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Tag: david pecker

  • Here are all the bad things witnesses have said about Michael Cohen, Trump’s former fixer who is set to testify Monday

    Here are all the bad things witnesses have said about Michael Cohen, Trump’s former fixer who is set to testify Monday

    (CNN) — Nobody has anything nice to say about Michael Cohen.

    Donald Trump’s former fixer and lawyer is expected to take the stand Monday as the key witness in the Manhattan district attorney’s case against the former president, prepared to give testimony connecting to Trump the $130,000 hush money payment Cohen made to adult film actress Stormy Daniels before the 2016 election.

    Through three weeks of testimony, jurors have already heard plenty about Cohen through numerous witnesses, who have painted an unflattering portrait of an aggressive, impulsive and unlikeable attorney.

    Jeremy Herb, Kara Scannell, Lauren del Valle and CNN

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  • Second gag order hearing, new testimony in Trump’s criminal trial

    Second gag order hearing, new testimony in Trump’s criminal trial

    Second gag order hearing, new testimony in Trump’s criminal trial – CBS News


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    The judge in former President Donald Trump’s “hush money” criminal trial weighed comments made by Trump about the jury hearing the case. CBS News’ Errol Barnett and Katrina Kaufman have more on the second gag order violation hearing held since the trial began.

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  • Trump Trial Reveals the Real Fake News

    Trump Trial Reveals the Real Fake News

    Projection has long been Donald Trump’s superpower. Since the start of his presidential run in 2015, the former president has relentlessly attacked the mainstream media, often calling it the “Lamestream Media” or quite simply “Fake News.” I always assumed this name-calling was part and parcel of Trump’s autocratic playbook, but after watching the first few days of Trump’s trial, it’s grown increasingly clear that this rhetoric is actually less applicable to the media and more applicable to himself.

    Right now, in a Manhattan courtroom, we are hearing the stories of how Trump worked hand in hand with David Pecker, the former publisher of the National Enquirer, to turn the trashy tabloid magazine into a propaganda machine. Trump’s first and (very likely only) preelection criminal trial focuses on how Trump and his friend, Pecker, killed stories about Trump’s alleged affairs by using cash payments to buy the silence of Trump’s alleged paramours—a practice called “catch and kill.” In essence, stories were purchased so they’d never run.

    If there is anything “lame” or “fake” about the news media, it’s practices like these, which no editor or reporter of good standing would ever consider using, or that political figures would expect, as MSNBC host and White House veteran Jen Psaki pointed out this week. “Feels crazy this may need to be said,” noted Psaki, but “campaign and White House comms staff do not work with media to pay off potential sources of bad stories…ever.”

    Yet, catch and kill was just one part of the Enquirer’s skullduggery: Pecker also produced outlandish news stories about Trump’s political opponents, like Ted Cruz (“Ted Cruz’s Father—Caught With JFK Assassin”), Ben Carson (“Bungling Surgeon Ben Carson Left Sponge in Patient’s Brain”), and Marco Rubio (“‘Family Man’ Marco Rubio’s Love Child Stunner!”). Later, after Trump won the primary, the magazine turned its attention to his 2016 general competitor, Hillary Clinton, by putting her on the magazine’s cover and filling it with negative headlines that painted her as everything from “corrupt” to “racist” at least 15 times in the five-month run-up to November, according to the Guardian. Headlines like these saturated the checkout aisles in grocery stores, delis, and big-box retailers, serving as mini billboards that gave an impression that candidates committed similar ethical lapses—a tactic Steve Bannon proudly coined as “flood[ing] the zone with shit.”

    It was throughout this period that the magazine essentially became “the ground zero of fake news,” Lachlan Cartwright, who at the time served as the executive editor, would go on to say. In other words, the fake news media did exist, but it was populated by lie-laden stories that were cooked up by characters like Michael Cohen—and not, say, The New York Times or The Washington Post. As Pecker himself explained in court, “Michael Cohen would call me and say, ‘We would like for you to write a negative article on…let’s say, for the sake of argument, Ted Cruz…”

    It’s worth reiterating once more that Pecker and Trump’s alliance—which the former called “an agreement among friends”—is something that absolutely no journalist with any ethical integrity would agree to. And therein lies the barefaced hypocrisy of the former president, who, for example, accused the media of an anti-Trump “conspiracy” during COVID; of unfavorably altering photos of then first lady Melania Trump ahead of the 2020 election; and of aiding Clinton with biased coverage (despite the media’s notorious role in blowing the nothing burger of her “emails” way out of proportion). As the adage goes, when it comes to Republicans, every accusation is a confession.

    Trump wasn’t the only “FOP” or “Friend of Pecker” who got the special Enquirer catch-and-kill treatment. In court Pecker also testified about killing unfavorable stories for Arnold Schwarzenegger and Ari Emanuel, about the Hollywood agent’s brother, Rahm Emanuel, and his client, Mark Wahlberg. (Representatives for Ari Emanuel and Wahlberg could not be reached for comment by the Times, while a representative for Rahm Emanual declined to comment.)

    This is all to say that Trump was given the same back-scratching, image-padding privileges of showbiz, as though he were a movie star and not a presidential candidate whose policies would have a direct impact on millions of Americans. The privileges were, as the Times reports, simply part of Pecker’s “standard operating procedure,” which he just about owned up to.

    Molly Jong-Fast

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  • “Help the Campaign”: Former National Enquirer Publisher’s Testimony Seems Pretty Bad for Donald Trump

    “Help the Campaign”: Former National Enquirer Publisher’s Testimony Seems Pretty Bad for Donald Trump

    Former National Enquirer publisher David Pecker testified Tuesday in the hush money trial of Donald Trump, and unfortunately for the ketchup bottles at Mar-a-Lago,* it did not appear to go well for the ex-president.

    Pecker told the jury that in August 2015, “I received a call from Michael Cohen telling me that the boss wanted to see me.” The boss, of course, referred to Trump, whom Pecker said he subsequently sat down with at Trump Tower, along with Cohen. There, Pecker said, Cohen and Trump asked him what he could do to “help the campaign,” a claim that seemingly bolsters the prosecution’s argument that the hush money payments at the heart of the trial, which Pecker helped arranged, were made to help Trump get elected. According to Pecker, following the 2015 meeting, he worked closely with Cohen, who fed him information that was beneficial to Trump’s campaign. For instance, Pecker testified that following the GOP debates, Cohen would ring him up and request negative coverage of whichever of Trump’s competitors had given the best performance. The Enquirer, per Pecker, would then “embellish” the stories, meaning, per the ex-publisher, that it would run fake news to benefit Trump. Some of the headlines attacking Trump’s rivals for the GOP nomination included:

    • Ted Cruz’s Father — Caught With JFK Assassin
    • ‘Family Man’ Marco Rubio’s Love Child Stunner!
    • Bungling Surgeon Ben Carson Left Sponge In Patient’s Brain!
    • Ted Cruz Shamed by Porn Star

    “Michael Cohen would call me and say, uh, we would like for you to run a negative article on a certain, let’s say it’s on Ted Cruz,” Pecker told the jury on Tuesday. Cohen, Pecker explained, would send over “information about Ted Cruz…that was the basis of our story, and then we would embellish it from there.” While Cohen always made sure to insist he wasn’t working for the Trump campaign, Pecker said he assumed the then attorney was discussing the matters with Trump.

    Of course, more crucial than the negative stories ran about Trump’s rivals were the negative ones about Trump that, thanks to the Enquirer, never saw the light of day. Per The Washington Post:

    Pecker told jurors Tuesday that he offered in 2015 to intercept negative stories about his longtime friend Donald Trump and to flag any efforts by women who would try to profit by selling stories about the then-presidential candidate…The witness testified late Tuesday morning that it was common for women to try to sell stories about political candidates, so he offered to intercept them for Trump and his campaign, sometimes paying to “kill” the stories.

    “Mr. Trump was well known as the most eligible bachelor and dated the most beautiful women,” Pecker said. In his experience, he said, “when someone is running for public office like this, it is very common for these women to call up a magazine like the National Enquirer to try to sell these stories.”

    Pecker said he offered to be “the eyes and ears” of the Trump campaign, explaining that Trump’s company had a small staff and that his efforts to support Trump were mutually beneficial because they helped his magazine.

    Bess Levin

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  • A Porn-Star Payoff or a Threat to Democracy?

    A Porn-Star Payoff or a Threat to Democracy?

    The scene from Monday’s opening arguments in Donald Trump’s criminal trial.
    Art: Isabelle Brourman

    There was a simple question at the heart of Monday morning’s opening arguments in Donald Trump’s criminal trial in Manhattan: What’s the big deal? You may think it would be unnecessary to establish the stakes of the first prosecution of an ex-president, taking place amid a campaign that could very well return him to office. If Trump were going on trial for any of the other crimes, in other jurisdictions, that he is accused of committing — violating the Espionage Act, using political pressure to try to overturn the election in Georgia, subverting the peaceful transfer of power on January 6 — the answer would be self-evident. Yet this morning in Manhattan, Trump went on trial for the least of his offenses, making payoffs to a porn star.

    Criminal law is not about narrative proportion, though — it deals in binary choices. Trump is accused of breaking the law, and though this trial may not be about his worst offense, he will still face a jury of 12 New Yorkers inside the scaffolding-shrouded criminal courthouse on Centre Street. It’s a fitting place to judge a squalid crime. The 15th floor, where the trial is being held, is locked down every morning, but elsewhere inside, the routine of arraignments, plea hearings, and sentencings keeps grinding forward. The grungy bathrooms smell like smoke, and sometimes you can find balled-up jail jumpsuits on the floor, left behind by perps who just got released.

    Judge Juan Merchan’s courtroom is unadorned. There is a little American flag — the type schoolkids wave for a presidential motorcade — tacked to a bulletin board on the wall, a few feet from a paper sign that reads “Active Shooter” with safety instructions beneath. The defendant in the case of People v. Donald Trump came in with a large retinue of aides and attorneys and took his seat at the defense table. As always, a group of five pool photographers rushed in and photographed him for a few moments as he sat there seething like a caged animal. Then he sat back, wearing a blue tie and a blank look on his face, as Matthew Colangelo, representing the Manhattan district attorney’s office, rose to begin the case for prosecution.

    “This is a case about a criminal conspiracy and a cover-up,” Colangelo said in his opening words to the jury, “a criminal scheme to influence the 2016 election.”

    It is easy to understand why Colangelo — a former Justice Department official who came to New York to handle the trial — wanted to start with some reframing. The “hush money” case, as it is often called, is one that even some prosecutors were reluctant to bring. It was originally a component of a wide probe into Trump’s finances that had been initiated under former New York district attorney Cyrus Vance, who charged the longtime chief financial officer of the Trump Organization, Allen Weisselberg, with evading taxes on his compensation in an effort to flip Weisselberg against his boss. But he refused to turn on Trump. After a new district attorney, Alvin Bragg, was elected in 2021, he decided not to pursue the financial-fraud case. (Attorney General Tish James pursued it as a civil lawsuit, which resulted in a $455 million judgment against Trump.) All that was left after the investigation fizzled was a subset of charges related to payments to Stormy Daniels.

    Under Vance, the DA’s office had been hesitant to pursue the Daniels case on its own for reasons both philosophical and tactical. If you were going to try Trump, it seemed to some of the key prosecutors involved, it should be for a major crime. And the Daniels affair seemed more seedy than felonious. The underlying facts concern a $130,000 deal that Michael Cohen, Trump’s then–personal attorney, made to buy silence from the actress when she was trying to sell a story about a sexual liaison with Trump to a tabloid. (Trump denies the affair happened.) The following year, after Trump became president, he allegedly arranged for his company to pay Cohen $420,000 to cover the payoff, expenses, taxes, and a bonus, all disguised as a “retainer agreement” for his legal services. Cohen pleaded guilty to federal crimes related to the payments in 2018, after which he became a cooperating witness for the DA’s office. Still, he was hardly an ideal witness: a convicted felon whose agenda was evident from the title of his memoir, Disloyal, and its sequel, Revenge.

    Under New York State law, the crime Trump has been charged with, falsifying business records, is a misdemeanor unless it is committed in the course of another felony. It is not illegal to pay off a mistress or to reimburse a lawyer. Thus, in his opening statement, Colangelo had to explain how the $420,000 paid to Cohen had been part of a larger criminal scheme. In the prosecutor’s telling, it was all part of a plot initiated in 2015 in a meeting at Trump Tower between Cohen, his boss, and David Pecker, who was then the chief executive of the company that owned the National Enquirer. “Those three men formed a conspiracy at that meeting,” Colangelo said.

    The “Trump Tower conspiracy,” as the prosecutor called it, allegedly had three elements: The Enquirer would publish positive stories about Trump and negative stories about his opponent, and most important, according to the prosecution, Pecker agreed to act as Trump’s “eyes and ears” down in the gutter. On at least three occasions, including with Daniels, Pecker or his subordinates alerted Trump to salacious stories about him that were being shopped, and they helped him get the stories snuffed out by persuading the sources to agree to sell the rights to their stories to the Enquirer or to entities controlled by Cohen in an industry practice known as “catch and kill.”

    “You will hear the defendant in his own voice,” Colangelo promised, indicating that the prosecutors plan to play tapes of Trump’s involvement in the catch-and-kill negotiations. “You’ll even hear him suggest, in his own voice, you will hear Mr. Trump suggest paying cash.”

    None of this will surprise anyone who has followed Trump’s symbiotic relationship with the tabloid press — for which he has long been both a character and a source — or who has any familiarity with the transactional nature of that business. But according to the prosecution’s theory, the rules changed for Trump in 2015 whether he realized it or not. What might have been merely a sleazy deal when he was a celebrity became a felony because he was running for president. “Look, no politician wants bad press, but the evidence at the trial will show this was not spin or communications strategy,” Colangelo said. “It was election fraud, pure and simple.” The prosecutor said that as Trump began racking up states on Election Night in November 2016, the ramifications set in for one of the lawyers who represented Daniels in the hush-money deal.

    “What have we done?” the attorney texted a top editor at the National Enquirer.

    If you believe Trump should be held accountable for everything he did after that — a familiar litany of high crimes and misdemeanors, for which he was twice impeached — it may be easy to shrug off any concerns about proportionality or technical imperfections in the hush-money case. Al Capone, as anyone who has seen The Untouchables knows, was put away for tax evasion, not the St. Valentine’s Day Massacre. In the weeks before this Trump trial began, some legal experts who had previously minimized its importance came around to the opinion that, in its grubby simplicity, the hush-money case had its merits. “Now, everybody’s coming to the table and saying, ‘We need to take another look at this case because we all dismissed it,’” says Karen Friedman Agnifilo, a former top lieutenant to Vance in the DA’s office. “Dismiss it at your peril.” Even some of Trump’s loudest defenders have trouble seeing a route to an acquittal. “In New York,” says the famed attorney and former Trump lawyer Alan Dershowitz, paraphrasing the legal adage, “if you indict a ham sandwich named Trump, you’ll get a conviction.”

    “President Trump is innocent,” his lead attorney, Todd Blanche, said as he began his own opening statement. “He is cloaked in innocence. That cloak of innocence does not leave President Trump today, it does not leave him at any point in this trial, and it does not leave him when you deliberate.”

    Blanche previewed the elements of his defense. On one level, it is not much different than the case made by most every other defense attorney representing most every other defendant who passes through the Manhattan criminal-courts building. The prosecution has the burden of proof; the star witness is a fink. “He’s a convicted perjurer. He’s an admitted liar,” Blanche said of Cohen. Just the night before the trial, the attorney claimed, Cohen had talked about wanting “to see President Trump in an orange jumpsuit.” He claimed Daniels had lied about the sexual encounter and had threatened to go public with it in “an attempt to extort President Trump.”

    “Objection,” one of the prosecutors said.

    “Sustained,” said Judge Merchan.

    Still, the jury heard the word extort, and maybe Blanche succeeded in planting a seed of doubt. His objective over the rest of the trial, which is scheduled to last six to eight weeks, will be to grow it, little by little, asking the jurors, Was this really as big a deal as the prosecutors suggested? Was it really election fraud? Did it really change history? Or was this trial just about some money and a nondisclosure agreement signed between two consenting adults, one of whom was running for president and wanted to avoid an embarrassing scandal?

    “I have a spoiler alert: There’s nothing wrong with trying to influence an election,” Blanche said. “It’s called democracy.”


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    Andrew Rice

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  • Trump trial set for opening statements and first witness testimony: Live updates

    Trump trial set for opening statements and first witness testimony: Live updates

    Former U.S. President Donald Trump exits the courtroom for the day at Manhattan Criminal Court during his trial for allegedly covering up hush money payments on April 19, 2024 in New York City. 

    Spencer Platt | Via Reuters

    This is developing news. Check back for updates.

    Prosecutors and defense lawyers in the New York hush money trial of Donald Trump are set Monday to deliver opening statements and start calling witnesses to testify.

    The prosecution is expected to call David Pecker, the former CEO of National Enquirer publisher American Media, as its first witness, a source with direct knowledge told NBC News.

    Pecker was deeply involved in alleged efforts ahead of the 2016 presidential election to “catch and kill” negative information about Trump, the Republican nominee in that contest.

    Pecker allegedly warned Trump’s then-attorney Michael Cohen in late 2016 about porn star Stormy Daniels’ claim that she had sex with Trump years earlier while he was married. Cohen paid $130,000 to Daniels less than two weeks before the election, which Trump went on to win.

    American Media earlier in 2016 also allegedly paid $150,000 to former Playboy model Karen McDougal, who also says she had an extramarital affair with Trump.

    Trump faces 34 counts of falsifying business records in order to conceal his reimbursement to Cohen for paying off Daniels. Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg accuses Trump of doing so to influence the 2016 election.

    Trump in a post Monday morning on Truth Social defended those payments to Cohen as he railed against the DA.

    Bragg “says that the payment of money to a lawyer, for legal services rendered, should not be referred to in a Ledger as LEGAL EXPENSE,” Trump wrote. “What other term would be more appropriate???”

    Read more about Trump’s hush money trial

    Trump in that post also complained that he is unable to campaign for president this week because he is required to attend his trial, which is expected to last around six weeks.

    “It is also the perfect Crooked Joe Biden NARRATIVE – To be STUCK in a courtroom, and not be allowed to campaign for President of the United States!” he posted.

    The opening statements and witness testimony will be delivered to a jury of 12 members and six alternates, who were seated last week for the historic trial in Manhattan Supreme Court.

    Dozens of potential jurors quickly disqualified themselves from the process by declaring they could not be fair and impartial in deciding on the charges against the former president and current presumptive Republican presidential nominee. Others were excused from service after lawyers found past social media posts criticizing Trump.

    The former president’s attorneys made about a dozen separate attempts to delay or dismiss the trial in the weeks leading up to it.

    This included a request Friday afternoon that a Manhattan appeals court pause the case, in which they argued that Trump cannot receive a fair jury in New York City, where polls show he is deeply unpopular.

    Judge Juan Merchan had seated a full jury that same day, and the appeals court swiftly rejected the last-minute effort.

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  • The Who’s Who of Trump’s Trial

    The Who’s Who of Trump’s Trial

    Photo-Illustration: Intelligencer; Photos: Getty, Supreme Court

    Once a jury is finally seated for Donald Trump’s criminal trial in Manhattan, all eyes will turn to the key players. and witnesses. Here’s who they are.

    The first former president to be charged with a crime, Trump appeared in a Manhattan courtroom last year and pleaded not guilty to 34 felony counts of falsifying business records. Prosecutors allege that in 2016 he personally played a role in Cohen paying Daniels $130,000 to silence her allegation that she and Trump had an affair years earlier. (He has consistently denied her allegation.) Trump is accused of breaking the law by categorizing the reimbursements to Cohen as a legal retainer; prosecutors say Cohen performed no legal services. Trump is charged for each of the records prosecutors say were bogus: checks made out to Cohen, invoices from Cohen, and accounting entries in Trump’s books.

    Although once a loyal enforcer for Trump, Cohen now calls him “a cheat, a liar, a fraud, a bully, a racist, a predator, a con man.” A key witness for the prosecution, he alleges that during the 2016 election, Trump directed him to facilitate a $130,000 payment through a shell company to Daniels in order to suppress her story that she and Trump had sex a decade earlier. He claims that Trump later reimbursed him for the payment, disguising the expense in business records as a retainer for legal services. (Cohen has also said that he played a role in the National Enquirer’s parent company, AMI, paying to “catch and kill” model Karen McDougal’s story of her own affair with Trump.)

    Cohen’s credibility is expected to come under fire because of his own legal history: In 2018, he pleaded guilty to lying to Congress. That same year, he was also sentenced to three years in federal prison for tax evasion, bank fraud, and campaign-finance violations in connection to the payments made to Daniels and McDougal.

    Stephanie Clifford took the stage name Stormy Daniels when she began working as a stripper and kept that name when she transitioned into adult films. In 2006, according to Daniels, she met Trump in Lake Tahoe, where he was hosting a celebrity golf tournament. She alleges that he invited her to dinner in his hotel suite and, after some conversation and Daniels spanking Trump with a copy of Forbes, the two had sex.

    In January 2018, after The Wall Street Journal broke the story that Cohen had paid off Daniels, she sued Trump to get out of their nondisclosure agreement. Soon after, she went on 60 Minutes, during which she detailed having sex with Trump and said she only signed the NDA out of concern for her and her family’s safety. Daniels will be allowed to testify after Judge Merchan rejected an attempt from Trump’s legal team to block her testimony.

    McDougal is a model and former Playboy Playmate of the Year who has claimed to have had a monthslong affair with Trump back in 2006, when he was newly married to his wife, Melania Trump. In 2016, McDougal was paid $150,000 by American Media, Inc. in exchange for the rights to her story about the affair and for her to stay silent on the subject in the media. AMI never published her story about Trump — a move known as a “catch and kill.” McDougal went on to sue AMI in order to be freed from her contract. She and the company would later reach a settlement, allowing her to speak about her experience with Trump. She is expected to testify during the trial.

    David Pecker is the former head of American Media, Inc., the publisher of the infamous National Enquirer. A longtime friend of Trump’s, he frequently used the Enquirer to run unflattering stories about Trump’s rivals, including Hillary Clinton and Ted Cruz.

    Also during Pecker’s time at AMI, the company often utilized the practice of “catch and kill” — when a publication buys the rights to a potentially damaging story and suppresses the information by declining to publish it. Pecker did this to McDougal and a former doorman at Trump Tower who prosecutors allege was trying to sell a story about a supposed love child of Trump’s. Pecker also communicated with Cohen regarding Daniels’s story. He is expected to testify.

    In 2021, voters elected Democrat Alvin Bragg to be the Manhattan district attorney — the first Black person to serve in the role. Last April, Bragg announced that his office had filed felony charges against the former president, becoming the first prosecutor in the nation to indict Trump. To do so, though, Bragg used a novel legal theory to upgrade what is usually a misdemeanor (falsifying business records) to a felony by arguing that the records were changed in order to cover up another crime: in this case, violations of the state’s campaign-finance laws. Bragg’s office alleges Trump tried to hide relevant information about his alleged affair from the voting public prior to the election.

    Judge Merchan is presiding over the historic trial, though it’s not his first time dealing with Trump figures. He oversaw the trial of former Trump Organization CFO Allen Weisselberg for financial fraud and tax evasion, sentencing him to five months in prison. He is also presiding over the pending trial of Steve Bannon, who is charged with fraud for allegedly bilking donors for a border-wall scheme.

    Merchan immigrated to the United States with his family from Colombia when he was 6 years old, growing up in Jackson Heights. After working as a prosecutor in both the Manhattan district attorney’s office and the state attorney general’s office, he was appointed as a Family Court judge in 2006 and to the State Supreme Court three years later.

    As he has done with other judges, Trump has attacked Merchan on social media, hurling insults and claiming that he is “corrupt.” Things escalated after Trump targeted Merchan’s daughter, suggesting that the judge is biased owing to his daughter’s work as a Democratic strategist. Merchan revised the gag order he placed on Trump to bar him from talking about his and Bragg’s families in addition to court staff and potential witnesses.

    In an interview with the Associated Press, Merchan did not discuss specifics about the case but said that he and his staff want to be sure that they “dispense justice.”

    “There’s no agenda here,” he said. “We want to follow the law. We want justice to be done.”

    One of Trump’s closest aides as president, Hope Hicks first began working for Ivanka in the Trump Organization in 2014 before she became the Trump campaign’s press secretary in 2015. Hicks is expected to testify at the trial as a witness for the prosecution because she communicated with various figures involved in silencing Daniels, including Daniels’s then-lawyer, Keith Davidson, as well as Pecker and Dylan Howard, two AMI executives. The communications started the day after the release of the Access Hollywood tape in October 2016, which is believed to have sparked the plan to pay Daniels.

    In 2023, Trump tapped attorney Todd Blanche to lead his defense in the Manhattan case. A veteran federal prosecutor experienced in white-collar cases, Blanche left his job as a partner at the prominent law firm Cadwalader, Wickersham & Taft to defend Trump. He previously represented Paul Manafort, Trump’s former campaign chairman, and Igor Fruman, an associate of Rudy Giuliani’s, in separate federal cases.

    If defending Trump in Manhattan weren’t enough, Blanche is also taking the lead for Trump’s defense in the federal government’s classified-documents case in Florida and is co-counsel for the January 6–related case in Washington, D.C.

    After defending the Trump Organization against tax-fraud charges filed by Bragg’s office in 2022, Susan Necheles is working alongside Blanche to defend Trump himself. A veteran defense attorney, she has represented no shortage of notorious clients throughout her career: Pedro Espada Jr., the New York State Senate majority leader found guilty of embezzlement; Clare Bronfman, the Seagram’s heiress in the NXIVM sex-cult case; and Venero Mangano, an underboss for the Genovese crime family known as Benny Eggs.

    Photo-Illustration: Intelligencer; Photo: Getty (Trump, Cohen, Daniels, McDougal, Pecker, Bragg, Hicks, Blanche, Necheles), Redux (Merchan)

    This post has been updated.


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    Nia Prater

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  • What Happened in the Trump Trial Today: Some Sleep, No Jury

    What Happened in the Trump Trial Today: Some Sleep, No Jury

    Photo-Illustration: Joanne Imperio; Photos Getty Images

    Donald Trump’s first and potentially only criminal trial before Election Day has begun. He’s returned to his former hometown to be tried by a jury of his peers in Manhattan that will determine whether he broke the law by paying, and subsequently disguising, hush money to Stormy Daniels to protect his reputation in the closing days of the 2016 election. The first-ever such trial for a former president, Trump could be sent to prison if convicted. (Judge Juan Merchan could jail him in the meantime for contempt of court, such as repeatedly violating a gag order.) The stakes could not be higher for the 77-year-old defendant or the country, which faces the possibility that he will end up behind bars or back in the White House or both. Below, our recap of the trial, which we’ll update daily with all the important developments and drama. (And here are the key people involved in the trial.)

    On the first day of the trial, Judge Merchan worked to hammer down what would and wouldn’t be allowed in the court proceedings moving forward. Prosecutors from the Manhattan district attorney’s office sought a fine against Trump over a social-media post that called potential witnesses Michael Cohen and Stormy Daniels “sleaze bags.” On his way into the courtroom, Trump railed against the trial, but he dozed off in his chair. And the jury-selection process got underway, but just barely.

    Trump arrived at the courthouse in his motorcade around 9 a.m., stopping in the hallway outside of the courtroom to address reporters. He reiterated his claims that the case against him is unfair and politically motivated, calling it “political persecution” and “an assault on America.”

    Trump arrives at court in lower Manhattan on Monday.
    Photo: Mark Peterson

    Judge Merchan denied a motion from Trump’s legal team that called for him to recuse himself. He said that Trump was using a “series of inferences, innuendos, and unsupported speculation” to support his recusal claim. He reiterated his earlier decision that the Access Hollywood tape could not be shown in court, deeming it too prejudicial. Prosecutors are also barred from mentioning the numerous sexual-assault allegations against Trump. However, he ruled that Karen McDougal will be allowed to testify, though the prosecution won’t be allowed to mention her claim that her alleged affair with Trump occurred while his wife, Melania, was pregnant with their son, Barron. The prosecution will also be allowed to enter evidence about the National Enquirer’s past coverage of Trump.

    Prosecutors filed a motion, claiming that several of Trump’s social-media posts violated the gag order Merchan set on Trump, which bars him from commenting publicly on potential witnesses, among others — he called Daniels and Cohen “sleaze bags.” Prosecutors are seeking a $1,000 fine per post.

    The buzz of pretrial hype wasn’t enough to keep the 77-year-old awake. The New York Times’ Maggie Haberman caught Trump appearing to fall asleep at one point during the proceedings, writing, “His head keeps dropping down and his mouth goes slack.”

    P.S. Will “Sleepy Don” stick?

    96 prospective jurors were brought into the courtroom to kick off the jury-selection process, but more than half were quickly sent home after stating they couldn’t be impartial or were unable to serve. By the end of the day’s proceedings, Merchan had only gotten through the questionnaires of nine jurors, and none have been selected for the final panel. The novelty of possibly sitting on this particular jury wasn’t lost on these Manhattanites, some of whom were seen craning their heads to sneak a peek at the defendant. One juror was excused owing to a potential conflict with his son’s wedding in June, prompting congratulations from Merchan. Another who listed clubbing among her hobbies was dismissed after acknowledging she had “strong opinions or firmly held beliefs” about Trump. Another potential juror said his girlfriend worked in finance but admitted that he didn’t know what she did, sparking laughter from the prosecutors. A second group of prospective jurors will get their shot on Tuesday.

    Behold the dour glowerer-in-chief:

    Photo: MICHAEL NAGLE/POOL/AFP via Getty Images

    A kidnapped-Biden truck drove in circles outside court on Monday morning:

    Like any other trial, this one begins with the process of selecting a jury, which could take several days. Attorneys for the defense and prosecution will question a large pool of Manhattan residents until they find 12 jurors and six alternates. Judge Merchan drafted a 42-question-long survey for prospective jurors to fill out in order to determine their impartiality. In addition to personal questions, potential jurors are asked about their media diets, whether they’ve volunteered for Trump’s campaign or attended a rally, and if they’ve ever read any books or listened to any podcasts by Michael Cohen, a key witness for prosecutors, or Mark Pomerantz, the attorney who previously worked on the DA’s investigation into Trump. It also asks whether they have been a member of several extremist groups and movements, such as the Proud Boys and antifa.

    Merchan previously ruled that jurors will be anonymous and have their identities shielded from the public owing to the risk of “a likelihood of bribery, jury tampering, or of physical injury or harassment.” Trump, his attorneys, and prosecutors will have access to the jurors’ names and addresses.

    From potential witnesses to the judge and attorneys, here’s a quick primer on the big names in the trial.

    Photo-Illustration: Intelligencer; Photo: Getty

    The first former president to be charged with a crime, Trump appeared in a Manhattan courtroom last year and pleaded not guilty to 34 felony counts of falsifying business records. Prosecutors allege that in 2016 he personally played a role in Cohen paying Daniels $130,000 to silence her allegation that she and Trump had an affair years earlier. (He has consistently denied her allegation.) Trump is accused of breaking the law by categorizing the reimbursements to Cohen as a legal retainer; prosecutors say Cohen performed no legal services. Trump is charged for each of the records prosecutors say were bogus: checks made out to Cohen, invoices from Cohen, and accounting entries in Trump’s books.

    Photo-Illustration: Intelligencer; Photo: Getty

    Although once a loyal enforcer for Trump, Cohen now calls him “a cheat, a liar, a fraud, a bully, a racist, a predator, a con man.” A key witness for the prosecution, he alleges that during the 2016 election, Trump directed him to facilitate a $130,000 payment through a shell company to Daniels in order to suppress her story that she and Trump had sex a decade earlier. He claims that Trump later reimbursed him for the payment, disguising the expense in business records as a retainer for legal services. (Cohen has also said that he played a role in the National Enquirer’s parent company, AMI, paying to “catch and kill” model Karen McDougal’s story of her own affair with Trump.)

    Cohen’s credibility is expected to come under fire because of his own legal history: In 2018, he pleaded guilty to lying to Congress. That same year, he was also sentenced to three years in federal prison for tax evasion, bank fraud, and campaign-finance violations in connection to the payments made to Daniels and McDougal.

    Photo-Illustration: Intelligencer; Photo: Getty

    Stephanie Clifford took the stage name Stormy Daniels when she began working as a stripper and kept that name when she transitioned into adult films. In 2006, according to Daniels, she met Trump in Lake Tahoe, where he was hosting a celebrity golf tournament. She alleges that he invited her to dinner in his hotel suite and, after some conversation and Daniels spanking Trump with a copy of Forbes, the two had sex.

    In January 2018, after The Wall Street Journal broke the story that Cohen had paid off Daniels, she sued Trump to get out of their nondisclosure agreement. Soon after, she went on 60 Minutes, during which she detailed having sex with Trump and said she only signed the NDA out of concern for her and her family’s safety. Daniels will be allowed to testify after Judge Merchan rejected an attempt from Trump’s legal team to block her testimony.

    Photo-Illustration: Intelligencer; Photo: Getty

    McDougal is a model and former Playboy Playmate of the Year who has claimed to have had a monthslong affair with Trump back in 2006, when he was newly married to his wife, Melania Trump. In 2016, McDougal was paid $150,000 by American Media, Inc. in exchange for the rights to her story about the affair and for her to stay silent on the subject in the media. AMI never published her story about Trump — a move known as a “catch and kill.” McDougal went on to sue AMI in order to be freed from her contract. She and the company would later reach a settlement, allowing her to speak about her experience with Trump. She is expected to testify during the trial.

    Photo-Illustration: Intelligencer; Photo: Getty

    David Pecker is the former head of American Media, Inc., the publisher of the infamous National Enquirer. A longtime friend of Trump’s, he frequently used the Enquirer to run unflattering stories about Trump’s rivals, including Hillary Clinton and Ted Cruz.

    Also during Pecker’s time at AMI, the company often utilized the practice of “catch and kill” — when a publication buys the rights to a potentially damaging story and suppresses the information by declining to publish it. Pecker did this to McDougal and a former doorman at Trump Tower who prosecutors allege was trying to sell a story about a supposed love child of Trump’s. Pecker also communicated with Cohen regarding Daniels’s story. He is expected to testify.

    Photo-Illustration: Intelligencer; Photo: Getty

    In 2021, voters elected Democrat Alvin Bragg to be the Manhattan district attorney — the first Black person to serve in the role. Last April, Bragg announced that his office had filed felony charges against the former president, becoming the first prosecutor in the nation to indict Trump. To do so, though, Bragg used a novel legal theory to upgrade what is usually a misdemeanor (falsifying business records) to a felony by arguing that the records were changed in order to cover up another crime: in this case, violations of the state’s campaign-finance laws. Bragg’s office alleges Trump tried to hide relevant information about his alleged affair from the voting public prior to the election.

    Photo-Illustration: Intelligencer; Photo: Redux

    Judge Merchan is presiding over the historic trial, though it’s not his first time dealing with Trump figures. He oversaw the trial of former Trump Organization CFO Allen Weisselberg for financial fraud and tax evasion, sentencing him to five months in prison. He is also presiding over the pending trial of Steve Bannon, who is charged with fraud for allegedly bilking donors for a border-wall scheme.

    Merchan immigrated to the United States with his family from Colombia when he was 6 years old, growing up in Jackson Heights. After working as a prosecutor in both the Manhattan district attorney’s office and the state attorney general’s office, he was appointed as a Family Court judge in 2006 and to the State Supreme Court three years later.

    As he has done with other judges, Trump has attacked Merchan on social media, hurling insults and claiming that he is “corrupt.” Things escalated after Trump targeted Merchan’s daughter, suggesting that the judge is biased owing to his daughter’s work as a Democratic strategist. Merchan revised the gag order he placed on Trump to bar him from talking about his and Bragg’s families in addition to court staff and potential witnesses.

    In an interview with the Associated Press, Merchan did not discuss specifics about the case but said that he and his staff want to be sure that they “dispense justice.”

    “There’s no agenda here,” he said. “We want to follow the law. We want justice to be done.”

    Photo-Illustration: Intelligencer; Photo: Getty

    One of Trump’s closest aides as president, Hope Hicks first began working for Ivanka in the Trump Organization in 2014 before she became the Trump campaign’s press secretary in 2015. Hicks is expected to testify at the trial as a witness for the prosecution because she communicated with various figures involved in silencing Daniels, including Daniels’s then-lawyer, Keith Davidson, as well as Pecker and Dylan Howard, two AMI executives. The communications started the day after the release of the Access Hollywood tape in October 2016, which is believed to have sparked the plan to pay Daniels.

    Photo-Illustration: Intelligencer; Photo: Getty

    In 2023, Trump tapped attorney Todd Blanche to lead his defense in the Manhattan case. A veteran federal prosecutor experienced in white-collar cases, Blanche left his job as a partner at the prominent law firm Cadwalader, Wickersham & Taft to defend Trump. He previously represented Paul Manafort, Trump’s former campaign chairman, and Igor Fruman, an associate of Rudy Giuliani’s, in separate federal cases.

    If defending Trump in Manhattan weren’t enough, Blanche is also taking the lead for Trump’s defense in the federal government’s classified-documents case in Florida and is co-counsel for the January 6–related case in Washington, D.C.

    Photo-Illustration: Intelligencer; Photo: Getty

    After defending the Trump Organization against tax-fraud charges filed by Bragg’s office in 2022, Susan Necheles is working alongside Blanche to defend Trump himself. A veteran defense attorney, she has represented no shortage of notorious clients throughout her career: Pedro Espada Jr., the New York State Senate majority leader found guilty of embezzlement; Clare Bronfman, the Seagram’s heiress in the NXIVM sex-cult case; and Venero Mangano, an underboss for the Genovese crime family known as Benny Eggs.

    This post has been updated.


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  • Inside the long and winding road to Trump’s historic indictment | CNN Politics

    Inside the long and winding road to Trump’s historic indictment | CNN Politics



    CNN
     — 

    The New York grand jury hearing the case against Donald Trump was set to break for several weeks. The former president’s lawyers believed on Wednesday afternoon they had at least a small reprieve from a possible indictment. Trump praised the perceived delay.

    Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg had other plans.

    Thursday afternoon, Bragg asked the grand jury to return an historic indictment against Trump, the first time that a current or former US president has been indicted. The surprise move was the final twist in an investigation that’s taken a long and winding road to the history-making charges that were returned this week.

    An indictment had been anticipated early last week – including by Trump himself, who promoted a theory he would be “arrested” – as law enforcement agencies prepared for the logistics of arraigning a former president. But after the testimony of Robert Costello – a lawyer who appeared on Trump’s behalf seeking to undercut the credibility of Trump’s former attorney and fixer Michael Cohen – Bragg appeared to hit the pause button.

    Costello’s testimony caused the district attorney’s office to reassess whether Costello should be the last witness the grand jury heard before prosecutors asked them to vote on an indictment, multiple sources told CNN.

    So they waited. The next day the grand jury was scheduled to meet, jurors were told not to come in. Bragg and his top prosecutors huddled the rest of the week and over the weekend to determine a strategy that would effectively counter Costello’s testimony in the grand jury.

    They called two additional witnesses. David Pecker, the former head of the company that publishes the National Enquirer, appeared on Monday. The other witness, who has still not been identified, testified on Thursday for 35 minutes in front of the grand jury – just before prosecutors asked them to vote on the indictment of more than 30 counts, the sources said.

    Trump and his attorneys, thinking Bragg might be reconsidering a potential indictment, were all caught off-guard, sources said. Some of Trump’s advisers had even left Palm Beach on Wednesday following news reports that the grand jury was taking a break, the sources added.

    After the indictment, Trump ate dinner with his wife, Melania, Thursday evening and smiled while he greeted guests at his Mar-a-Lago club, according to a source familiar with the event.

    The Manhattan district attorney’s investigation into Trump has been ongoing for years, dating back to Bragg’s predecessor, Cy Vance. Its focus shifted by mid-2020 to the accuracy of the Trump Org.’s financial statements. At the time, prosecutors debated legal theories around the hush money payments and thought they were a long shot. At several points, the wide-ranging investigation seemed to have been winding down – to the point that prosecutors resigned in protest last year. One even wrote a book critical of Bragg for not pursuing charges against Trump released just last month.

    The specific charges against Trump still remain under seal and are expected to be unveiled Tuesday when Trump is set to be arraigned.

    There are questions swirling even among Trump critics over whether the Manhattan district attorney’s case is the strongest against the former president amid additional investigations in Washington, DC, and Georgia over both his efforts to overturn the 2020 election and his handling of classified documents at his Florida resort.

    Trump could still face charges in those probes, too, which are separate from the New York indictment.

    But it’s the Manhattan indictment, dating back to a payment made before the 2016 presidential election, that now sees Trump facing down criminal charges for the first time as he runs again for the White House in 2024.

    It was just weeks before the 2016 election when Cohen, Trump’s then-lawyer, paid adult film actress Stormy Daniels $130,000 to keep silent about an alleged affair with Trump. (Trump has denied the affair.) Cohen was later reimbursed $420,000 by the Trump Organization to cover the original payment and tax liabilities and to reward him with a bonus.

    That payment and reimbursement are keys at issue in the investigation.

    Cohen also helped arrange a $150,000 payment from the publisher of the National Enquirer to Karen McDougal to kill her story claiming a 10-month affair with Trump. Trump also denies an affair with McDougal. During the grand jury proceedings, the district attorney’s office has asked questions about the “catch and kill” deal with McDougal.

    When Cohen was charged by federal prosecutors in New York in 2018 and pleaded guilty, he said he was acting at the direction of Trump when he made the payment.

    At the time, federal prosecutors had determined they could not seek to indict Trump in the scheme because of US Justice Department regulations against charging a sitting president. In 2021, after Trump left the White House, prosecutors in the Southern District of New York decided not to pursue a case against Trump, according to a recent book from CNN senior legal analyst Elie Honig.

    But then-Manhattan District Attorney Vance’s team had already picked up the investigation into the hush money payments and begun looking at potential state law violations. By summer 2019, they sent subpoenas to the Trump Org., other witnesses, and met with Cohen, who was serving a three-year prison sentence.

    Vance’s investigation broadened to the Trump Org.’s finances. New York prosecutors went to the Supreme Court twice to enforce a subpoena for Trump’s tax records from his long-time accounting firm Mazars USA. The Trump Org. and its long-time chief financial officer Allen Weisselberg were indicted on tax fraud and other charges in June 2021 for allegedly running an off-the-books compensation scheme for more than a decade.

    Weisselberg pleaded guilty to the charges last year and is currently serving a five-month sentence at Rikers Island. Prosecutors had hoped to flip Weisselberg to cooperate against Trump, but he would not tie Trump to any wrongdoing.

    Disagreements about the pace of the investigation had caused at least three career prosecutors to move off the investigation. They were concerned that the investigation was moving too quickly, without clear evidence to support possible charges, CNN and others reported last year.

    Vance authorized the attorneys on the team to present evidence to the grand jury near the end of 2021, but he did not seek an indictment. Those close to Vance say he wanted to leave the decision to Bragg, the newly elected district attorney.

    Bragg, a Democrat, took office in January 2022. Less than two months into his tenure, two top prosecutors who had worked on the Trump case under Vance abruptly resigned amid a disagreement in the office over the strength of the case against Trump.

    On February 22, 2022, Bragg informed the prosecution team that he was not prepared to authorize charges against Trump, CNN reported. The prosecutors, Carey Dunne and Mark Pomerantz, resigned the next day.

    In his resignation letter, Pomerantz said he believed Trump was guilty of numerous felonies and said that Bragg’s decision to not move forward with an indictment at the time was “wrong” and a “grave failure of justice.”

    “I and others believe that your decision not to authorize prosecution now will doom any future prospects that Mr. Trump will be prosecuted for the criminal conduct we have been investigating,” Pomerantz wrote in the letter, which was reviewed by CNN.

    At that point, the investigation was focused on Trump’s financial statements and whether he knowingly misled lenders, insurers, and others by providing them false or misleading information about the value of his properties.

    Prosecutors were building a wide-ranging falsified business records case to include years of financial statements and the hush money payments, people with direct knowledge of the investigation told CNN. But at the time, those prosecutors believed there was a good chance a felony charge related to the hush money payment would be dismissed by a judge because it was a novel legal theory.

    Dunne and Pomerantz pushed to seek an indictment of Trump tied to the sweeping falsified business records case, but others, including some career prosecutors, were skeptical that they could win a conviction at trial, in part because of the difficulty in proving Trump’s criminal intent.

    Despite the resignations of the prosecutors on the Trump case, Bragg’s office reiterated at the time that the investigation was ongoing.

    “Investigations are not linear so we are following the leads in front of us. That’s what we’re doing,” Bragg told CNN in April 2022. “The investigation is very much ongoing.”

    At the same time that Bragg’s criminal investigation into Trump lingered last year, another prosecution against the Trump Org. moved forward. In December, two Trump Org. entities were convicted at trial on 17 counts and were ordered to pay $1.6 million, the maximum penalty, the following month.

    Trump was not personally charged in that case. But it appeared to embolden Bragg’s team to sharpen their focus back to Trump and the hush money payment.

    Cohen was brought back in to meet with Manhattan prosecutors. Cohen had previously met with prosecutors in the district attorney’s office 13 times over the course of the investigation. But the January meeting was the first in more than a year – and a clear sign of the direction prosecutors were taking.

    As investigators inched closer to a charging decision, Bragg was faced with more public pressure to indict Trump: Pomerantz, the prosecutor who had resigned a year prior, released a book about the investigation that argued Trump should be charged and criticized Bragg for failing to do so.

    “Every single member of the prosecution team thought that his guilt was established,” Pomerantz said in a February interview on “CNN This Morning.”

    Asked about Bragg’s hesitance, Pomerantz said: “I can’t speak in detail about what went through his mind. I can surmise from what happened at the time and statements that he’s made since that he had misgivings about the strength of the case.”

    Bragg responded in a statement saying that more work was needed on the case. “Mr. Pomerantz’s plane wasn’t ready for takeoff,” Bragg said.

    Prosecutors continued bringing in witnesses, including Pecker, the former head of American Media Inc., which publishes the National Enquirer. In February, Trump Org. controller Jeffrey McConney testified before the grand jury. Members of Trump’s 2016 campaign, including Kellyanne Conway and Hope Hicks, also appeared. In March, Daniels met with prosecutors, her attorney said.

    And Cohen, after his numerous meetings with prosecutors, finally testified before the grand jury in March.

    The second week of March, prosecutors gave the clearest sign to date that the investigation was nearing its conclusion – they invited Trump to appear before the grand jury.

    Potential defendants in New York are required by law to be notified and invited to appear before a grand jury weighing charges.

    Behind the scenes, Trump attorney Susan Necheles told CNN she met with New York prosecutors to argue why Trump shouldn’t be indicted and that prosecutors didn’t articulate the specific charges they are considering.

    Trump, meanwhile, took to his social media to predict his impending indictment. In a post attacking Bragg on March 18, Trump said the “leading Republican candidate and former president of the United States will be arrested on Tuesday of next week.”

    “Protest, take our nation back,” Trump added, echoing the calls he made while he tried to overturn the 2020 election.

    Trump’s prediction would turn out to be premature.

    Trump’s call for protests after a potential indictment led to meetings between senior staff members from the district attorney’s office, the New York Police Department and the New York State Court Officers – who provide security at the criminal court building in lower Manhattan.

    Trump’s lawyers also made a last-ditch effort to fend off an indictment. At the behest of Trump’s team, Costello, who advised Cohen in 2018, provided emails and testified to the grand jury on Monday, March 20, alleging that Cohen had said in 2018 that he had decided on his own to make the payment to Daniels.

    Costello’s testimony appeared to delay a possible indictment – for a brief time at least.

    During the void, Trump continued to launch verbal insults against Bragg, calling him a “degenerate psychopath.” And four Republican chairmen of the most powerful House committees wrote to Bragg asking him to testify, which Bragg’s office said was unprecedented interference in a local investigation. An envelope containing a suspicious white powder and a death threat to Bragg was to delivered to the building where the grand jury meets – the powder was deemed nonhazardous.

    The grand jury would not meet again until Monday, March 27, when Pecker was ushered back to the grand jury in a government vehicle with tinted windows in a failed effort to evade detection by the media camped outside of the building where the grand jury meets.

    Pecker, a longtime friend of Trump’s who had a history of orchestrating so-called “catch and kill” deals while at the National Enquirer, was involved with the Daniels’ deal from the beginning.

    Two days after Pecker’s testimony, there were multiple reports that the grand jury was going into a pre-planned break in April. The grand jury was set to meet Thursday but it was not expected to hear the Trump case.

    Instead, the grand jury heard from one last witness in the Trump case on Thursday, whose identity is still unknown. And then the grand jury shook up the American political system by voting to indict a former president and 2024 candidate for the White House.

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