for the Cartel of the South Pacific, a branch of the splintered Beltran Leyva gang. He said he had participated in at least four decapitations.

    After his arrest, the boy, who authorities identified only by his first name, Edgar, told reporters that he was drugged and threatened into committing the crimes.

    Also Thursday, prosecutors in the northern border state of Sonora said they had arrested a woman linked to as many as nine murders in the border city of Mexicali.

    The state prosecutors’ office said that the woman had outstanding warrants for two killings, but that she had been named in seven other homicide investigations. The office did not say what the possible motives might be in those killings.


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  • Sister grieves for American killed in Mexico kidnapping

    Sister grieves for American killed in Mexico kidnapping

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    LAKE CITY, S.C. — Prepping for his first trip out of the country, 28-year-old Zindell Brown of Lake City, South Carolina, had something more than nerves. Perhaps it was a premonition about the trip he and several friends were taking to Mexico.

    “He said, ‘Something, it just doesn’t feel right,’” his older sister Zalandria Brown told The Associated Press over the phone. “(That was) the last thing we talked about.”

    Hopping into protection mode for the man so close to her that she called him her “hip bone,” Brown urged her brother to not take the trip planned earlier this month. As someone known to help others, however, Brown wasn’t surprised her sibling shook off the feeling and offered to drive with his group of childhood friends on a road trip to Mexico, where one was scheduled for cosmetic surgery and another planned to celebrate his 34th birthday.

    The inside of a rented white van would be the last place Brown would see her baby brother alive. Sometime during the nearly 22-hour trip from South Carolina to Brownsville, Texas, Brown watched a video posted online of Zindell smiling into the camera.

    But in Mexico, the group was attacked. Around midday, a vehicle crashed into the group’s van. Several men with tactical vests and assault rifles arrived in another vehicle and surrounded them, according to Mexican police reports.

    Two members of the group — Zindell Brown and Shaeed Woodard — were shot and killed. Eric Williams was shot in the leg, and he and fellow survivor Latavia McGee were loaded into a pickup truck, according to video posted on social media. The violence was blamed on the Gulf cartel, a drug gang tied to killings and kidnappings in Matamoros, a city of a half-million people that has long been a stronghold of the powerful cartel. The group purpotedly apologized for the killings in a letter obtained by the Associated Press from a Mexican law enforcement official.

    Even before she viewed footage of the ambush that quickly circulated online, Zalandria Brown said she began to have a sickening feeling that her brother was gone.

    “That was the other part of my soul,” she said.

    She called her brother the male version of herself. Gone is her game hunting partner and the “cool uncle” her two (teenage) sons looked up to.

    “He always put a smile on everybody’s face. He was always joking and playing and laughing around,” she said.

    In the days leading up to the trip, Zindell spent time at home, playing video games – a break from the other work his hands were known for: carpentry. Zindell picked up woodworking skills from his father, who wanted to train him in the family craft.

    “He had so many skills. He could do carpentry work,” she said, adding: “He did roofing work. He could do everything you could think of when it came to building a house. My father trained him to do all of that.”

    Though she lives in Florence, South Carolina, Brown said she, her brother, Woodard and McGee all grew up in modest Lake City. By midweek, the town of fewer than 6,000 people seemed consumed by the grim loss.

    At the local library on Main Street, patrons chatted amongst themselves about condolences, while a few blocks away near the police station a stranger pressed a bouquet of purple flowers into the arms of Shaeed’s father.

    This month would have marked Shaeed Woodard’s 34th birthday, according to his father, James Woodard. Shaeed’s cousin Latavia McGee had surprised him with the road trip as a birthday excursion, James Woodard said. Shaeed and Zindell were close; Brown said she also considered him a brother.

    By the night of March 5, Brown would get a phone call confirming her worst fears. A family friend phoned to say the doctor’s office they were headed to in Mexico called to say McGee was late and thought to be kidnapped. McGee said every day since then for her surviving two siblings and parents has seemed like a “nightmare.” Neither family said they accept the cartel’s apology for the violent abductions. “It’s just crazy to see your own child taken from you in such a way, in a violent lay like that,” Woodard said. “He didn’t deserve it because he was a sweetheart. He had a big heart.”

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  • Americans’ fun road trip to Mexico became days of horror

    Americans’ fun road trip to Mexico became days of horror

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    LAKE CITY, S.C. — It was supposed to be a fun road trip to Mexico, a post-pandemic adventure for a group of childhood friends.

    One was treating herself to cosmetic surgery after having six children. It was a 34th birthday celebration for another.

    They rented a white van in South Carolina and set out on the nearly 22-hour trip, shooting silly videos and driving straight through to Brownsville, on the tip of Texas.

    “Good morning, America!” Eric Williams said into the camera in the early morning hours after the all-night drive. “Mexico, here we come.”

    But once they got to Mexico, the trip took a terrible turn. Two members of the group would never make it home, victims of the ruthless Gulf cartel, a drug gang tied to brutal killings and kidnappings in the violent border city of Matamoros, a city of a half-million people that has long been a stronghold of the powerful cartel.

    There could hardly be a worse border town to pick for a fun adventure.

    It all started when Latavia McGee booked the cosmetic surgery with a doctor she’d been to before, in 2021. Dr. Roberto Chavez Medina’s advertisements on Facebook and TikTok have a strong following among American women.

    It’s a common story — people often leave the U.S. for all sorts of medical treatment; costs in Mexico can be less than half what someone would pay in the United States.

    McGee’s appointment was within days of her cousin Shaeed Woodard’s 34th birthday. Friends Zindell Brown and Cheryl Orange rounded out the group of five, most of whom had grown up together in Lake City, South Carolina, a town of fewer than 6,000 people.

    Once they got to the border, they rented rooms at a Motel 6 off the highway in Brownsville, a lush town with a high poverty rate on the Rio Grande where parrots squawk from palm trees.

    The friends set out early Friday to cross an international bridge that spans the two countries, thinking they were headed to see the doctor right on the other side. Orange stayed at the motel in Brownsville because she forgot to bring her ID to cross the border.

    “They went to drop her off and was supposed to be back within 15 minutes,” Orange said.

    But the clinic had moved to a new location several blocks away.

    It’s not clear what happened next: perhaps the group got lost. The Mexican state of Tamaulipas is the subject of a U.S. State Department warning to avoid travel because of violent crime and kidnappings, but the friends may not have known — Williams’ mother said she didn’t think her son had ever been out of the U.S.

    Hours passed, and on the U.S. side of the border, Orange contacted the Brownsville police, concerned something bad had happened.

    Her worst fears would come to pass.

    Just a few miles across the border, around midday, a vehicle crashed into the group’s van. Several men with tactical vests and assault rifles arrived in another vehicle and surrounded them, according to Mexican police reports. Shots rang out.

    Brown and Woodard were hit by bullets and appeared to have died immediately. Williams was shot in the leg.

    Video on social media showed men forcing McGee into the bed of a pickup truck, then going back to drag a wounded Williams and the bodies of their two friends across the road and into the truck as onlookers in traffic sat in their cars eerily silent. One witness said no one wanted to draw the gunmen’s attention.

    The truck barreled off. A Mexican woman who had been hit by a stray bullet, 33-year-old Areli Pablo Servando, was left to die on the street.

    When Mexican authorities arrived on the scene, they found Social Security cards and credit cards belonging to the group of friends inside the van, marked by a bullet hole in the driver’s side window. The U.S. consulate, only blocks away, issued an alert, warning its employees to avoid the area until further notice because of a deadly shooting downtown.

    The doctor at the clinic later told investigators he thought it was strange his patient hadn’t shown up for the procedure, which can run up to $3,000, but his office had only communicated with her electronically. The clinic was about a four-minute drive from where their van had crashed.

    The crash would be the start of some of the most terrifying days of the surviving friends’ lives.

    The cartel members drove them from place to place around the city in a harrowing ride, stopping shortly after the shooting at a medical clinic.

    A doctor told investigators that two men with assault rifles burst in through a back door and threatened to kill staff if they didn’t treat a wounded person with them. The gunmen and their hostages stayed three hours at the clinic and then left, according to Mexican investigative documents viewed by The Associated Press.

    Orange was worried, stuck on the other side of the border at the Motel 6 with no clue what had happened. On Saturday morning, she spoke to a Brownsville officer at the motel. Within an hour, a detective was assigned to the case and shortly after that Brownsville police handed it off to the FBI.

    On Sunday, the FBI reported their disappearances and offered a $50,000 reward for their return and the arrest of the kidnappers, and U.S. Ambassador Ken Salazar said U.S. officials contacted President Andrés Manuel López Obrador directly to ask for help in locating the missing Americans.

    Back home, their family and friends in the United States watched the video of their capture in horror and prayed. The wait, the silence, became unbearable.

    “I just want them to come home,” Zalandria Brown, Zindell Brown’s older sister, said Monday night. “Dead or alive, just bring them home.”

    Jerry Wallace, Williams’ cousin, couldn’t eat or sleep.

    “It’s really something just trying to just wait and hear what’s going on and not hearing nothing,” Wallace said..

    The next day, the agony of not knowing ended, but with the news came more heartache.

    An anonymous tipster reported sighting armed men and people in blindfolds at a shabby, orange shack with blue trim and a corrugated metal roof in a tiny rural community known as Ejido Tecolote, on the outskirts of Matamoros. A white pickup parked outside matched the one the Americans had been loaded into March 3, according to the Mexican investigative documents.

    The shack was near Playa Bagdad — or “Bagdad Beach,” a remote strip of sand where the Rio Grande meets the Gulf of Mexico that has been known as a drop-off point for U.S.-bound smuggled goods since the U.S. Civil War.

    Mexican authorities, following the lead, drove the dirt roads searching. Then they heard shouts and the word: “Help!” That led them to the shack, where they found McGee and Williams blindfolded inside. They were being held next to the of bodies their friends, who had been wrapped in blankets and plastic bags, according to the Mexican investigative documents.

    A 24-year-old man in a tactical vest who was guarding them darted out the back door, only to be quickly apprehended.

    The two Americans were rushed to a Brownsville hospital.

    Robert Williams, Eric’s brother, said he couldn’t wait to tell him “how glad I am that he made it through and that I love him.” His 11-year-old son was overjoyed.

    On Thursday, as two of the friends’ bodies were returned to the U.S. in hearses, calls grew for action to be taken to crush the Gulf cartel. The cartel’s Scorpions faction apologized in a letter and announced it had handed over five members who were responsible for the abductions of innocent Americans. The letter was obtained by the AP through a Tamaulipas state law enforcement official.

    Woodard’s father said he was speechless.

    “I’ve just been trying to make sense out of it for a whole week. Just restless, couldn’t sleep, couldn’t eat. It’s just crazy to see your own child taken from you in such a way, in a violent way like that,” James Woodard told reporters. “He didn’t deserve it.”

    Orange was speechless too. She said Friday in a voice text to an AP reporter that she and her friends who survived the attack are not ready to talk about their ill-fated trip.

    “We just want to begin to recover,” she said.

    ___

    Watson reported from San Diego and Peña reported from Ciudad Victoria. Pollard is a corps member for the Associated Press/Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Report for America is a nonprofit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on undercovered issues.

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  • Teachers trained to administer Narcan amid opioid crisis

    Teachers trained to administer Narcan amid opioid crisis

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    Teachers trained to administer Narcan amid opioid crisis – CBS News


    Watch CBS News



    As the U.S. continues to contend with a surge in accidental opioid deaths among teens — some teachers are now being educated on the use of Narcan, a drug that reverses opioid overdoses. Christina Ruffini has more.

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  • Mexico’s ex-public security chief convicted in US drug case

    Mexico’s ex-public security chief convicted in US drug case

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    NEW YORK — A former Mexican presidential cabinet member was convicted in the U.S. on Tuesday of taking massive bribes to protect the violent drug cartels he was tasked with combating.

    Under tight security, an anonymous New York federal court jury deliberated for three days before reaching a verdict in the drug trafficking case against ex-Public Security Secretary Genaro García Luna.

    He is the highest-ranking current or former Mexican official ever to be tried in the United States.

    “García Luna, who once stood at the pinnacle of law enforcement in Mexico, will now live the rest of his days having been revealed as a traitor to his country and to the honest members of law enforcement who risked their lives to dismantle drug cartels,” Brooklyn-based U.S. Attorney Breon Peace said in a statement.

    García Luna, who denied the allegations, headed Mexico’s federal police and was later the country’s top public safety official from 2006 to 2012. His lawyers said the charges were based on lies from criminals who wanted to punish his drug-fighting efforts and to get sentencing breaks for themselves by helping prosecutors.

    He showed no apparent reaction on hearing the verdict. His lawyer, César de Castro, said that the defense planned to appeal and that the case lacked “credible and reliable evidence.”

    “The government was forced to settle for a case built on the backs of some of the most notorious and ruthless criminals to have testified in this courthouse,” de Castro said outside court.

    García Luna, 54, was convicted on charges that include engaging in a continuing criminal enterprise. He faces at least 20 years and as much as life in prison at his sentencing, set for June 27.

    The case had political ramifications on both sides of the border.

    Current Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has railed throughout the trial against ex-President Felipe Calderón’s administration for, at a minimum, putting García Luna in charge of Mexico’s security. López Obrador spokesperson Jesús Ramírez tweeted after the verdict that “justice has come” to a Calderón ally and that “the crimes committed against our people will never be forgotten.”

    García Luna’s work also introduced him to high-level American politicians and other officials, who considered him a key cartel-fighting partner as Washington embarked on a $1.6 billion push to beef up Mexican law enforcement and stem the flow of drugs.

    The Americans weren’t accused of wrongdoing, and although suspicions long swirled around García Luna, the trial didn’t delve into the extent of U.S. officials’ knowledge about them before his 2019 arrest. López Obrador has, however, pointedly suggested that Washington investigate its own law enforcement and intelligence officials who worked with García Luna during Calderón’s administration.

    A roster of ex-smugglers and former Mexican officials testified that García Luna took millions of dollars in cartel cash, met with major traffickers in settings ranging from a country house to a car wash and kept law enforcement at bay.

    He was “the best investment they had,” said Sergio “El Grande” Villarreal Barragan, a former federal police officer who worked for cartels on the side and later as his main job.

    He and other witnesses said that on García Luna’s watch, police tipped off traffickers about upcoming raids, ensured that cocaine could pass freely through the country, colluded with cartels to raid rivals, and did other favors. One ex-smuggler said García Luna shared a document that reflected U.S. law enforcement’s information about a huge cocaine shipment that was seized in Mexico around 2007.

    One ex-smuggler, Óscar “El Lobo” Nava Valencia, said he personally heard García Luna and a then-top police official say they would “stand with us” during a meeting with notorious Sinaloa cocaine cartel kingpin Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzman’s associates amid a cartel civil war. That sit-down alone cost the drug gang $3 million, Nava Valencia said.

    García Luna didn’t testify at the trial, although his wife took the stand in an apparent effort to portray their assets in Mexico as legitimately acquired and upper-middle-class, but not lavish. The couple moved to Miami in 2012, when the Mexican administration changed and he became a consultant on security issues.

    The trial was peppered with glimpses of such narco-extravagances as a private zoo with a lion, a hippo, white tigers and more. Jurors heard about tons of cocaine moving through Latin America in shipping containers, go-fast boats, private jets, planes, trains and even submarines.

    And there were horrific reminders of the extraordinary violence those drugs fueled.

    Witnesses described cartel killings and kidnappings, allegedly including an abduction of García Luna himself. There was testimony about police officers being slaughtered and drug-world rivals being dismembered, skinned and dangled from bridges as cartel factions fought each other while buying police protection.

    Testimony also aired a secondhand claim that Calderón, the former president, sought to shield Guzmán against a major rival; Calderón called the allegation “absurd” and “an absolute lie.”

    García Luna was arrested after allegations of his alleged graft emerged at Guzman’s high-profile trial about four years ago in the same New York courthouse.

    The former lawman also faces various Mexican arrest warrants and charges relating to government technology contracts, prison contracting and the bungled U.S. “Fast and Furious” investigation into suspicions that guns were illegally making their way from the U.S. to Mexican drug cartels. The Mexican government has also filed a civil suit against García Luna and his alleged associates and businesses in Florida, seeking to recover $700 million that Mexico claims he garnered through corruption.

    Anticorruption activists gathered outside the courthouse to celebrate Tuesday’s verdict.

    “My country is a grave. It’s now a cemetery … thanks to the corruption,” said Carmen Paes, who blamed drug lords in her native Mexico for the disappearance of a nephew decades ago.

    ___

    Associated Press writer María Verza contributed from Mexico City.

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  • Genaro García Luna, former Mexican public security secretary, convicted in US of taking bribes from drug cartels | CNN

    Genaro García Luna, former Mexican public security secretary, convicted in US of taking bribes from drug cartels | CNN

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    CNN
     — 

    Genaro García Luna, Mexico’s former public security secretary and architect of its deadly and protracted war on drugs, was found guilty in federal court in New York on Tuesday of taking bribes from the drug cartels he had sworn to combat, the US Attorney’s Office said.

    The former Secretary of Public Security in Mexico, who served from 2006 to 2012, was convicted by a federal jury in Brooklyn on five counts of engaging in a continuing criminal enterprise, including international cocaine distribution conspiracy, conspiracy to distribute and possess with intent to distribute cocaine, conspiracy to import cocaine and making false statements, according to the US Attorney’s Office for the Eastern District of New York.

    He is the highest-ranking current or former Mexican official ever tried in the United States.

    His trial before US District Judge Brian M. Cogan, who also oversaw the trial of former Sinaloa Cartel boss Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman, lasted four weeks. The Court of the Eastern District of New York jury announced the verdict after 15 days of hearings and having heard the testimony of 27 witnesses.

    García Luna, 54, pleaded not guilty to all charges and can appeal the ruling.

    He will be sentenced June 27. He faces a mandatory minimum sentence of 20 years’ in prison and a maximum of life behind bars.

    “Garcia Luna, who once stood at the pinnacle of law enforcement in Mexico, will now live the rest of his days having been revealed as a traitor to his country and to the honest members of law enforcement who risked their lives to dismantle drug cartels,” Breon Peace, US Attorney for the Eastern District of New York said in a statement.

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  • 31 bodies found in clandestine graves in Mexico region plagued by drug cartel violence

    31 bodies found in clandestine graves in Mexico region plagued by drug cartel violence

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    Tlajomulco de Zúñiga, Mexico — Thirty-one bodies have been exhumed by authorities from two clandestine graves in western Mexico, officials said Thursday. The first grave was found on February 1 in the town of San Isidro Mazatepec in Jalisco state, a region hit by violence linked to organized crime. A second grave was found after several days of investigation and the extraction of bags containing bodies.

    “We have already counted 31 victims,” Jalisco state prosecutor Luis Joaquin Mendez told reporters.

    Jalisco, which is controlled by the powerful Jalisco New Generation Cartel, is among the Mexican states most heavily impacted by organized crime violence. Last year, 301 bodies were discovered in the state in 41 clandestine graves, and 544 bodies were found in 2020, the highest number to date.

    MEXICO-CRIME-VIOLENCE-MASS GRAVE
    Personnel of Jalisco’s Forensic Institute work at the site where a clandestine mass grave was discovered in Tlajomulco de Zuniga, Jalisco State, Mexico, in a January 13, 2020 file photo. Two more clandestine mass graves were discovered in the same area in February 2023, containing the remains of at least 31 people.

    ULISES RUIZ/AFP/Getty


    Mexico’s homicide rate has tripled since 2006 — when an intensification of the government’s war on drug cartels triggered a spiral of violence — from 9.6 murders per 100,000 inhabitants to 28 in 2021.

    Joaquin Mendez, the Jalisco prosecutor, said authorities had sufficient evidence to identify about half of the bodies found this week so they can be returned to their families.

    Civilians are often caught up in the killing. As of late last year, more than 100,000 people were officially missing across the country. Mexican police and other authorities have struggled for years to devote the time and other resources required to hunt for the clandestine grave sites where gangs frequently bury their victims.

    That lack of help from officials has left dozens of mothers and other family members to take up search efforts for their missing loved ones themselves, often forming volunteer search teams known as “colectivos.”


    Hunting for hidden graves in Mexico

    02:45

    In 2018, CBS News’ Haley Ott spent a day with the members of one colectivo in the Mexican state of Nayarit, just north of Jalisco. Every member of the group had lost a loved one, and they met twice every week to hunt for burial sites, relying largely on tips from community members.

    One of the group members, María, told CBS had been looking for her son for months, since he was grabbed off a street and thrown into a van as she ran to try to reach him.

    “They had taken him. He was in a truck a street away,” she said. “Like I have my son, others have their children, their siblings, their spouses, their parents. There’s every kind of person. That’s why we’re here; to search.”

    Over the last few years, even the mothers searching for their missing children have been targeted by the cartels. At least five were murdered in 2021 and 2022.

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  • Route to Super Bowl dangerous for Mexico’s avocado haulers

    Route to Super Bowl dangerous for Mexico’s avocado haulers

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    SANTA ANA ZIROSTO, Mexico (AP) — It is a long and sometimes dangerous journey for truckers transporting the avocados destined for guacamole on tables and tailgates in the United States during the Super Bowl.

    It starts in villages like Santa Ana Zirosto, high in the misty, pine-clad mountains of the western Mexico state of Michoacan. The roads are so dangerous — beset by drug cartels, common criminals, and extortion and kidnap gangs — that state police provide escorts for the trucks brave enough to face the 40-mile (60-kilometer) trip to packing and shipping plants in the city of Uruapan.

    Truck driver Jesús Quintero starts early in the morning, gathering crates of avocados picked the day before in orchards around Santa Ana, before he takes them to a weighing station. Then he joins up with other trucks waiting for a convoy of blue-and-white state police trucks — they recently changed their name to Civil Guard — to start out for Uruapan.

    “It is more peaceful now with the patrol trucks accompanying us, because this is a very dangerous area,” Quintero said while waiting for the convoy to pull out.

    With hundreds of 22-pound (10-kilogram) crates of the dark green fruit aboard his 10-ton truck, Quintero’s load represents a small fortune in these parts. Avocados sell for as much as $2.50 apiece in the United States, so a single crate holding 40 is worth $100, while an average truck load is worth as much as $80,000 to $100,000.

    Mexico supplies about 92% of U.S. avocado imports, sending north over $3 billion worth of the fruit every year.

    But it’s often not just the load that is stolen.

    “They would take away our trucks and the fruit, sometimes they’d take the truck as well,” Quintero said. “They would steal two or three trucks per day in this area.”

    It happened to him years ago. “We were coming down a dirt road and two young guys came out and they took our truck and tied us up.”

    Such thefts “have gone down a lot” since the police escorts started, Quintero said. “They have stolen one or two, one every week, but it’s not daily like it used to be.”

    State police officer Jorge González said the convoys escort about 40 trucks a day, ensuring that around 300 tons of avocados reach the packing plants each day.

    “These operations have managed to cut the (robbery) rate by about 90 to 95 percent,” González said. “We accompany them to the packing house, so they can enter with their trucks with no problem.”

    Grower José Evaristo Valencia is happy he doesn’t have to worry if his carefully tended avocados will make it to the packing house. Packers depend on arrangements they have made with local orchards to fill promised shipments, and lost avocados can mean lost customers.

    “The main people affected are the producers,” Valencia said. “People were losing three or four trucks every day. There were a lot of robberies between the orchard and the packing house.”

    The police escorts “have helped us a lot,” he said.

    Once the avocados reach Uruapan or the neighboring city of Tancitaro — the self-proclaimed avocado capital of the world that greets visitors with a giant cement avocado — the path to the north is somewhat safer.

    The shipment north of avocados for Super Bowl season jhas become an annual event, this year celebrated in Uruapan. It is a welcome diversion from the drumbeat of crimes in the city, which is being fought over by the Viagras and Jalisco cartels.

    On Jan. 17, Michoacan Gov. Alfredo Ramírez Bedolla “kicked off” the first Super Bowl avocado shipments, literally, kicking a football through tiny goalposts on an imitation football field.

    Behind him, a big tractor trailer bore a huge sign reading “Let’s Go! Super Bowl 2023.”

    It was an attempt by Michoacan growers to put behind them last year’s debacle, when the U.S. government suspended inspections of the fruit in February, right before the 2022 Super Bowl.

    The inspections were halted for about 10 days after a U.S. inspector was threatened in Michoacan, where growers are routinely subject to extortion by drug cartels. Some Michoacan packers were reportedly buying avocados from other, non-certified states and trying to pass them off as being from Michoacan and were angry the U.S. inspector wouldn’t go along with that.

    U.S. agricultural inspectors have to certify that Mexican avocados don’t carry diseases or pests that would harm U.S. orchards. The Mexican harvest is January through March, while avocado production in the U.S. runs from April to September.

    Exports resumed after Mexico and the United States agreed to enact “measures that ensure the safety” of the inspectors.

    “This season we are going to recover the confidence of the producers, growers and consumers. By increasing the export production, we hope to send 130,000 tons this season,” the governor said.

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