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Tag: DEI Legislation

  • Students and Faculty Fear Tenure and DEI Bills Could ‘Destroy’ Texas Colleges

    Students and Faculty Fear Tenure and DEI Bills Could ‘Destroy’ Texas Colleges

    As a law student at the University of Texas at Austin, Sam Jefferson worked in the school’s diversity office. Jefferson said he learned firsthand just how essential the offices are to the success of students from underrepresented groups.

    Now it’s on the brink of being eliminated by a Texas bill that would bar public colleges from having diversity offices or officers.

    “You’re talking about legislation that’s going to take away one of the only places that students can feel seen, heard, and acknowledged and helped,” said Jefferson, who just graduated.

    Monday marks the end of a Texas legislative session in which higher ed played a starring role. Lawmakers made substantial investments in public higher ed, boosting funding for community colleges and creating an endowment to support emerging research universities. Yet many lawmakers also disparaged colleges’ diversity programs and tenure policies, leading to marathon hearings in which students, faculty, and alumni protested vehemently.

    Over the weekend, Texas lawmakers passed final versions of Senate Bill 17, which would prohibit diversity offices starting in 2024, and SB 18, which would make changes in tenure. Both are sponsored by Sen. Charles Creighton, a Republican. The bills now await the signature of Gov. Greg Abbott, a Republican.

    A spokeswoman for the University of Texas Board of Regents didn’t respond to a request for comment. Texas colleges, like other institutions across the country, have generally declined to comment on pending legislation.

    Proponents of banning DEI efforts say requiring students, faculty, and staff to sign diversity statements or participate in DEI programming produces a “chilling effect” on campus. “Many of these programs have been weaponized to compel speech instead of protecting free speech,” Creighton said in April. He didn’t respond to a request for comment.

    Tenure elimination has been a key point of emphasis for Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, a Republican, who said the institution allows professors to “live inside a bubble” in a statement last month. “Over the past year, it has become abundantly clear that some tenured faculty at Texas universities feel immune to oversight from the legislature and their respective board of regents,” Patrick said.

    The bills have undergone changes since being introduced in March. Senate Bill 18 originally proposed banning tenure entirely, and the Texas Senate endorsed that idea, but the drastic shift didn’t have traction in the House. Revisions in Senate Bill 17 carved out more exceptions that allow public colleges to describe efforts to serve diverse students if required by federal agencies or institutional accreditors.

    Still, many students and faculty in Texas say that the legislation remains harmful — and that even the deliberations about banning tenure and DEI this spring were damaging to their campuses.

    If Senate Bill 17 becomes law, diversity administrators will be out of a job in six months. Last week, one diversity officer announced her departure. Carol Sumner, vice president for diversity, equity, and inclusion at Texas Tech University, will take a similar job at Northern Illinois University.

    “It’s not just that these things will have an impact on student life,” Jefferson, the law graduate, said. “It’s that they already have.”

    ‘Our Larger Campus Family’

    Banning DEI offices would affect not only students of color, but also veterans, LGBTQ+ students, and disabled students, four Texas students told The Chronicle.

    “DEI isn’t just about enrollment,” said Jordan Nellums, a graduate student at UT-Austin’s Lyndon B. Johnson School of Public Affairs. “It’s about OK, how can we make sure that this student group feels comfortable enough on this campus — that way they can become part of our larger campus family.”

    Kat Williams, another UT-Austin grad student, said she waited for over 14 hours to speak against the diversity-office ban in April. “I didn’t really have 14 hours to waste that day, but it happened anyway,” Williams said.

    Williams said she doesn’t believe diversity programs and policies make students feel uncomfortable speaking their minds in the classroom, as critics allege.

    “At least in my experience as an instructor, that’s not the case whatsoever,” Williams said. “If somebody has an unpopular opinion, they still get voiced quite frequently.”

    Alexander De Jesus-Colon, a senior at the University of Texas at Dallas, said he went to the campus’s Galerstein Gender Center as early as last year to discuss the situation on campus. He was told that the center was already preparing to shut down if the Texas Legislature voted to ban such offices.

    Since then, he has become involved in organizing against the legislation with the group Texas Students for DEI. He said legislators have refused to hear student voices.

    “Nobody wants to listen to us,” De Jesus-Colon said. “These legislators, they’re busy passing bills that they’re not even fully aware of the consequences of what they’re doing.”

    At least 34 bills have been introduced in 20 states that would curb colleges’ DEI efforts, according to The Chronicle’s DEI Legislation Tracker.

    For Jefferson, the legislation in Texas is reminiscent of strategies wielded by Florida legislators. This month, Florida became the first state in the country to bar public colleges from spending money on diversity efforts.

    “The whole Texas-Florida competition to see who can battle ‘wokeness’ is hilarious,” Jefferson said. “It’s not about the schools — it’s about these political forums.”

    Step Toward Eliminating Tenure

    While some on campuses say the tenure bill could have dealt a worse blow to higher ed, others remain worried.

    The final version, which would take effect in September if it becomes law, defines tenure in state law as “the entitlement of a faculty member of an institution of higher education to continue in the faculty member’s academic position unless dismissed by the institution for good.”

    The legislation also articulates reasons that tenured professors could be fired, such as “professional incompetence” and “violating university policies,” which some faculty members see as vague. What’s more, they see requiring performance evaluations every six years as a stepping stone to eliminating tenure entirely.

    The uncertainty around faculty-job protections is making life difficult for people like Daniel M. Brinks.

    The chair of the government department at UT-Austin, Brinks has had eight different job candidates turn down offers and cite the state’s political environment as a factor, he said.

    Brinks also said that junior faculty members are particularly worried about the future of tenure, while other professors have canceled upcoming courses because of the likelihood that they could come under scrutiny.

    “That bill alone could essentially destroy the notion of a national-level research university,” Brinks said of the tenure bill.

    Even though the legislation doesn’t ban tenure outright, Brinks said, many faculty members still fear that another bill is “right around the corner.”

    “It signals both a general willingness to interfere with the internal governance of public universities and maybe even, more importantly, hostility to the things that we do and the way that we do them,” Brinks said.

    Students are noticing those impacts, too. De Jesus-Colon said several professors have shared with him that they are preparing to face consequences for teaching topics that some Republican lawmakers don’t like.

    Williams, who teaches a course on rhetoric that covers concepts including Indigenous liberation, the Black prophetic tradition, queer pride, and fatphobia, worries that her class material could become a target.

    The bill banning diversity efforts states that it doesn’t apply to course instruction or research. But in recent months, public-college leaders have often played it safe in political climates that appear hostile toward courses about race and gender — directing professors to, for instance, “proceed cautiously” if teaching about reproductive health.

    Until she receives an order or instruction from a supervisor, chair, or dean, Williams said, she doesn’t plan to stop teaching the course because her students enjoy learning the material. The few that don’t, Williams noted, “still say what’s on their mind.”

    Should she be directed to stop or change her mode of instruction, Williams said, she isn’t sure how she would respond.

    “What would I even teach at that point?” Williams said. “If they can’t learn that at a public institution, where are they supposed to go?”

    Eva Surovell

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  • Tenure and DEI Changes Loom Large in Texas. Here Are 3 Takeaways From a Marathon Hearing.

    Tenure and DEI Changes Loom Large in Texas. Here Are 3 Takeaways From a Marathon Hearing.

    When Texas lawmakers scheduled a hearing this week about two bills that could alter tenure and eliminate diversity, equity, and inclusion offices, the higher-ed community had a lot to say.

    Hundreds of witnesses — mostly faculty members, as well as some administrators and students — showed up to testify on SB 17 and SB 18 before the Higher Education Committee in the Texas House of Representatives. The event lasted over 10 hours and didn’t adjourn until 3:30 a.m. on Tuesday.

    Both bills are a part of a landslide of legislation introduced this year to reform higher education in Texas, including efforts to prohibit diversity training and ban the instruction of certain topics related to race and gender, among other priorities.

    Tenure elimination in particular has been a key legislative priority for Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick, a Republican, who has previously said that some professors “hide behind” tenure in an effort to “continue blatantly advancing their agenda of societal division.” The Texas Senate voted last month to get rid of tenure for new faculty hires.

    A different version of SB 18 emerged at the hearing on Monday, and the tenure ban was gone. State Rep. John Kuempel, a Republican and chair of the Higher Education Committee in the House, said the substitute reflects that faculty tenure is a necessity for the state’s colleges to remain competitive.

    Instead, the new legislation would require in-depth performance reviews for all tenured faculty members at least once every six years. The proposal echoes an effort in Florida to revamp post-tenure review, which has drawn criticism.

    Meanwhile, to the proposed ban on diversity offices, in SB 17, lawmakers have added some exceptions — allowing colleges’ governing boards to approve diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts that are required for federal grants or accreditation.

    No witnesses spoke in favor of the tenure bill. Two voiced support for the diversity-office ban.

    Here’s what else people had to say at the hearing.

    As The Chronicle reported last week, even the prospect of eliminating or weakening tenure has already affected faculty recruitment and retention.

    Julie McCormick Weng, an assistant professor of English at Texas State University, said colleagues are going on the job market because they fear pursuing a long-term career in a state that does not support tenure. The revised bill, Weng added, still sends a message that the Texas Legislature believes there is an issue at the state’s colleges that requires state intervention.

    “The mere optics of this bill are already having a detrimental effect on our universities and their reputations,” Weng said. “If any version of this bill is passed, I worry that it would result in a profound faculty exodus.”

    “We all want greater political diversity in higher education. Please do not eliminate” the protection of tenure.

    Other faculty members said they had seen competitive candidates drop out of the hiring processes at Texas universities because of SB 18.

    “People turn down jobs for lots of reasons, but from what these candidates told me, the uncertainty around tenure was a big factor in our failure to hire this year,” said Daniel Brinks, chair of the government department at the University of Texas at Austin.

    Brinks said he’d made job offers to six candidates for two faculty openings this year, and all six declined. Another professor in the department informed Brinks last week that he’d be leaving.

    While lawmakers have moved away from banning tenure for now, the list of reasons to fire tenured faculty are vague and confusing in the new House version of the bill.

    That bill proposes that tenured faculty may be dismissed for exhibiting “professional incompetence,” engaging in “unprofessional conduct that adversely affects the institution,” and violating university policies, among other things.

    Brian L. Evans, a professor of electrical and computer engineering at the University of Texas at Austin, and president of the campus chapter of the Association of American University Professors, said he welcomed the changes in the bill but stressed that the language around dismissal of tenured professors needs to be clarified.

    “‘Violating university policies’ could be a reason for dismissal, so we’re concerned that could be used in all kinds of ways — many unforeseen,” Evans said.

    Stephen McKeown, an assistant professor of mathematics at the University of Texas at Dallas, said he worried the vague language in the revised SB 18 could be used to fire conservative faculty members who speak up about their beliefs. Tenure, McKeown said, is “vital” for conservative faculty members, because most of the people who make hiring and firing decisions on college campuses lean to the left politically.

    “We all want greater political diversity in higher education,” McKeown said. “Please do not eliminate this protection.”

    The state’s colleges will continue promoting diversity, equity, and inclusion even without designated offices.

    College administrators who were invited to testify by the committee said that SB 17 may require universities to take a different approach, but the administrators stressed that they are committed to diversifying their campuses and supporting students.

    Michael R. Williams chancellor of the University of North Texas system, said that while the majority of the system’s campuses do not have their own DEI offices, that has not stopped them from pursuing diversity, equity, and inclusion.

    “This is the path that we’re on regardless,” Williams said.

    LaToya Smith, vice president for diversity and community engagement at the University of Texas at Austin, said it is hard to say what the impact of the bill would be if passed.

    “There could be a chilling effect,” Smith said. “There could be potential issues with recruiting students.”

    Eva Surovell

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  • College DEI Bans Are Showing Up in Republicans’ State Budgets. Not Everyone Is on Board.

    College DEI Bans Are Showing Up in Republicans’ State Budgets. Not Everyone Is on Board.

    Each spring, Missouri’s legislature goes through the familiar ritual of passing a new state budget. This year, Republican lawmakers have mostly wrangled over just one thing related to higher ed: a ban on diversity, equity, and inclusion spending by public colleges and other state institutions.

    The Missouri House wants to bar funding for DEI. The Missouri Senate does not. Both houses are controlled by Republicans.

    The House approved a budget amendment in March that would prohibit funding for “staffing, vendors, consultants, or programs” associated with diversity, equity, and inclusion. But similar language was unsuccessful in the Senate, after hours of debate that lasted until 3 a.m.

    The Senate proposal would have prohibited funding “for intradepartmental ‘diversity, equity, inclusion,’” as well as for “‘diversity, inclusion, belonging’” training, programs, staffing, and hiring. But key Senate Republicans said a DEI ban could have unintended consequences.

    The two chambers are scheduled to meet this week to hash out a compromise. Missouri’s legislative session ends on Friday.

    Legislatures in 20 states have proposed bills this year that seek to curtail diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts on college campuses, according to The Chronicle’s DEI Legislation Tracker.

    Simultaneously, some lawmakers have tried a different tactic: leveraging the budgeting process to enact DEI bans.

    It’s not a new approach. Lawmakers often lobby to have their priorities wrapped into sweeping budget bills.

    The budget is the one must-pass item each session, and legislators may find it easier to tack on policy riders than to try to pass separate bills, said Robert Kelchen, a professor of higher education at the University of Tennessee at Knoxville.

    More lawmakers have used this strategy in recent years, however, said Michael Harris, a higher-education professor at Southern Methodist University.

    “If you’re in a red state, your legislature is either doing this or they’re seriously thinking about doing this — that’s just the reality today,” Harris said.

    A ‘Job Killer’

    In several states, Republican-backed budget provisions that would curtail college DEI spending are facing opposition — including from other Republicans.

    Nearly 200 organizations voiced opposition to the Missouri House’s amendment in an open letter, citing “wide-ranging consequences” from economic concerns to health and economic disparities. “The budget language would jeopardize licensing and accreditation of programs critical to both the well-being of Missourians and our state’s economic competitiveness,” the letter states. The Missouri Chamber of Commerce called the proposal a “job killer.”

    State Sen. Lincoln Hough, a Republican who chairs the Missouri Senate’s Committee on Appropriations, has expressed concern that the DEI provision could “jeopardize” federal funding, as well as state agreements with some contractors and vendors. The ban’s vagueness creates uncertainty, Hough said last week.

    In Kansas, Republican lawmakers added a provision in the state’s budget bill that would have restricted public colleges from asking job applicants about diversity, equity, and inclusion. But the language didn’t make the final cut.

    Gov. Laura Kelly, a Democrat, used a line-item veto to strike the DEI language on April 21. The Kansas House tried and failed last week to override her decision on that measure.

    South Carolina Republicans also considered, and ultimately voted down, a series of budget amendments that would have banned DEI spending at public colleges.

    While some conservative legislators argued that colleges shouldn’t be using taxpayer dollars to support diversity measures, others expressed concern that a blanket cut in funding would harm students by leading colleges to raise tuition. One lawmaker suggested that the state budget was not the right vehicle for targeting campus diversity programs.

    The Texas House and Senate have both approved anti-DEI language in their respective state-budget proposals, though the provisions differ slightly.

    The House plan would bar public colleges from using state funds for “unconstitutional” DEI programs. The Senate’s would prohibit spending money on diversity, equity, and inclusion programs or trainings.

    The Texas chambers will have to reconcile their proposals before May 29, when the legislative session ends. In addition, at least seven bills have been introduced in the state that would affect diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts on college campuses, according to The Chronicle’s tracker.

    At the same time, Texas lawmakers plan to increase funding for other higher-ed priorities. Community colleges are slated to potentially see a $305-million increase, and another bill would support research efforts at institutions of higher education.

    “There’s a real dichotomy between these efforts to restrict DEI and also substantial increases in funding,” Kelchen said.

    Chilling and Demoralizing

    Even if the DEI spending ban doesn’t end up in Missouri’s final state budget, other legislation could target campus diversity efforts in the state.

    One bill would prohibit institutions from “enforcing a ‘discriminatory ideology’” that “promotes the differential treatment of any individual or group of individuals based on immutable characteristics of race, color, religion, sex, gender ethnicity, national origin, or ancestry” through requiring the submission of diversity, equity, and inclusion statements. Another would ban the instruction of “diversity-equity-inclusion ideologies or materials.”

    A representative from the University of Missouri’s Board of Curators declined to comment on pending legislation.

    The sheer volume of legislative proposals that would affect diversity, equity, and inclusion this year is overwhelming for colleges to keep track of and mitigate behind the scenes, Harris said.

    “It feels like you’re fighting this war on every single front — it’s attacking DEI, it’s attacking tenure, it’s attacking autonomy,” Harris said. “It’s so chilling and it’s so demoralizing, and what’s almost worse is that I think that’s the point.”

    As legislative debates continue this month, Harris said, it’s important to remember that many institutions have begun proactively making changes in diversity and inclusion programs in order to be risk averse — even if legislation doesn’t end up going into effect.

    “If that’s the case, then it almost feels like we don’t quite have our eye on the ball,” Harris said. “We‘re watching the crazy legislation, but if institutions are essentially voluntarily complying, well then it doesn’t matter if the bill didn’t pass.”

    Eva Surovell

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  • North Dakota Just Enacted a ‘Specified Concepts’ Bill. Here’s What It Says.

    North Dakota Just Enacted a ‘Specified Concepts’ Bill. Here’s What It Says.

    A bill banning mandatory diversity training at public institutions of higher education in North Dakota was signed into law on Monday.

    Gov. Doug Burgum, a Republican, signed Senate Bill 2247 into law with little fanfare. His office issued no press release about its signing. Only the Senate journal includes a communication from the governor stating that he signed the bill along with others. It will go into effect on August 1.

    The new law will prevent institutions under the control of the State Board of Higher Education from mandating noncredit diversity training. An exception for training on federal and state nondiscrimination laws is included. It also prevents institutions from asking about the “ideological or political viewpoint” of students, prospective employees, or those being considered for a promotion or tenure, very likely ending the use of diversity statements in hiring.

    Additionally, the bill prohibits students and college employees from being discriminated against because of their position on a “specified concept,” which is defined in a list of 16 statements, most of them about race, sex, and power. The specified concepts include: the notion that a person’s race or sex is “inherently privileged, racist, sexist, or oppressive, whether consciously or subconsciously”; that the idea of meritocracy is “inherently racist or sexist”; and that the United States itself is “fundamentally or irredeemably” racist or sexist. Another specified concept that a student or employee can’t be penalized for refusing to believe or oppose: “The rule of law does not exist, but instead is a series of power relationships and struggles among racial or other groups.”

    The bill also states that if a college employee’s main duties include efforts to improve diversity, part of their job must also encompass “efforts to strengthen and increase intellectual diversity among students and faculty” at their institution.

    The language in the signed bill also states that its provisions shouldn’t be interpreted as restricting faculty members’ academic freedom or preventing them from “teaching, researching, or writing publications about the specified concepts or related topics.”

    Of the 33 diversity, equity, and inclusion-related bills The Chronicle is tracking, North Dakota’s is the first to be signed into law.

    The bill was sponsored by three state senators and three state representatives, all Republicans.

    Two of the bill’s sponsors responded to a request for comment on its passage. State Rep. Bernie Satrom said he was unaware the bill had passed and offered no further comment.

    State Sen. Randy Lemm said he was glad the governor signed the bill because it will ensure students and instructors are not penalized for their views, and that they have free speech.

    Gov. Burgum’s office did not respond to a request for comment.

    Earlier in the legislative process, at a March 7 hearing of the House Education Committee, 17 people testified in opposition to the bill, while three spoke in favor, including one of its sponsors, Sen. Bob Paulson.

    Casey Ryan, chair of the state board, wrote in opposition to the bill: “Personally, I believe the goal of our colleges and universities is to teach students ‘how’ to learn — not ‘what’ to learn.”

    Kate Marijolovic

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  • Hundreds of Students, Faculty, and Administrators Speak Out Against Ohio’s Proposal to Reform Public Colleges

    Hundreds of Students, Faculty, and Administrators Speak Out Against Ohio’s Proposal to Reform Public Colleges

    Florida and Texas have drawn much of the national attention over lawmakers’ efforts to reform higher ed this year. But Ohio’s legislature hosted a dramatic, seven-hour committee hearing on Wednesday — in which hundreds of students, faculty, and administrators sought to articulate the consequences of lawmakers’ sweeping proposed changes to public colleges in the state.

    Introduced in the Ohio Senate last month, the 39-page SB 83 would ban mandatory diversity training, prohibit the use of diversity statements in hiring or admissions, and prevent higher-ed employees from striking. It could also have the effect of preventing institutions from funding diversity offices.

    SB 83 would also prevent institutions from accepting donations from individuals or institutions based in China, as well as require colleges to institute new post-tenure-review policies; use specific, state-mandated language in their mission statements; and post all course syllabi on their websites.

    The hearing, held by the state Senate’s Workforce and Higher Education Committee, drew over 100 professors and over 90 students, most of them undergraduates, and most of them testifying in opposition to the bill.

    A dozen college staff members and administrators voiced opposition, including the dean of Ohio State University’s College of Public Health. The Ohio School Psychologists Association argued that the legislation could cause all school-psychologist training programs in the state to lose their accreditation.

    Six people testified in support of the bill.

    Bobby McAlpine, undergraduate student-body president at Ohio State, said he commissioned a survey of almost 1,600 undergraduates, with 82 percent responding that they “do not believe that Ohio State faculty, staff, or administration seek to impose certain political beliefs on them.” Ohio State has about 47,000 undergraduates.

    According to McAlpine, 86 percent of student respondents said Ohio State’s DEI efforts were meaningful in some way. One respondent who answered that such efforts were not meaningful wrote: “Why should we have to learn about them anyway? They don’t even deserve to be here. Senate Bill 83 should be passed.”

    Such a statement shows that the legislation is having an impact on campus, McAlpine said. “We’re already seeing, in this huge survey size of people, that the language of this bill is clearly making students already speak out against people that look like me, against people that have marginalized identities,” he said.

    Potential Impacts

    At Wednesday’s hearing, Republican lawmakers spoke of the bill as a way to level the academic playing field for conservative students who, they said, are often scared to speak up in class or face retaliation for their opinions when they do.

    State Rep. Josh Williams, a Republican and proponent of the bill, said he had that experience while pursuing a law degree at the University of Toledo. During a class, he said, he expressed the opinion that the United States shouldn’t adopt an open-border policy. Later, Williams said, a law professor commented on one of Williams’s Facebook posts, saying that his views reminded him of the Nazi Party. Williams said he was also harassed by fellow students, both online and in class.

    On another occasion while attending law school, Williams said, a student with opposing views deliberately signed up to be his note taker (a disability accommodation enabled Williams to get notes taken for days he missed). But Williams said the student refused to take notes for him on the days he missed class. After he reported the student to the university, the note taker would copy down the law cases discussed in class only as they appeared in the textbook. An investigation was eventually opened into the notetaking, according to Williams.

    “I have personally been warned that I would be blocked for advancement in the space of higher education for expressing opinions widely accepted outside of academia,” Williams said.

    Students and others who opposed the bill expressed concern with its language surrounding “controversial beliefs or policies,” which some said could be construed to prevent factual scientific concepts, like climate change, from being taught.

    SB 83 would require faculty and staff to “allow and encourage students to reach their own conclusions about all controversial matters and shall not seek to inculcate any social, political, or religious point of view.”

    The bill defines “controversial beliefs and policies” as “any belief or policy that is the subject of political controversy, including issues such as climate change, electoral politics, foreign policy, diversity, equity, and inclusion programs, immigration policy, marriage, or abortion.”

    It is unclear what would happen to diversity, equity, and inclusion programs if SB 83 is passed. The bill states: “No state institution shall fund, facilitate, or provide any support to any position, material benefit, policy, program, and activity that advantages or disadvantages faculty, staff, or students by any group identity, except that the institution may advantage citizens of the United States or this state.” (The Chronicle has included SB 83 in our interactive tracker of DEI legislation across the states.)

    A fiscal note on the bill’s financial impact — written by the Ohio Legislative Service Commission, a nonpartisan group that provides financial and policy analysis to the Ohio General Assembly — said that while passage of the bill could result in some cost savings for universities, it could also significantly increase costs.

    “Some of these provisions may marginally increase administrative costs for state institutions, while others will increase administrative costs more substantially. When taken as a whole, however, administrative costs may increase significantly, potentially resulting in the need to hire additional staff to handle the increased workload,” reads the analysis.

    The analysis also said that SB 83 would raise costs for the Ohio Department of Higher Education, which is funded by the state.

    Some students who testified against the bill said they are deliberately choosing to attend graduate school outside the state, and they believe other students will follow suit if SB 83 passes.

    “I applied to five of the best schools in the entire nation for my graduate field, and I got into every single one of them with funding to boot. All not in Ohio, because I am intimately familiar that this bill might actually impact my graduate education, and therefore, I am choosing to go elsewhere,” said Lalitha Pamidigantam.

    At Wednesday’s hearing, Sen. Jerry C. Cirino, a Republican and the bill’s primary sponsor, said SB 83 does not attack or weaken tenure.

    “I’ve had lots of dialogue with our university presidents about this subject, and they have made a strong case that eliminating tenure would be very disadvantageous for the state of Ohio, so this bill does not do that,” Cirino said.

    He was also adamant that the bill would not eliminate DEI programs.

    “DEI is not outlawed in SB 83. The mandatory nature of it would be,” Cirino said. He later added, “I’ve had a lot of questions from people who obviously haven’t read the bill, because” DEI is “not prohibited in SB 83. I’d just like to clear that up.”

    Kate Marijolovic

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  • Who Leads America’s DEI Offices? Here Are Their Stories.

    Who Leads America’s DEI Offices? Here Are Their Stories.

    At the annual conference of the National Association of Diversity Officers in Higher Education in Baltimore last week, faculty members, staff, and administrators gathered to learn from one another, commiserate, and strategize.

    Lawmakers in at least 19 states have introduced bills in the current legislative sessions that would restrict colleges’ efforts to improve diversity, equity, or inclusion, with six states proposing to ban DEI offices or staff altogether. Those advancing the bills argue that the administrations working to promote diversity, equity, and inclusion are discriminatory and a waste of taxpayer dollars, and that they inhibit academic freedom.

    There were numerous signs at the conference that business was not as usual.

    One audience member received a warm round of applause after introducing himself as working at a college in Florida. A session titled “Slow-Burn Tactical Hell: Doing DEI Work During Situational and Prolonged Crisis Mode” promised practical advice. One keynote speaker, Ijeoma Oluo, who writes and speaks about race, urged the audience to celebrate small victories even while under attack. And one session — closed to the media — focused on how to reclaim the narrative around the framing of diversity, equity, and inclusion in education.

    What does it mean to work in a diversity, equity, and inclusion office on a college campus in 2023? The Chronicle spoke with four administrators at the conference, working in red and blue states, at public and private institutions, both two-year and four-year colleges, from early on in their careers in diversity, equity, and inclusion to the more well-established, about what they do and what they’re thinking about at this critical time in their field.

    Emilio Solano

    In some ways, Emilio Solano, assistant provost for institutional equity and community engagement at Willamette University, has come far from his first jobs as an eighth-grade history and English teacher and later, assistant high-school principal. But Solano has also wound up right where he began, returning to his hometown of Salem, Oregon.

    Solano, who is in his first year as assistant provost, views his role as that of a quarterback and coordinator for all things diversity, equity, and inclusion at Willamette, a private, liberal-arts college with 1,236 undergraduate students, of whom 63 percent are white. In the university’s College of Arts and Sciences, 73 percent of tenure-track faculty are white, 24 percent are people of color, and 4 percent unknown; among those hired since 2016, 79 percent are people of color.

    Solano recently created a website for the Office of Institutional Equity, an office of one. “The office is me,” Solano says, laughing, “and I’m very real with that.”

    André Chung for The Chronicle

    Emilio Solano.

    Willamette recently undertook a strategic-planning process; one goal was to formalize the university’s diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts. Solano is proud of getting the University DEI Committee off the ground and says he’s already seeing departments come together to talk about common challenges such as faculty retention or recruitment. “It’s neat to see, like, the law school and the art school talking to each other [to say] let’s meet on the side and let’s brainstorm because we’re going through the same thing right now,” Solano says.

    Solano says that much of his work is “not always super visible” to students, staff, or faculty. The diversity committee, for example, spent four months defining diversity, equity, and inclusion and figuring out what the terms mean in the context of Willamette. But Solano said that work has helped to get everyone at the university on the same page about goals and language, laying a critical foundation for the work ahead.

    Among the priorities at the top of Solano’s list is thinking about how the university can expand its work with local tribal communities. For example, one faculty member who has built a strong relationship with the Grand Ronde, a federally recognized Native American tribe, including curating art from the tribe at the college’s art museum and teaching about Indigenous studies, will be retiring soon, so Solano has been trying to figure out how to keep Willamette’s partnership going and fill the gap in the curriculum.

    Solano is also looking forward to getting the results of the university’s recent campus-climate survey, the institution’s first since 2019, which asked students, faculty, and staff about their perceptions of the campus climate, including experiences of discrimination and harassment. He’s also started thinking about how the university should measure its success in diversity, equity, and inclusion, and whether to focus on goals related to admissions or retention of faculty and staff, or financial aid, for example.

    When Solano was thinking about whether to take the job, he was warned that most people burn out in such roles after two or three years. “They do something different because they either realize there’s too much to do or the institution doesn’t feel supportive of them, and so they leave,” Solano says. “They realize that they were promised something that is impossible to do.”

    For now, though, Solano is holding on to his belief that institutions can change for the better, to help more students reach their full potential.

    Andrea Abrams

    As an anthropology professor, Andrea Abrams has taught courses on cultural diversity, race, and gender at Centre College in Danville, Ky., which has 1,320 undergraduate students, 72 percent of whom are white. Five years ago, during a sit-in protesting the way the college handled incidents of racial discrimination, students demanded, among other things, an office to oversee diversity and inclusion. Administrators asked Abrams to serve as an interim vice president to the new office.

    Abrams saw it as a good opportunity to apply the theory she had been teaching in anthropology and took the job, intending to stay only until the college had found a permanent hire. But she found the job so rewarding — and challenging — that she decided to stay, while continuing to serve as an associate professor of anthropology.

    Today, as vice president for diversity, equity, and inclusion, Abrams oversees an office with four other staff members. Together they train faculty and staff to create a more inclusive environment, for example, by offering workshops on how to make classrooms more inclusive for neurodiverse and differently abled students and how to help international students feel a sense of belonging. They also handle cultural and social-justice programming for the college, and run the programming for students who want to work in diversity, equity, and inclusion or conduct research in the field. The office also coordinates a half day each November dedicated to helping students, faculty, and staff learn about different perspectives, which includes workshops on talking across political differences and dealing with racial trauma, panels on the experiences of LGBTQ students, and classes on hip-hop dance and making kimchi.

    Andrea Abrams, Vice President of Diversity Equity and Inclusion at Centre College in Kentucky.

    André Chung for The Chronicle

    Andrea Abrams.

    “My job is to make sure that Centre is actually a more diverse place,” says Abrams. That includes ensuring diversity in hiring and making sure that policies are fair, for example.

    Abrams has been watching the attacks on diversity, equity, and inclusion at colleges around the country with concern. She recognizes that, as someone at a private college, and with the protection of a Democratic governor (albeit in a mainly red state), she has advantages that some of her counterparts across the country do not. Still, she fears the attacks on diversity, equity, and inclusion will hurt all of their work.

    “The point seems to be to vilify diversity, equity, inclusion, to say that it is inherently unequal because you’re privileging a certain group,” Abrams says. If some states succeed in eliminating DEI offices at public universities, she says, there will be a chilling effect at all kinds of institutions.

    Even at private institutions, Abrams says, improving diversity, equity, and inclusion takes constant effort. “It’s still work. There’s still a struggle to get everyone to believe that it’s important, that diversity actually matters, that efforts toward inclusion are, in fact, equitable and necessary.”

    To Abrams, the current attacks are evidence that those efforts have been working, and that college campuses are more diverse and more equitable today than they used to be. More equity, she says, means more sharing of resources and opportunities. Those who used to be able to keep those resources and opportunities to themselves have fewer privileges now and they’re resentful that the privileges they used to take for granted are no longer there, Abrams says. Those changes — coupled with the country’s demographic changes — have sparked the current backlash against diversity, equity, and inclusion work on college campuses, Abrams believes.

    Abrams says her field was caught off guard by how quickly the attacks have come, how quickly they have escalated, and how coordinated the assault has been. She worries about the damage that can be done if those critics get their way. But she also senses a renewed sense of commitment among her colleagues to their work, and a resolve to push back.

    So much good work has already been done to make college a welcoming place for people of all kinds of backgrounds, Abrams says. She hopes it will be enough to keep the current attacks from taking hold.

    Ricardo Nazario-Colón

    Ricardo Nazario-Colón, chief diversity officer at Western Carolina University, says that there is a misconception that he and his colleagues in diversity, equity, and inclusion offices on college campuses across the country only serve certain kinds of students. “If a student comes to my office or any of my colleagues’ offices, regardless of the background of that student, we will provide services to that student,” Nazario-Colón says. “There is no administrator in higher ed who would say oh, I can’t help you — my job description says that I cannot work with you or my job description doesn’t serve you.”

    There’s a lot out there that’s being challenged with really no understanding of the impact that these decisions are making.

    “That is a false narrative,” says Nazario-Colón.

    Nazario-Colón became the first person to serve as chief diversity officer at Western Carolina, a public university with 10,145 undergraduate students, 77 percent of whom are white, in Cullowhee, N.C., close to seven years ago. In May, he will begin a new position as senior vice chancellor for diversity, equity, and inclusion and chief diversity officer for the State University of New York system.

    Ricardo Nazario-Colón, Western Carolina University.

    André Chung for The Chronicle

    Ricardo Nazario-Colón.

    Reflecting on his time at Western Carolina, Nazario-Colón says that he and the university have grown together. Today, it’s second nature at the institution to consider the implications related to diversity, equity, and inclusion in decision-making, rather than thinking of them as competing interests. “The individuals that come to that institution understand that this is a value of the institution,” he says.

    Nazario-Colón sees himself as a guide, helping people figure out how diversity, equity, and inclusion manifest themselves in their areas of work, rather than telling them what they should do. Recently, for example, the university completed its first strategic inclusive-excellence action plan, part of the university’s broader strategic plan. The action plan includes goals around equity, access, and success; climate and belongingness; curriculum and scholarship; infrastructure and commitments; and community and partnerships, with goals and measurable outcomes for each. “I may have been the bus driver on this, but really it took members from across campus and the support of senior leadership to be able to accomplish that,” he says.

    Nazario-Colón believes the very identity of the United States is at stake in the current debate over diversity, equity, and inclusion. He says that those who oppose the work of DEI offices on college campuses don’t realize the broad spectrum of students they serve, including first-generation college students, students with disabilities, and students who receive Pell Grants. “There’s a lot out there that’s being challenged with really no understanding of the impact that these decisions are making.”

    Unnamed, from a Tennessee community college

    One DEI administrator, who works in compliance at a community college in Tennessee, agreed to speak with a reporter on the condition that her name not be used, because she was worried about the potential impact on her job.

    “There is a definite fear,” she says. She even questioned whether she should attend the Nadohe conference this year because she worried about the potential ramifications of going to a convening with the word “diversity” in the title.

    So much of what we deal with is hard, emotional, time-consuming. You have to have a degree of empathy to reflect the entire student body and faculty and staff. That passion is a requirement to do the job.

    Last week, Tennessee’s General Assembly, which drew attention recently for expelling two of its Black members for participating in a gun-control protest, gave final legislative approval on a bill that would allow students and employees to report alleged violations of a divisive-concepts law adopted the previous year. That law states that students and employees may not be penalized for declining to support certain divisive concepts, such as that one race or sex is inherently superior or inferior to another or that an individual by virtue of their race or sex is inherently privileged, racist, sexist, or oppressive.

    The current bill, which would allow reports of potential violations, would require institutions to investigate each report and create corrective action plans for any violations. The bill would also require employees whose primary or secondary job duties or job title includes diversity, equity, or inclusion to strengthen and increase intellectual diversity and individual liberty among those with divergent points of view and allocate at least 50 percent of their duties to supporting the academic success of students eligible for Pell Grants.

    Tennessee lawmakers have also introduced bills this year that would end mandatory implicit bias training and prohibit public colleges offering health care-related degrees from requiring diversity, equity, and inclusion training or education as a condition of admission or graduation.

    Some of the DEI administrator’s colleagues have been discussing whether to try to scrub the word diversity from job titles and department names to protect their work.

    If she were younger and just starting out in the field, or lacked the support of family and friends, she would probably be looking for opportunities in the private sector. “No one is in higher education for the money,” she says.

    “The work is too hard to not be committed to it,” she says. “So much of what we deal with is hard, emotional, time-consuming. You have to have a degree of empathy to reflect the entire student body and faculty and staff. That passion is a requirement to do the job.”

    Adrienne Lu

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  • ‘Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion’ Is Stripped Out of Florida’s Higher-Ed Reform Bill

    ‘Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion’ Is Stripped Out of Florida’s Higher-Ed Reform Bill

    Florida’s state senators edited out some of the most contentious provisions of a much-discussed higher-education bill advancing through the legislature on Wednesday. Lawmakers scrapped all references to “diversity, equity, and inclusion,” eliminated the ability to subject professors to tenure review at any time or for any cause, and shelved language that would have given hiring authority to governing boards.

    HB 999 and its complement Senate Bill 266 were first filed in February after Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis announced that changes to public higher education would be a policy priority of his this year.

    In modifying the bill, Florida lawmakers signaled that some of DeSantis’s most aggressive proposals on higher education may not be realized this year.

    Senators removed all of the bill’s references to “diversity, equity, and inclusion,” rewriting the bill to ban curricula based on “theories that systemic racism, sexism, oppression, and privilege are inherent in the institutions of the United States and were created to maintain social, political, and economic inequities.” Universities would also be prohibited from using state funding to promote, support, or maintain campus programs or activities that are based on these theories, the bill states.

    The latest version also strips out previous language that would have banned specific majors and minors. The bill had been amended in March to bar universities from offering any major or minor that is “based on or otherwise utilizes pedagogical methodology associated with Critical Theory, including, but not limited to, Critical Race Theory, Critical Race Studies, Critical Ethnic Studies, Radical Feminist Theory, Radical Gender Theory, Queer Theory, Critical Social Justice, or Intersectionality.”

    Most public universities in Florida offer majors or minors in gender studies, and many other disciplines and programs cover topics like race, gender, and intersectionality. Faculty and students expressed concern that these programs were at risk under prior versions of the bill.

    Under prior versions of the senate bill, tenured professors could have been subject to post-tenure review at any time or for any cause. That provision was struck Wednesday by the bill’s sponsor, Sen. Erin Grall, a Republican. Florida established a five-year post-tenure review process last year.

    Despite the revisions, State Sen. Geraldine Thompson , a Democrat, stressed that she believes the bill still represents a step “backwards” for the state.

    Another addition to the senate bill would give university presidents the final authority over hiring decisions for provosts, deans, and full-time faculty members. Presidents would also be responsible for assessing the performance, productivity, and employment practices of the university’s provost and deans and would be encouraged to participate in faculty reporting.

    Previously, the bill would have permitted boards of trustees to make hiring decisions, allowing them to delegate that authority to presidents but forbidding them from delegating to faculty members. The new text lifts that ban.

    Eva Surovell

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