Eager to boost the supply of affordable housing, city officials in Long Beach devised a program that could help a limited number of homeowners build an extra unit on their land.
But before they could launch it, they had to decide what to call it.
“We’ve been playing with a name for a while,” Mayor Rex Richardson said, noting that a news release touting the program had been delayed days because of christening purposes. “We’re building the bike as we ride it.”
Long Beach officials settled on the self-explanatory “Backyard Builders Program,” hoping a partial solution to a dearth of affordable housing lies in the unused spaces of city homeowners’ property. It’s a concept widely supported by advocates of low-income housing although some argue that the city’s version should have included more tenant protections.
Long Beach’s pilot program uses one-time funding that will provide as many as 10 homeowners low- to zero-interest loans of up to $250,000 to build Accessory Dwelling Units, or ADUs, on their lots. Those units would have to be rented out to lower-income individuals or families for a minimum of five years.
“Long Beach has been a leader on ADU production,” Richardson said. “And we’ve done all the things we need to do … to make it easy for people to develop ADUs in their backyard.”
Claremont McKenna College’s Rose Institute confirmed in an April report that Long Beach was among the most ADU-friendly cities in the state, having issued 1,431 ADU permits between 2018 and 2022. While that total trails larger cities like San Diego (2,867), Long Beach produced 317 permits per 100,000 residents.
An ADU, as defined by the city’s Community Development Department for this pilot program, must come with independent facilities that include a living room, sleeping area, kitchen and bathroom.
In addition to agreeing to the temporary rent limit, property owners must live on site and have less than four units already on their land.
The units may be rented to anyone earning 80% or less of the Los Angeles County median income, which translates into $77,700 for an individual, $88,800 for a two-person family, $99,900 for three people and $110,950 for four, according to the Los Angeles County Department of Regional Planning.
But the program gives homeowners an extra financial incentive to rent these ADUs to recipients of Long Beach’s housing choice voucher program, which provides a portion of the rent for those who fall into extremely low income, very low income or low income categories.
Building an ADU has grown more expensive in recent years, with labor and material costs jumping 11% and 9%, respectively in 2021 and 2022, while construction labor costs rose 34% between 2018 and 2023.
The loan covers up to $250,000 in planning, permitting and construction costs, though Kelli Pezzelle, a Backyard Builders community program specialist, doesn’t anticipate the loans needing to be that high.
The interest on the loan will remain at 0% as long as the owner rents the ADU to a low-income recipient. A stipulation for loan qualification is that the owner must rent the home to a voucher recipient for a minimum of five years or a nonvoucher, lower-income tenant for seven years.
The loan’s interest rate will jump to 3% if rented to someone who doesn’t meet the income limits after the five- or seven-year period. An owner would incur a $2,500 monthly penalty if the ADU is rented to a nonqualified tenant ahead of time.
The possible removal of low-income tenants concerns Long Beach Residents Empowered, or LiBRE, an advocacy group that pushes for the creation and preservation of affordable housing and renter protections.
“We’re happy that the city is investing in affordable housing and trying to reduce the housing shortage,” said LiBRE’s Project Director Andre Donado, via a phone call. “Every single renter, however, is at risk of eviction after five years.”
Donado also hoped the city would consider offering relocation assistance of $4,500 to low-income renters displaced through no fault of their own in all cases.
“I think there are several positives with the program, and we’d like to see it made permanent, with some adjustments,” Donado said.
The pilot’s loans are significantly larger than the up to $40,000 in aid provided by California Housing Finance Agency’s ADU Grant Program, which doled out $125 million to help homeowners cover permitting and planning costs before running out of funds.
The city believes that house-rich, cash-poor homeowners, particularly seniors, could take advantage of the loan to build an ADU and create passive income. The program estimates that the ADUs built with its loans would generate more than $1,000 monthly for owners who rent to voucher holders.
“You may be a grandma or someone who’s got way too much backyard, and you want to be a part of the solution, but it may be hard for you to navigate or identify financing,” Richardson said.
To that end, the city is expected to appoint a project manager to help loan recipients choose an architect, builders, planners, contractors and others needed throughout the planning and construction process. That manager will work as an intermediary between the property owner and the general contractor.
One caveat for interested property owners is that a qualified renter cannot be a relative or a caregiver for their household.
As for the loan, payments will be deferred during the building process up to two years.
Richardson said since the program is based on loans that will be repaid over time, it will be self-sustaining. If it’s deemed a success — meaning that ADUs are built and rented to lower-income tenants — he said the city would consider looking for more revenue streams to expand the project.
The city is hosting a series of Zoom webinars to gauge interest in the program and answer questions.
Standing on his golf course less than a mile from the Rancho Palos Verdes landslide zone where hundreds of homes are without gas and electricity, former President Trump on Friday called his property “very solid” and called on the government to help the troubled city.
“It’s a very wealthy area, but you also have people living here that are elderly and have fixed incomes and have houses that are gonna be, ya know, shoved into the Pacific Ocean if something’s not done,” the former president said.
Trump spoke to reporters at a campaign-related news conference at his seaside Trump National Golf Club Los Angeles, which he bought from bankrupted developers in 2002 after the 18th hole slid into the ocean.
The landslide-prone city is under a state of emergency issued by Gov. Gavin Newsom this month because of extreme land movement triggered by back-to-back rainy winters. Neighborhoods near the golf course are under a city-issued evacuation warning, with the land moving about nine to 12 inches a week.
Before he began his lengthy remarks at an outdoor lectern — the Pacific Ocean behind him with Catalina Island visible after the morning fog cleared — Trump invited Rancho Palos Verdes Mayor John Cruikshank to speak.
“Obviously, I’m a tiny bit nervous. This is a very big deal,” Cruikshank said as he held a red “Make America Great Again” hat in his hands.
Rancho Palos Verdes Mayor John Cruikshank holds a “Make America Great Again” hat while listening to former President Trump speak at a news conference at Trump National Golf Course on Friday.
(Christina House/Los Angeles Times)
Cruikshank told the Times on Thursday that he had, for several days, been trying to get on the Republican presidential nominee’s schedule. He had hoped to talk to Trump about the landslide before the news conference and had not expected to speak.
At the lectern, Cruikshank pleaded for help for the city of 40,000 people.
“We believe we can solve the problem, but we really need the assistance of the state of California and the federal government,” he said. “We have solutions out there for that, but the problem is bigger than the city of Rancho Palos Verdes.”
Trump, who is actively pursuing long-held plans to build up to 23 homes on the property, has struggled over the years to get city approvals for development, in large part because of the area’s instability.
The original owners of the property, then called the Ocean Trails Golf Club, went bankrupt after the 18th hole fell into the Pacific during a 1999 landslide while the course was still under construction. Trump bought the property in 2002 for $27 million.
He brought up the club Friday while attacking the leaders of San Francisco, who he said have allowed the city to decline. Trump compared costs at his club with an infamous $1.7-million public toilet that opened this year in San Francisco.
“They built a toilet for $1.7 million, and it’s not even nice. I saw pictures of it. I built this whole thing for less than that,” he said, sweeping his hand in reference to his property.
As for landslides, Trump said they “are something that can be taken care of.”
“This area’s very solid,” he said of his property. “But if you go down, a couple miles down, you’ll see something that’s pretty amazing. The mountain is moving, and it can be stopped, but they need some help from the government. So, I hope they get the help.”
Trump did not indicate if he was referring to the state government or federal government.
City officials say the golf club is about a half-mile from the active slide area.
Trump repeatedly trashed the Golden State but praised his club, saying he never has to advertise because “it’s always loaded up with golfers” and is “one of the best courses in the world.”
He added: “I have the ocean. Pebble Beach has the bay. The ocean’s better than the bay.”
Mike Krzyzewski still has memories of Chicago’s Polish Broadway, the stretch of Milwaukee Avenue near Wicker Park that was once a hub for Polish restaurants and businesses. The Naismith Basketball Hall of Fame coach grew up in the area and despite his long career at Duke University, the memories of Chicago cling to him.
“You know, every once in a while, some friends or my family will send me a care package of Polish sausage, one of the sandwich meats — I don’t know if they still make a Krakowska — and I just put it on white bread and eat it,” the 77-year-old hoops legend says. “My family would say, ‘You’ve got to put something on it, tomatoes, lettuce?’ I said, ‘No, no, no — it’s a good sandwich with good meat and good bread.’ Chicago food’s terrific.”
Krzyzewski will be in town later this month for a charity event through the V Foundation, raising money for cancer research. The event, called Chicago Epicurean, leverages the city’s prominence as one of the best places to eat in the country. The foundation is named after one of Krzyzewski’s friends and rivals, Jim Valvano, the former head men’s basketball coach at North Carolina State University. Valvano died in 1993 from metastatic adenocarcinoma. Krzyzewski says Valvano recruited him to be part of the foundation more than three decades ago and that’s why he sits on the V Foundation’s board.
Chicago Epicurean kicks off on Thursday, September 19, at the Aviary with an invite-only event hosted by chef Grant Achatz of three-Michelin-starred Alinea. Krzyzewski says he looks forward to meeting Achatz, as he’s been reading more about the chef’s recovery from Stage 4 cancer, a disease that forced surgeons to remove a part of the chef’s tongue. Achatz says it’s important to increase early cancer detection and to raise awareness among patients, clinicians, and pharmaceutical companies while empowering people to be their best advocates in a comfortable and confident environment.
“As a survivor of a lesser prevalent cancer type that is on the rise — especially in people under 30 — I feel it is my responsibility to raise awareness,” Achatz texts, adding: “I am happy to support the V Foundation in its efforts to combat this disease and bring a better quality of life to millions of people each year.”
The public-facing events include a cooking demonstration and lunch with Top Chef alum Fabio Viviani and the auction and gala on Friday, September 20, hosted by Coach K at City Hall in Fulton Market.
There are parallels between the intensity of restaurants and sports, the sometimes fiery Krzyzewski says. That was also noticed in The Bear, a TV series filmed in Chicago that cast Coach K unknowingly into a role the past two seasons. Coincidentally his middle daughter, Lindy, is nicknamed “Bear.” While Krzyzewski didn’t appear in the show, his book, Leading with the Heart: Coach K’s Successful Strategies for Basketball, Business, and Life becomes a source of inspiration and support for Ayo Edebiri’s Sydney Adamu. Krzyzewski and Edebiri share the same talent agency, CAA, and the coach has sent an autographed book to the actress.
“The passion and the intensity that’s shown up in that show is remarkable and that’s why they’ve won so many awards,” Krzyzewski says. “They’re seeking excellence, and they know in order to seek excellence you need everybody on the team seeking it and working as one. There’s a lot of pressure in those kitchens.”
He adds that the culinary world is “very innovative too. You’re not just making a hamburger or hot dog — they’re producing a hell of a lot more than that,” Krzyzewski says. “Although the Chicago hot dogs and hamburgers are pretty good, too.” (Krzyzewski confesses he loves pizza, but isn’t enamored with Chicago deep-dish.)
Krzyzewski says they didn’t dine out much at restaurants growing up, but enjoyed homemade pierogi and sauerkraut. The family was fond of the White Eagle, the event venue that’s famous among the city’s Polish community on the Northwest Side in Niles. Though Krzyzewski’s father, William, was an elevator operator, he would eventually dive into the world of hospitality. He ran a spot that mostly served quick breakfasts and lunches to factory workers near California and Cermak in Little Village: “He wasn’t doing through anything innovative,” Krzyzewski says. “It was really a hard business.”
His father would go on to run a tavern called Cross’ Tap near Damen and 21st Place on the Lower West Side. William Krzyzewski went by the name of “Cross” — his son says during the time of World War II, his family was impacted by ethnic discrimination.
A graduate of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, Krzyzewski says he learned to enjoy different types of foods while depending on Army rations for sustenance. That comes in handy being away from Chicago in the realm of the Atlantic Coast Conference.
“My experience of being an Army officer and then traveling all over the United States and coaching is that you get spoiled by different foods from different cultures,” Krzyzewski says. “I’m also a big Las Vegas guy, and they have some of the amazing restaurants in the world, so I’ve adapted really well.”
While Krzyzewski says he isn’t interested in owning a restaurant, he says he does enjoy seeing friends, family, and former players post photos of their meals on social media.
“I like when people do that, and it also shows that you’re having a good time with friends, and so you would want friends to have a good time with family and friends, so they’re sharing that experience with them,” Krzyzewski says.
The Rev. Paul Anthony Daniels knows the names and life stories of the people who sleep in their cars near St. Mary, a century-old church in Palms.
In the past, homeless people have spent the night in St. Mary’s Sunday school room.
So it wasn’t a huge leap for Daniels to think about building affordable housing on the church property.
A place to sleep, bathe and cook “provides a basic dignity” that can turn around someone’s life and also help the neighborhood, said Daniels.
“The unhoused are a part of this community,” he added. “Not only in the sense that we shelter them, but also in the sense that they live literally around the property.”
Across Los Angeles, some religious leaders are sizing up their own properties, encouraged by new legislation making it easier to develop the land.
A California law that went into effect Jan. 1 allows affordable housing projects on property owned by churches, temples, mosques and other religious institutions to bypass an extensive review process and to be built in single-family neighborhoods. The city of Los Angeles is considering even more exemptions.
An aerial view of St. Mary in Palms, center, where some of the land owned by the church may eventually be leased for affordable housing.
(Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times)
In L.A., which has little vacant land, sky-high rents and a homeless population that topped 45,000 at last count, affordable housing proponents view religious institutions — often land-rich but cash-poor — as an untapped resource.
For religious leaders, building their own housing could be a way to fulfill their missions of helping needy people. And with many congregations shrinking as Americans become less religious, revenue from the developments would help make up for dwindling collection boxes.
But some real estate experts question whether many religious organizations will ultimately seek to build, considering the buy-in required from their members and governing boards. Years of construction near their sanctuaries could be a deterrent, as could opposition from neighbors.
Some cities, including Chino, Rancho Palos Verdes, Santa Clarita and Thousand Oaks, opposed the new state law as it was being debated in Sacramento. Then-Beverly Hills Mayor Lili Bosse said it would strip local governments of their power to control development, “overriding carefully crafted, locally informed plans.”
Leaders at St. Mary, an Episcopal church in the Anglo-Catholic tradition, are in the early stages of studying the idea. The small congregation is close-knit, with a few dozen people attending a typical Sunday service in the diminutive, brown-shingled church. An affordable housing project would enrich church coffers, probably through leasing fees paid by the developer.
The St. Mary property includes two main buildings, a house and six parking spaces on a narrow strip of land in a neighborhood of apartment buildings. Daniels, who has led St. Mary since 2022, said it’s too soon to say where on the property the new housing would go.
The Rev. Paul Anthony Daniels, the rector of St. Mary in Palms.
(Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times)
In South Los Angeles, with its abundance of historically Black churches, many congregations are still reeling from the pandemic and a decline in attendance.
Regina Fair, a board member at Bethel AME-Los Angeles, said her church draws a few hundred people on Sundays but has cut back to a single sermon.
Like other churches, Bethel AME, which was founded in 1921, relied on livestreaming during the pandemic lockdown and uses social media to reach younger people. That all means fewer dollars in the collection plate.
“People became OK with doing church in their home, on their couch,” Fair said. “And when you’re not in the church, it makes a big impact on the giving.”
Bethel AME, which faces a stretch of South Western Avenue lined with businesses and apartment buildings, has embarked on a multiyear plan to develop affordable housing on its parking lot.
The 53-unit project, which benefited from city rules intended to fast-track affordable housing, will cater to some of the homeless men who sleep in the church on cots during the winter. The church also plans to build housing on two nearby parcels it owns.
Logos Faith Housing, which is co-developing the property, was started by a pastor to help churches build affordable housing. Bethel is leasing the land to a collection of backers in what the church’s leader, the Rev. Kelvin T. Calloway, describes as a “perfect model” to bring in revenue over a long period.
Calloway has seen gentrification change other neighborhoods in South L.A., leaving fewer worshipers in church pews. That isn’t happening much yet in Bethel AME’s neighborhood of Manchester Square, but “it’s a real possibility,” he said.
Pastor Martin Porter, managing partner of Logos Faith Development LLC, a real estate development company focused on partnering with religious entities, on the parking lot of Bethel AME Church in Los Angeles.
(Myung J. Chun/Los Angeles Times)
“Christianity is in crisis,” said Logos founder Pastor Martin Porter, who leads Quinn African Methodist Episcopal in Moreno Valley. “You’re seeing a lot of empty pews. The natural question is: What do we do with excess property that’s not being used?”
Bethel AME didn’t need the new state law, sponsored by state Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), to develop its property.
But in L.A., at least 600 sites owned by faith-based groups in single-family neighborhoods are now eligible to build affordable housing, according to the city Planning Department. City officials couldn’t provide information about whether any applications have been filed under the law in the last eight months.
Wiener predicted it will take a few years for a substantial number of projects to launch — particularly as religious institutions figure out how to approach the opportunity.
“They’re typically not major financial players,” he told The Times. “They’re a church or synagogue, not a development company.”
“This is a big deal,” said Pastor John Oh, project manager of faith in housing at L.A. Voice, a community organization that supported the law.
Oh sees it as a potential “domino” that could lead to more zoning changes in single-family neighborhoods, which have long been treated by political leaders as off-limits for multi-unit development.
The city of L.A.’s planning department has put forward a version that, unlike Wiener’s law, does not require paying construction workers prevailing wages, or, on larger projects, providing them with healthcare.
The proposal, which is expected to come before the City Council in the next six months, is meant to appease affordable housing developers who say that the higher wages and benefits can add 30% to their costs.
Labor unions, including the United Brotherhood of Carpenters, are opposed.
Pete Rodriguez, the brotherhood’s western district vice president, called the proposal “outrageous” and suggested it could worsen the homelessness crisis by impoverishing workers.
“When will the city of L.A. realize that so many of our problems, from homelessness to budget deficits, are caused by the simple fact that too many Angelenos cannot make ends meet?” he said.
Wiener declined to comment on the city’s proposal. He said his law prioritizes protections for construction workers, who can be targets of wage theft.
Some development experts privately question whether religious entities in single-family neighborhoods will want to build affordable housing, in the face of possible resistance.
In Laguna Beach, some residents are protesting a church’s plans to build affordable housing under Wiener’s law. A petition against the development on the property of Neighborhood Congregational Church has collected about 1,500 signatures.
“It affects the entire community by altering the neighborhood’s character and exacerbating existing issues such as traffic congestion and parking shortages,” the petition said.
But Bishop Lovester Adams, who heads Greater New St. Matthew Missionary Baptist Church in a single-family residential area in South L.A., isn’t shying away. He called Wiener’s law and the city proposal “a game changer.”
Adams, who is also a senior associate at Logos Development, said he can’t afford to build housing on his church’s parking lot at 36th and Crawford streets unless the city passes the labor exemption.
The church, which dates to the 1960s, is nestled between homes and duplexes. Church leaders regularly give out food and toys to needy residents.
Attendance has fallen since the pandemic, Adams said. Sunday services draw 50 to 70 people, who fill fewer than half the seats. Some older people stay away because of concerns about COVID-19.
Adams said he wants veterans to live in the new housing: “There is a great need there.”
IKAR CEO Melissa Balaban stands in the foundation’s parking lot where affordable housing will be developed in Los Angeles.
(Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times)
On South Fairfax Avenue in Mid-Wilshire, the Jewish congregation IKAR is building an affordable housing complex for formerly homeless senior citizens on its parking lot.
The project was built through Mayor Karen Bass’ Executive Directive 1, which fast-tracks affordable housing, said IKAR executive director Melissa Balaban. State legislation pushed by IKAR reduced the amount of required parking.
Balaban said IKAR isn’t relying on the project, which is being funded by a nonprofit developer, to generate revenue for the congregation.
“My hope is that what we’re doing isn’t just going to provide 60 homes but hopefully inspire other faith-based communities,” she said.
In Palms, St. Mary member Julia Bergstrom, 72, is enthusiastic about the idea of affordable housing on the church property.
She has noticed the number of people living in RVs rise and fall, and she finds the years-long wait for Section 8 housing vouchers to be “immoral.”
While she worries about changes to the “very beautiful little church” she has attended since 2008, “it doesn’t stop me, and it doesn’t make me sad about the whole thing,” she said.
The city of Los Angeles will pay nearly $40 million to settle three lawsuits alleging abuses by the LAPD, including a case brought by the family of a Trader Joe’s manager accidentally killed by a police officer who was firing at a fleeing suspect.
Melyda “Mely” Corado was fatally shot in 2018 at the Silver Lake store where she worked. Her father and brother sued the city and the officers involved in the shooting, alleging that they opened fire recklessly into the crowded store.
The $9.5 million settlement with the Corado family, which was previously negotiated but hadn’t been disclosed, was the smallest of three payouts the City Council approved on Friday.
The others were:
$17.7 million for the family of Kenneth French, a 32-year-old mentally disabled man fatally shot by an off-duty LAPD officer inside a Costco in Corona in June 2019.
$11.8 million for James Simpson, an elderly man who sustained a traumatic brain injury after being struck by a traffic signal pole toppled in an accident caused by an LAPD detective who ran a red light.
The council approved all three settlements unanimously.
In a statement released through their attorneys, Corado’s family members said they would “keep her memory alive always.”
“Nothing will bring Mely back to us and we are forever heartbroken by her violent death caused by those who are meant to protect and serve the community,” the statement read. “We hope this settlement sends a loud message to LAPD and all law enforcement agencies across the country that officers must account for their surroundings when firing their guns.”
The family’s lawyers called the settlement the largest pretrial payout ever in an LAPD shooting case.
“Mely’s death was entirely preventable if the officers had followed their training and accounted for their background while firing,” said attorney Neil Gehlawat. “Officers must look at the dangers posed to bystanders when using deadly force, and the officers here failed to do that.”
Corado was fatally shot on July 21, 2018, as two police officers pursued Gene Evin Atkins, suspected of shooting his grandmother and his girlfriend and then taking the younger woman hostage. Atkins led police on a lengthy pursuit in his grandmother’s car, during which he shot at officers, ran red lights and collided with multiple vehicles, prosecutors alleged.
The chase ended at the Trader Joe’s on Hyperion Avenue. Atkins stopped the car and ran toward the store, which was crowded with Saturday afternoon shoppers.
Atkins shot at the officers, who returned fire as he entered the store. One of the officer’s bullets struck Corado, killing her. Atkins was wounded in the arm, but he held shoppers and employees hostage inside the store for three hours before surrendering. His trial is pending.
The LAPD came under harsh criticism for shooting a bystander, which then-Chief Michel Moore described as “every officer’s worst nightmare.”
In the French case, the $17.7 million payout is roughly the same amount awarded by a federal jury in 2021 after Officer Salvador Sanchez was found to have used excessive and unreasonable force. Sanchez, who was later fired, was off-duty when he and French got into a confrontation in a line to sample sausages.
Sanchez’s attorney claimed during the federal trial that he was knocked to the ground during the encounter and believed that French was armed. Sanchez’s rounds killed French and wounded his mother and father.
The Police Commission found that Sanchez violated department policy. Sanchez also faced criminal manslaughter and assault charges, but the prosecution ended in a mistrial earlier this year. A call to the French family’s attorney went unreturned on Friday.
Simpson sued the city after sustaining numerous injuries when LAPD detective Alex Pozo ran a red light in Chino while driving a city-owned vehicle in August 2020. The driver of an SUV swerved to avoid colliding with Pozo and crashed into a traffic pole, which fell on top of Simpson, 70, as he walked on the sidewalk.
The city council voted not to approve a settlement for an LAPD sergeant who sued after being repeatedly disciplined over controversial posts on his personal Facebook and Instagram accounts. The sergeant, Joel Sydanmaa, accused the LAPD of singling him out for punishment for expressing political viewpoints they didn’t like.
“We rejected their suggestion, and we asked them to go to trial,” Councilmember Bob Blumenfield said.
Sydanmaa’s attorney, Caleb Mason, said he was “disappointed” that city officials apparently backtracked on what he described as a signed settlement agreement.
“My client waited three-and-a-half years for a trial date and then he agreed to vacate that trial date two weeks before his trial, based on the word of high level city attorney officials — he trusted them,” Mason said.
Friday’s payouts add to the more than $171 million in taxpayer money spent since 2019 to resolve legal claims accusing the LAPD of wrongful death, excessive force, negligence, discrimination and more, according to records from the L.A. City Tttorney’s office.
That figure could grow because the city is appealing several sizable payouts, including the $4 million that a jury awarded to then-Capt. Lillian Carranza, who sued over a nude photograph that was doctored to look like her and shared with coworkers.
Several people have been arrested and tens of thousands of pounds of copper recovered as part of a crackdown by Los Angeles police and staff on thieves and rogue recyclers that at times have left the city paralyzed and dark in the last few years, officials announced at a Tuesday news conference.
Flanked by members of the Los Angeles Police Department and Caltrans, City Council President Paul Krekorian announced that 16,000 pounds of copper wire valued at $40,000 has been recovered during a recent two-month crackdown.
“The consequences to the taxpayers of Los Angeles are far, far greater than that,” he said of the copper’s value. “The cost of repairs to replace that copper wire are estimated to be over a half-million dollars already.”
As part of the push in enforcement, LAPD Deputy Chief Alan Hamilton said eight East Valley recyclers have been fined and arrests made, but he did not provide details on how many or for what charges. Police also made arrests at other facilities on suspicion of theft, failure to report and receiving stolen property.
“We are aware of and have observed some of our businesses being less than honest brokers,” Hamilton said, adding that some area recyclers have been purchasing stolen wire from outside the city as well.
Krekorian’s office said at least two people were arrested at a North Hollywood recycler on June 19, followed by more arrests, including a manager, three days later at another North Hollywood recycler.
“We have refocused our efforts on the most egregious individuals and businesses that we’ve identified through our tracking system as continually having involvement in this illegal activity,” Hamilton said.
Hamilton said that one time, the California Department of Transportation incurred a $150,000 loss from a single individual.
“If you just multiple that over the course of a year, that can be very expensive for the taxpayer,” Hamilton said.
More arrests are expected, the deputy chief said.
Over its last three North Hollywood operations, the LAPD has reclaimed 1,668 pounds of stolen copper wire, along with hundreds of pounds of aluminum cable and backup batteries for roadway safety systems, it said. In late July, the city announced it had made 82 arrests and recovered 2,000 pounds of wire.
City Councilmembers Kevin de León and Traci Park attributed the efforts to the city’s copper wire task force, a partnership between the LAPD and the Bureau of Street Lighting.
In November, Krekorian acknowledged that copper wire theft had been seen “too often” as “a minor crime” despite recent spikes that left neighborhoods “darker and more dangerous.”
That day Krekorian announced the city would target “unscrupulous” metal recyclers — the “upstream part of the problem” — who were not checking identifications of vendors or material provenance.
City Atty. Hydee Feldstein Soto eventually sent letters to 600 recyclers throughout the city warning them they were subject to searches and inspections.
The Johnson family sets off on their e-bike after rally and victory lap for the city, celebrating success in its rebate campaign, held in parallel with the (e)Revolution e-bike trade show at the Colorado Convention Center. June 10, 2023.
Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite
Be ready — Denver’s popular e-bike rebates will once again open up to the public Tuesday at 11 a.m.
This is the fourth e-bike rebate drop of the year, with one more scheduled for October 29. So far this year, nearly 9,000 Denverites have received e-bike vouchers. The program launched in 2022, in hopes of getting Denverites to drive less.
A 2023 survey conducted by the city found that, so far, their program is working. Data showed that the average e-bike voucher redeemer has since replaced 3.4 car trips and traveled about 23 miles a week on their new e-bike.
The vouchers range from $300 to $1,400, depending on your income and what kind of e-bike you get. Vouchers must be redeemed within 90 days of receiving them.
Vouchers are first-come, first-serve and typically run out within minutes of the online portal opening. Residents can make accounts ahead of time to cut down on the time it takes to get through the process, but will need to log in at 11 a.m. to apply for the voucher.
Someone affixed fraudulent QR codes to parking meters in popular areas of Redondo Beach in an attempt to scam residents and visitors, authorities warned.
The QR codes — which direct people to a website that’s not affiliated with the city or its official parking meter system — were found on about 150 parking meters along the Esplanade and in the Riviera Village area, the Redondo Beach Police Department said Saturday in a news release. When users reached that website, poybyphone.online, they were prompted to enter their location and payment information.
The stickers, all of which have since been removed, were placed next to labels for legitimate companies that allow people to make parking fee payments online by either scanning a QR code, downloading an app or visiting a website. The city contracts with two companies, ParkMobile and PayByPhone, to take those payments.
Anyone who may have been defrauded by the fake QR codes, who received a parking citation after making a payment through the fraudulent website, or who has information about those responsible for the scam stickers is asked to contact the Redondo Beach Police Department at (310) 379-2477.
The scam has precedent. QR codes directing users to the same fraudulent website were recently discovered on at least 51 parking meters in Ottawa, Canada, according to the Ottawa Citizen.
In fact, the practice is now so commonplace that it has a name: “quishing,” short for “QR code phishing,” according to the U.S. Postal Inspection Service. This brand of identity fraud scam typically sees criminals try to lure victims into providing personal or financial information by placing QR codes in high-traffic locations or sending them via email or text message. The codes direct unsuspecting users to fraudulent websites that often attempt to masquerade as sites affiliated with government agencies or banks, according to the USPIS. The information the scammers obtain can then be used to commit other crimes such as financial fraud.
The sale of one of Los Angeles’ largest collections of homeless housing was approved by a judge Wednesday, marking a final step in averting a catastrophic loss of permanent shelter in Skid Row.
Los Angeles County Superior Court Judge Stephen Goorvitch said the $10-million purchase price for 17 buildings to be paid by Beverly Hills developer Leo Pustilnikov was in the best interest of formerly homeless tenants and L.A. taxpayers who had been financing the portfolio’s maintenance and repairs for 16 months.
“This is a solution that is the product of collaboration, hard work and checks and balances,” Goorvitch said. “Only time will tell whether this will be a success story, but I am optimistic.”
Goorvitch on Wednesday approved the sale of an additional building, the New Genesis, to KE Ventures, an entity affiliated with a Washington D.C.-based multifamily developer, for $2.1 million. Both deals are scheduled to close next month. Along with the earlier transfers of 11 other properties to nonprofit landlords, all 29 buildings previously controlled by the Skid Row Housing Trust have found new owners.
The trust was once considered a national model for taking old single-room occupancy hotels and small apartment complexes in Skid Row and rehabilitating them into supportive housing for homeless residents. But in February 2023, the nonprofit announced it could no longer pay its bills after years of leadership problems and financial challenges. The decision left its 2,000-unit portfolio in disarray as tenants, many of whom were elderly, disabled or dealing with drug addiction, faced broken plumbing and heating, vermin infestations and other terrible conditions.
Mayor Karen Bass, City Atty. Hydee Feldstein Soto and other city leaders pushed for a court-ordered receivership last year to oversee the portfolio and search for new owners. Without urgent action, they said at the time, more than a thousand people could be forced to the streets and a critical source of homeless housing would be abandoned.
Identifying new owners has been challenging, for some of the same reasons that the trust failed. Many buildings are aging and need extensive repairs; federal housing subsidies haven’t covered growing monthly costs to operate them; the tenant population has grown more difficult as leasing practices prioritize those with mental health and addiction needs. Kevin Singer, the current receiver, said in recent court filings that some of the properties had such negative value that they couldn’t be given away.
But that plan faltered in the spring as city and state budgets dried up. A deal for some of the remaining buildings with the AIDS Healthcare Foundation broke down in April amid concerns about the charity’s track record in Skid Row, disputes over providing tenants with social services and the foundation’s assertion that conditions in the buildings were worse than they had believed.
Pustilnikov, who had long been interested in the properties, emerged as a buyer in the aftermath. The developer is better known for his plans to leverage a state law to build 3,500 new apartments in Beverly Hills, Redondo Beach and other wealthy Southern California communities. His attempt to amass a large downtown portfolio alongside two wealthy investors a decade ago fell apart amid litigation.
Pustilnikov has said that he’s stepping in to prevent worsening conditions in Skid Row and that he’s learned the complexities of financing and managing affordable housing in the neighborhood. He’s committed to maintaining social services for tenants, a key demand of Bass and the city.
“I would like to thank the city, county and state for their efforts in protecting this vulnerable population and I look forward to continuing to work with the mayor, City Council and County Board of Supervisors in turning around these challenging and neglected properties,” Pustilnikov said in a statement.
No formal opposition emerged to the sale, which Goorvich said was a significant factor in his approval following a 90-minute hearing in which he questioned city lawyers and the receiver. Goorvich said he was persuaded this decision would avoid an outcome that would threaten vulnerable tenants’ housing and that the city had sufficient regulatory authority to ensure the new owners would improve the properties.
“To put it in colloquial terms, something is better than nothing,” the judge said. “But I think this is a good something.”
Ann Sewill, general manager of the Los Angeles Housing Department, said after the hearing that she’s been impressed with Pustilnikov’s attention to the properties since he’s been engaged in the deal. She said he’s attempted to visit tenants units across the portfolio, asked detailed questions about building operations and has worked collaboratively with the city.
“We have a clear-eyed view of how to put these buildings back into financial and physical viability,” Sewill said.
As locations go, the just-opened Legal Sea Foods couldn’t have found a more fitting setting than in Marina City, which offers sweeping views of the nearby Chicago River.
Or as Matt King, president and chief operating officer of Legal Sea Foods, puts it, “It’s always nice whenever you’re eating seafood and you’re on the water.”
Initially created in 1950 as a fish market in Cambridge, Massachusetts, Legal Sea Foods Chicago is the first non-East Coast location for the chain, which operates 27 restaurants and a seafood production facility. Legal Sea Foods is a New England institution, though locals have strained feelings since the Berkowitz family sold the company in 2020. The fish chowder has been served at every Presidential inauguration since Ronald Regan’s in 1981. The new owner, PPX Hospitality Brands, already has restaurants in Chicago.
“We have a long history of working in Chicago with Smith & Wollensky, so we are really comfortable with the market,” says King of the neighboring steakhouse, which is also part of PPX. During COVID, Legal operated a ghost kitchen out of Smith & Wollensky to test the market.
The chowder is a Presidential institution.Legal Sea Foods
This is the former Dick’s Last Resort.Legal Sea Foods
Executive Chef Ozzy Amelotti, formerly of The Metropolitan Club and Carnivale, heads up the kitchen of the two-level restaurant, which officially opened on July 30 inside the former Dick’s Last Resort. The all-day menu features a number of the restaurant’s signature dishes, including clam chowder, crab cake, and half-pound lobster roll. Fish and chips, like all its fried seafood offerings, are made with gluten-free proprietary breading. Fresh oysters are a regular feature at all Legal Sea Foods as they are here. Nigiri and maki are newer additions for the chain.
Amelotti also created dishes specifically for Chicago, including grilled or blackened Lake Superior white fish. Appetizer scallops de Jonghe is a riff on the signature Chicago dish originally made with shrimp, buttery breadcrumbs, sherry, and garlic.
“You can’t go into a new location and say I’m not going to use anything that’s from there,” says King. “It’s important to connect to where you are. We obviously got our core items and what we are famous for, but there’s always room to add some local flair.”
The first floor dining room.Legal Sea Foods
Local also applies to one of the on-tap beers. Legal Sea Foods worked with Chicago’s Spiteful Brewing to create a New England-style IPA, Working for the Haze. The signature red and white wine sangrias get an extra kick with the addition of rum and vodka. The wine-by-the-glass program features two pours, six and eight ounces.
Legal Sea Foods expansive river-level space seats 240 and features a large bar area, main dining room, private event spaces, and an outdoor terrace. A curved staircase leads up to the intimate upper-level Oyster Bar, with bar seating and tables for 30.
While the 10,000-square-foot riverfront location provides obvious perks, creating the restaurant inside the landmarked Marina City building designed by architect Bertrand Goldberg wasn’t without its challenges.
The half-pound lobster roll.Legal Sea Foods
“It certainly gives your architects and designers a lot to think about,” says King, citing the dilemma of how to incorporate the curves and turns of the space into the design. One solution was the creation of curved waved-shaped banquette seating that mirrors the curves of the building’s interior core.
“Instead of trying to hide its uniqueness, we worked with it,” he says. “The space really dictated a lot of the layout, which is one of the things we like. It’s very much Marina City and when you come into that space, you know where you are.”
Legal Sea Foods, 315 N Dearborn Street (entrance off State St. Bridge, next to Smith & Wollensky). Open for lunch and dinner 11 a.m. to 11 p.m. Monday through Saturday and 11 a.m. to 10 p.m. Sunday.
A week into what Mayor London Breed has called a “very aggressive” effort to clear homeless encampments across San Francisco, a key question looms: Where will the people living in those tents go?
Outreach workers, backed by law enforcement officers, have fanned out in recent days in targeted efforts to clear some of San Francisco’s most visible encampments, confiscating personal belongings and telling the owners it’s time to pack up and go.
They’ve cleared unsanctioned tent cities under freeways and a stretch of sidewalk in the drug-plagued Tenderloin with the aim of forcing people off the streets. On Monday, city workers visited a longtime encampment lining the sidewalks outside San Francisco’s only DMV office that had been cleared more than a dozen times this year only to resurrect days later.
By Monday night, the sidewalks were clean.
Breed’s efforts are buoyed by a pivotal June 28 U.S. Supreme Court ruling that authorized local communities to more forcefully restrict homeless encampments on sidewalks and other public property.
In response, Breed said that San Francisco, a city that’s become a favorite right-wing punching bag for its sprawling homelessness crisis, would launch a more determined initiative to clear encampments. The time had come, she said, to address “this issue differently than we have before.”
Despite a years-long effort to move people into shelter or housing, street encampments remain a visible problem in San Francisco.
(Tayfun Coskun / Getty Images)
An estimated 8,300 people are living homeless in San Francisco, about half of them sleeping in parks and on sidewalks in makeshift shelters. Despite a years-long effort to move people into temporary shelter or permanent housing, tent encampments remain a glaring problem, often accompanied by trash, theft and open drug use.
For years, Breed and other city officials said their hands were tied by decisions issued by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit that deemed it cruel and unusual punishment to penalize someone for sleeping on the streets if no legal shelter was available. Now, bolstered by the Supreme Court ruling, city personnel can take a tougher stance if people refuse help.
But San Francisco, along with many other West Coast cities looking to crack down on encampments, still hasn’t figured out where people are supposed to go once their tents are dismantled: The city’s shelters — with roughly 3,600 beds — are at 94% of capacity, according to the San Francisco Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing.
“Unfortunately, San Francisco does not have enough shelter or housing for every person experiencing homelessness, but we do have some beds available each day to support the work of the outreach teams, and we continue to grow our system,” Emily Cohen, the department’s spokesperson, wrote in an email.
Jeff Cretan, the mayor’s spokesperson, said the city doesn’t necessarily expect a huge influx of new people in shelters. After years of attempts to move people inside, those still living on the streets tend to be the most resistant to accepting offers of shelter, often because they’re struggling with mental illness and substance-use disorders.
In the first three days of this week’s encampment sweeps, only about 10% of the people offered shelter have accepted it, Cretan said.
Instead, Breed — in the thick of a difficult reelection bid — is turning to strategies other than more shelter beds. She said the city may issue criminal penalties for people who repeatedly refuse shelter. But the prospect of local jails processing hundreds more homeless people also raises capacity issues.
On Thursday, Breed put weight behind another approach. She issued an executive directive requiring outreach workers to offer homeless people who aren’t from San Francisco free transportation out of town — to cities where they have family, friends or other connections. Cretan said the city would cover the cost of bus, plane or train fares.
The city has had a similar program in effect for years, but it lost traction during the pandemic. Under the new directive, workers are to press the relocation option before offering any other city services, including housing and shelter.
According to the city’s 2024 annual point-in-time homeless survey, about 40% of people living on the streets said they were not from San Francisco.
“This directive will ensure that relocation services will be the first response to our homelessness and substance-use crises, allowing individuals the choice to reunite with support networks before accessing other city services or facing the consequences of refusing care,” Breed wrote in the directive.
San Francisco Mayor London Breed faces a difficult reelection bid, with homeless numbers a burning issue. Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, right, is among her challengers.
(Eric Risberg / Associated Press)
Breed’s hard-line approach has drawn sharp criticism from homeless advocates, who argue that clearing tents does not address the poverty and addiction that cause homelessness — and who say her efforts are politically motivated.
“Policies to address homelessness must be humane, lawful and effective — not implemented just because someone’s job is on the line,” said Aaron Peskin, president of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors and one of Breed’s mayoral challengers.
Peskin instead called for bolstering rent control and protections against eviction, and for the city to expand shelter and affordable housing options.
Since Breed took office, the city has increased shelter capacity from about 2,500 beds to nearly 4,000, the mayor’s office said, and permanent supportive housing slots to about 14,000. Cohen, with the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, cited those efforts as the reason the number of people living on city streets is at “the lowest level in at least 10 years.”
Cretan said the relocation offers and threat of criminal penalties are just a starting point as the city figures out what strategies will work.
“The mayor really wants to make clear [that] you have to accept shelter. But, clearly, it’s not going to be everyone says yes,” Cretan said. “It’s not like you snap your fingers and everything changes overnight.”
A town of 5,200 just inside the California border along Route 66 now boasts a scorching new record — the hottest monthly average temperature in the country.
Needles averaged 103.2 degrees in July, surpassing Phoenix‘s highest average temperature last July of 102.7 degrees, according to the Arizona State Climate Office. In an X post, the department ceded the unfortunate title to Needles.
Phoenix is happy to relinquish the record to Needles, now the hottest monthly U.S. city with 103.2°F (preliminary avg July temp).
Arizona welcomes a few new members to the 100°F+ monthly temp club: Palm Springs (100.0°F) and Blythe (100.7°F). Welcome?
The post also referenced two other cities, Palm Springs and Blythe, and welcomed them to the club of cities with average temperatures of at least three digits for an entire month.
“Welcome?” the post said.
Jan Jernigan, the mayor of Needles, was not surprised by her town’s achievement, saying: “We probably did [beat the record], quite easily.”
The heat is a part of the town’s culture. When the City Council hosts meetings, it offers guests a basket of Red Hots candy with a sign that reads, “Needles is Red Hot,” Jernigan said.
The heat is ingrained in Needles’ culture. City officials offer Red Hots candy at public meetings, with a sign reading “Needles is Red Hot.”
(Courtey of Jan Jernigan)
Needles has learned to hold city events early in the morning to avoid the worst of the heat, Jernigan said. A food distribution event this morning started around 5 a.m. and lasted only until 8 a.m., she said, before temperatures became oppressive.
The town, also known for references in the “Peanuts” comics as the home of Snoopy’s brother Spike, still draws tourists and residents alike to its three beaches on the Colorado River where they can try to beat the summer heat, said City Manager Patrick Martinez. The city has spent $8.4 million in grants to improve infrastructure, including updating parks, he said.
“You’ve [got to] be waist-deep in the Colorado River” to stay cool in Needles, he said.
In late June, the region’s intense heat was partly to blame for an unusual brush fire that broke out near Needles, burning 70 acres and destroying one structure. It crossed into Arizona and burned 143 acres there. Martinez said the infrastructure upgrades included beach cleanups that will help reduce the risk of future wildfires, especially during a wildfire-prone summer. This year’s hot weather has contributed to fires burning 30 times as many acres statewide as last year.
To fight the heat, the town operates a senior center that provides water and a cool place for people to gather. It is equipped with a generator and can be opened during an emergency if power outages put residents in danger of overheating, Martinez said.
Jernigan said the most recent improvements to Needles’ infrastructure aren’t the end of the story. “We still have a long way to go,” she said.
Some of L.A.’s poorest families received cash assistance of $1,000 a month as part of a 12-month pilot project launched nearly three years ago. There were no strings attached and they could use the money however they saw fit.
Now, a new study finds that the city-funded program was overwhelmingly beneficial.
Participants in the program experienced a host of financial benefits, according to an analysis co-authored by University of Pennsylvania and UCLA researchers. Beyond that, the study found, the initiative gave people the time and space to make deeper changes in their lives. That included landing better jobs, leaving unsafe living conditions and escaping abusive relationships.
“If you are trapped in financial scarcity, you are also trapped in time scarcity,” Dr. Amy Castro, co-founder of the University of Pennsylvania’s Center for Guaranteed Income Research, told The Times. “There’s no time for yourself; there’s no time for your kids, your neighbors or anybody else.”
The Basic Income Guaranteed: Los Angeles Economic Assistance Pilot, or BIG:LEAP, disbursed $38.4 million in city funds to 3,200 residents who were pregnant or had at least one child, lived at or below the federal poverty level and experienced hardship related to COVID-19. Participants were randomly selected from about 50,000 applicants and received the payments for 12 months starting in 2022.
Castro and her colleagues partnered with researchers at UCLA’s Fielding School of Public Health to compare the experiences of participants in L.A.’s randomized control trial — the country’s first large-scale guaranteed-income pilot using public funds — with those of nearly 5,000 people who didn’t receive the unconditional cash.
Researchers found that participants reported a meaningful increase in savings and were more likely to be able to cover a $400 emergency during and after the program. Guaranteed-income recipients also were more likely to secure full-time or part-time employment, or to be looking for work, rather than being unemployed and not looking for work, the study found.
“Instead of taking the very first job that was available, that might not have been a lasting, good fit for the family, [the participants were] saying, ‘Hold on a minute, I have a moment to sit and think and breathe, and think about where I want my family to be,’ ” said Dr. Stacia West, also a co-founder of the University of Pennsylvania’s Center for Guaranteed Income Research.
In a city with sky-high rents, participants reported that the guaranteed income functioned as “a preventative measure against homelessness,” according to the report, helping them offset rental costs and serving as a buffer while they waited for other housing support.
It also prevented or reduced the incidence of intimate partner violence, the analysis found, by making it possible for people and their children to leave and find other housing. Intimate partner violence is an intractable social challenge, Castro said, so to see improvements with just 12 months of funding is a “pretty extraordinary change.”
People who had struggled to maintain their health because of inflexible or erratic work schedules and lack of child care reported that the guaranteed income provided the safety net they needed to maintain healthier behaviors, the report said. They reported sleeping better, exercising more, resuming necessary medications and seeking mental health therapy for themselves and their children.
Compared with those who didn’t receive cash, guaranteed income recipients were more likely to enroll their kids in sports and clubs during and after the pilot.
Los Angeles resident Ashley Davis appeared at a news conference Tuesday about the study findings and said that her health improved because she could afford to buy fruits, vegetables and smoothies. Before, she was pre-diabetic and “my cholesterol was going through the roof,” Davis said.
“I was neglecting my own needs,” said Davis, who described herself as a single mother of a special-needs child. She switched careers and is now studying to be a nurse, she said.
Abigail Marquez, general manager of the Community Investment for Families Department, which helped oversee BIG:LEAP, said she’s spent 20 years working on various anti-poverty programs.
“I can say confidently that this is by far the most transformative program,” Marquez said.
BIG:LEAP was one of the largest of more than 150 guaranteed-income pilot programs launched nationwide in recent years. The program was funded through the city budget and included $11 million that city leaders moved from the Police Department budget in response to nationwide protests after the murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer in 2020.
Despite the positive research findings, programs like BIG:LEAP have raised concerns among some taxpayer groups.
“It’s simply wrong for the city government to take tax dollars earned and paid by people who are trying to pay their own bills and transfer that money to other people chosen by the government to receive it,” the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Assn. said in a statement. “Guaranteed-income programs are appropriately funded voluntarily by charitable organizations and foundations, not forcibly through the tax code.”
Councilmember Curren Price, whose South Los Angeles district includes some of the city’s most impoverished neighborhoods, introduced a motion Tuesday to continue a version of the pilot with a focus on people in abusive relationships and young adults in need of mental health and emotional support.
Price said he would contribute $1 million toward the next phase from his council funds. Councilmember Hugo Soto-Martinez also pledged $1 million.
Beyond that, it’s not clear where the next round of funding would come from. Price expressed hope the city would continue to support the effort through the general budget.
“I don’t know how realistic it is that it’s going to be $40 million again,” Price said. “But I think it’s realistic that we could receive something.”
This article is part of The Times’ equity reporting initiative, funded by the James Irvine Foundation, exploring the challenges facing low-income workers and the efforts being made to address California’s economic divide.
In South Pasadena, new police cars are patrolling to reduce crime and cutting emissions at the same times.
The South Pasadena Police Department unveiled Monday what the city says is the first all-electric vehicle police fleet in the country, sporting 10 Tesla Model Ys for patrol and 10 Model 3s for detectives and administration.
The city will pay $1.85 million overall for the electrified fleet, officials said in a release. Over half of the project’s cost are covered by multiple partners that have agreed to build city-managed electric vehicle chargers and contingencies.
“This transition reflects the city’s vision of a sustainable future, based on both sound fiscal management and environmental stewardship,” Mayor Evelyn Zneimer said in the release. “We will have a 21st Century police force that is safe, clean and saves taxpayer dollars.”
The new zero-emissions police force will save the city more than $400,000 in gas and maintenance costs over 10 years, according to the Electrify South Pasadena website.
Fuel costs alone were about $4,355 a year for the department, compared to the estimated cost of $336 per year to charge all of the new cars, according to a September 2022 staff report.
The fluctuating cost of gas could impact the city’s savings, South Pasadena Police Department Sgt. Tony Abdalla said. The $312,282 figure was calculated using September 2022 gas prices, which were $5.27 a gallon in California, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration. Gas prices have fallen since then, down to $4.47 a gallon this month.
The fuel savings are not the only advantage to the zero-emission vehicles.
The 2022 report presenting the plan to the city council cited “significant maintenance and reliability issues” over the gasoline-powered fleet.
One gas-powered police vehicle overheated during a pursuit. Another was out of service due to a blown head gasket. Yet another had electrical and brake issues. Two had air conditioning problems, one with a note that the vehicle’s AC was “insufficient” for the K9 assigned to it.
South Pasadena police had been considering for years whether to replace the fleet of 22 vehicles, six of which were out of commission. “We were looking for a creative solution,” Abdalla said.
The department looked to the 35 other police departments all over the country that had added electric vehicles to see if going all-electric was possible. No other agency, however, had transitioned the whole force, according to the city.
The new vehicles require a new infrastructure, which lead to the construction of 34 Level 2 electric vehicle chargers at South Pasadena City Hall, funded by the Charge Ready program from Southern California Edison. An additional Level 3 charger, which can fully charge an electric vehicle in about an hour, will also be installed in the police department parking lot.
The city is also expected to benefit from the revenue generated by 14 public-facing EV chargers at City Hall plus Low Carbon Fuel Standard credits from the state’s Air Resources Board, which could translate to thousands of dollars a month.
A backup solar and battery storage system that was provided by the Clean Power Alliance’s Power Ready Program protects the department from running out of power during electricity outages and grid failures.
The project expects to reduce 1,850 metric tons of smog-creating carbon dioxide by 2030, greatly surpassing the city’s current plan for the police department to reduce 23 metric tons by 2030.
The move to the Tesla fleet reduces 10% of the city’s overall emission cuts needed to meet the state’s 2030 climate action plan to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 40% below 1990 levels statewide.
City Councilmember Michael Cacciotti may be the strongest advocate for the clean-air alternatives.
The genesis of the plan had its start two decades ago, Cacciotti said, after he read studies about the harm of air pollution and decided to trade in his sports car, asking car dealers, “What’s the cleanest car you have available?”
Cacciotti, who is also the vice chair of the South Coast Air Quality Management District, said he bought a Toyota Prius that is still running strong after 20 years and 188,000 miles. It recently needed its very first change of brakes and rotors — a testament to how little maintenance hybrid and electric cars require, he said.
Protecting public health, Cacciotti said, was a driving factor for the change. Police cars idle, while cops write tickets at traffic stops or respond to emergency calls. During that time, gas-powered cars release emissions that impact the health of children and elders and worsen the climate crisis. “We can’t ignore these things,” he said.
Now that the infrastructure for electric city vehicles is in place, Cacciotti said, he is looking into replacing the city’s fire trucks with zero-emission versions in the next few years.
But South Pasadena is not the first to turn to zero-emission vehicles. The city of Irvine recently added a Cybertruck to its fleet, though it won’t be used on patrol, and Anaheim added Teslas in a pilot program in April.
Meanwhile, tune-ups, oil changes and spark plug replacements are now things of the past at the South Pasadena Police Department. Lower long-term maintenance costs are part of the savings plan.
In preparing the project over the last four years, Abdalla said, city officials had to reconsider crashes involving police cars.
The Tesla Model Y and Model 3 are some of the safest vehicles on the market, boasting the highest rating possible from the Insurance Institute of Higher Safety.
“We reached this decision because we wanted the safest and most capable vehicle for the job,” the South Pasadena Police Department wrote in an X post.
The department’s announcement earned a handshake emoji from Tesla’s North American X account.
But Tesla’s safety features, like lane assistance and emergency stopping, might work against patrol officers when they are chasing a suspect and must navigate through traffic at high speeds or perform a maneuver to bump a fleeing car, forcing it to spin out or stop.
For maneuvers that involve bumping fleeing cars, Abdalla said, it’s hard to test because it would require crashing a car. Lane assistance can be turned off in the Tesla’s settings, and the department has run into no issues since testing the first police Tesla last December.
Abdalla said he is optimistic that the experiment will be a success.
“It’s been years of work,” he said, “and it’s exciting to see it come to fruition.”
Standing before the renowned peristyle at the Los Angeles Coliseum, where the 1984 Olympics opening ceremony was held, Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg on Thursday touted a $77-million infusion of cash for Metro to pay for more electric buses.
The buses will help ferry tens of thousands of fans across the city in what is being trumpeted as a “transit-first” Games, and are among thousands of details that officials need to get in order before Los Angeles hosts the 2028 Olympics. The cash influx aids a larger effort by the Metropolitan Transportation Authority as it pushes to turn its fleet of 2,000-plus buses all-electric by 2030.
“Angelenos and Olympians are going to know just how efficient this region’s public transit can be. This is an investment in the future,” said Buttigieg, flanked by Mayor Karen Bass, LA28 Chairman Casey Wasserman and other officials who are looking to the Paris Olympics, set to start this month, as L.A.’s countdown begins.
MTA aims to acquire battery-electric buses, charging equipment and supporting infrastructure to operate reliable zero-emission services spanning multiple cities within L.A. County.
Buttigieg spent the day in Los Angeles riding the subway, getting on trains, taking buses and touting funds the region had received as part of the Biden administration’s $1-trillion infrastructure bill, which has pumped millions of dollars into Metro’s expanding rail system and the port, as well as getting new projects off the ground. But most Los Angeles officials had their minds trained on the 2028 Olympics, with the Paris Games just days away.
More than a million people are expected to come to the Los Angeles region for the 17-day Olympiad, and organizers want them to arrive at venues by public transit, on foot or by bike. That will be quite a feat for a sprawling metropolis known for its congested freeways. So, local leaders have used the Olympic Games to add urgency to their wish lists, such as the fleet of electric buses. This strategy has led to some funding — but it won’t solve the logistical puzzle of moving vast crowds of tourists on a day-to-day basis.
Metro has asked the Biden administration for an additional $319 million for the upcoming year to cover costs related to the Games, including $45 million to plan and design the supplemental-bus system that will carry fans to venues and $14 million to design routes for athletes and other VIPs.
Buttigieg said he couldn’t “get ahead of the White House” but that his department had been providing technical support to Congress members who are weighing how to support the Olympics with funding.
But, so far, there hasn’t been a commitment. Mayor Bass, who is heading to Paris next week for the Olympics, said she was confident that President Biden, who is facing a bruising campaign, will help Los Angeles.
“The White House has been supportive from Day One,” she said Thursday on a grassy area outside the Coliseum. “There is an individual staff person there that focuses on the Olympics that we stay in constant contact with. And so I feel very encouraged.”
Then-Mayor Eric Garcetti, who secured the ’28 Games, sold it to the public as a monumental event that would generate millions, not burden taxpayers. But transportation is proving to be tricky. One tabulation of the cost to double the number of buses so fans can better transverse the city on public transit is estimated at upward of $1 billion.
And the buses purchased from the federal grant won’t expand the fleet or get the agency to its goals of going electric. There are too many roadblocks for that to happen, including a lack of chargers and a shrunken pool of manufacturers that can deliver electric buses.
For now, Bass and many of the rest of the Metro board — which includes the Board of Supervisors — will go to Paris to watch how the city handles the Olympic and Paralympic Games.
And they are in wait-and-see mode when it comes to funding.
The incoming Metro executive board chair, Supervisor Janice Hahn, said she and Bass pitched Buttigieg as they rode the B Line on Thursday, stressing that the federal government should help with the Olympics.
“We wanted to make the case that we shouldn’t go it alone,” she said. “We could use federal dollars to help us.”
Not your home. Probably not a place you’d even want to be your home.
But welcome to some of the Houses of Los Angeles — notorious, historic and just plain fabulous.
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So many superb and significant houses have slipped through L.A.’s civic fingers and into the steel scoop of a bulldozer, yet the city has just chosen to make a stand in Brentwood, preserving in perpetuity as a cultural-historic monument an otherwise undistinguished 1929 Spanish-style house that actress Marilyn Monroe bought in 1962, lived in for six months, and died in.
It’s on 5th Helena Drive. There are 25 Helena Drives in Brentwood, each a cul-de-sac preceded by a different ordinal number — 7th, 19th, etc. It’s the handiwork of a 1920s developer, Richard Peter Shea, a poor man who made good and who also built Shea’s Castle, a grandiose Irish confection in the Lancaster desert. He may have named the cul-de-sacs for his daughter, Helena. In December 1932, two months after Shea’s wife, Jane, died, Shea’s body washed up in the surf near Venice. In his pocket was a glum note, and around his neck was a container holding Jane’s ashes. How’s that for a little excursion down the research rabbit hole?
You already know three kinds of L.A. houses: expensive, ridiculously expensive, and get-the-eff-outta-here expensive.
So now, let’s have a lookie-loo tour of houses of another three kinds.
Here in Southern California, some of the greatest 20th century architectural talents devoted themselves to private residences. Richard Neutra, Paul Williams, Wallace Neff, Rudolph Schindler, John Lautner and his Chemosphere, Pierre Koening and his “case study houses,” made famous by Julius Shulman’s photographs, the Frank Gehry house that elevated plywood and chain link to artistry. Frank Lloyd Wright built eight houses hereabouts, one of them La Miniatura in Pasadena, which he said he “would have rather built … than St. Peter’s in Rome.”
Most are off-limits to public perusal. If only we adopted London-style blue plaques, at least people would know that places of note are in there somewhere.
The historic
The official residence of Los Angeles’ mayor is known as Getty House. Not every mayor has lived at the Windsor Square property — Richard Riordan and Jim Hahn didn’t. Karen Bass does, as did Eric Garcetti and Tom Bradley.
(Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)
Some adobes are survivors from the Spanish and Mexican eras, and they’re found from Calabasas to Whittier, San Fernando to Compton, Pomona to Long Beach.
A number are closed to the public. The 1852 Gilmore Adobe is one of them, not built by anyone named Gilmore, but named because it sits at the heart of the old Gilmore property that’s now the Farmers’ Market and the Grove.
The oldest non-Native-American house in L.A. County, the Las Tunas adobe, in San Gabriel, was built in 1776, the same time important people on the other side of the continent were doing some other stuff. It’s where the padres of the San Gabriel mission lived for a time, and it’s reputedly where the first orange seedlings in California were planted.
In the city of L.A. itself, the grand old man of adobes is the Avila Adobe, built in 1818 by Francisco Avila, once mayor of the city. More than a century later, it became the anchor to the makeover/restoration of Olvera Street.
To me, the most thrilling of them sits — sat — across from the thrill-ride capital of L.A., Universal Studios. On Jan.13, 1847, on the porch of this now-vanished adobe, two men signed a cease-fire agreement that ended the Mexican-American war in “Alta California,” Mexican California. The treaty’s terms were supposedly proposed by a Californio matriarch named Bernarda Ruiz de Rodriguez, who persuaded the two men to stand down. Andres Pico was a Californio statesmen and acting governor of Alta California, and Lt. Col. John C. Fremont was an American army officer always on the lookout for glory, whatever his orders.
The original adobe itself, 99 by 33 feet, was taken down in 1900 — it had been latterly used as a veterinarian’s office — and an approximate replica was built but, typically for L.A., neglected. In the 1990s, the MTA, about to build more turn lanes, uncovered the actual foundations of the original adobe, roof tiles, and ceramic floor tiles upon which the 1847 treaty-makers probably walked.
What to do? Make drivers wait another 90 seconds or so, or pave over one of L.A.’s most significant sites? At least part of it is preserved under glass at the Campo de Cahuenga historic site. Most drivers still turn into Universal City; the “Psycho” house means more to them than the Cahuenga adobe.
I have a soft spot for the Banning House in Wilmington. Phineas Banning, “the father of the port,” was one of those go-getter Yankees who saw L.A. as a blank slate for the making and the taking. Like a Kansas house landing in Oz, Banning’s 1863 Greek Revival-style house stood out and stood apart in the land of adobes. It’s a miracle it survived to become the museum it is today.
Getty House is the mayor’s official residence in Windsor Square. For its day — 1921 — it was probably a stylish, gee-whiz place but today it’s a large, rather lumbering-looking mock Tudor house. It was given to the city in 1975 and is probably the most modest edifice to bear the Getty name. In the 1990s, mayor Richard Riordan raised private millions to spruce up the fusty place to make it fit for official receptions and events.
In 1997, one day after Riordan launched a crackdown on the 18th Street gang, taggers vandalized the place but ha ha, the joke was on them — Riordan didn’t live there. Neither did mayor Jim Hahn, nor for part of his term did Antonio Villaraigosa. Eric Garcetti did, as does Karen Bass now. She was there on an early April morning when a man broke in, and he now faces charges for it. Mayor Tom Bradley lived there with his wife, Ethel, who did wonders with the garden, but was not fond of the house itself.
In case it had crossed your mind, no, you can’t just drop in. Just ask the accused burglar.
The horrific
A 1992 file photo shows the Benedict Canyon home on Cielo Drive where five people, including actress Sharon Tate, were murdered in 1969. It has since been demolished.
(Reed Saxon / Associated Press)
Crime sensations come and go — some lost in memory, some trumped by grislier crimes. Even the allure of the Hollywood-plus-homicide formula can dwindle. I once drove around Beverly Hills with Merv Griffin, who was well steeped in local history and pointed out the so-and-so-lived-here spots, and some sinister ones, like the house where actress Lana Turner’s daughter stabbed and killed her mother’s thuggish boyfriend. How much does that 1958 banner-headline crime resonate with anyone but “murderinos” today?
Taylor — who had ditched his wife, kids, and his original name — was shot to death in his bungalow in the Alvarado Court Apartments at 404 S. Alvarado in the Westlake neighborhood. When the cops arrived, they found, per The Times, Paramount executives and actors and actresses poking through drawers and closets, and the butler washing dishes as the dead man lay on the floor.
Clues and evidence were muddled — some deliberately. The rumor that Taylor was a ladies’ man was possibly floated by studio execs to divert any gossip that Taylor may have been a man’s man — that is, gay. A neighbor glimpsed the likely killer and was convinced it was “a woman dressed up like a man.” That woman may have been the mother of the young silent star Mary Miles Minter, who had a pash for Taylor. For a long while, Taylor’s address was a must-see for the more ghoulishly minded.
For notorious addresses, it’s hard to outdo the Laurel Canyon townhouse on Wonderland Avenue, the site of the July 1, 1981, quadruple murders that birthed movies and TV shows for more than 25 years.
It has a tabloid-magnet, tawdry cast of characters: four people deep into drugs being beaten to death; a porn actor; a drug-dealing, money-laundering nightclub owner and his bouncer; and a witness who was Liberace’s lover and got plastic surgery to look like the campy Vegas performer. The street name is a character, too, and it tees up the easy tropes about the “dark side of Hollywood.”
Porn performer John C. Holmes was acquitted of the murders and then died of AIDS. The nightclub owner, Eddie Nash, was acquitted of murder in a second trial after a bribed juror hung the jury in the first one. But Nash pleaded guilty to federal criminal charges, including conspiracy to murder.
And what kind of neighborhood was this “Wonderland,” where the locals were so used to hearing chaotic noises from the townhouse that when the screaming began at around 4 a.m. on July 1, one neighbor heard screams and saw lights on there, and rather than call police, she turned on her TV to drown out the sound? And another neighbor said with a shrug in his voice, “Who knows who’s been on primal scream therapy or tripping on some drug?” The ugly ’80s in a nutshell.
Scoot ahead to the 1990s, and a man who was renting the place said that “sometimes I sit in my living room and imagine where so-and-so must have died … but I’m getting a $400 break in the rent, so I’m staying put.”
The rented Tate house, with its ghastly ghosts, was not put up for sale until 1988, and there was a rumor that Tate’s widower, director Roman Polanski, had offered $1.5 million to bulldoze it. In 1994, an investor did indeed tear down the house and start building a Mediterranean villa. (Soon after, You’ve Got Bad Taste, a store near Sunset Junction, was selling what purported to be pieces of wallboard from the destroyed house.)
The Cielo Drive place has been sold several times since, and the street number changed to wipe the past clean. (There are any number of reasons to change the address of a house — a former president and first lady had three. When Ronald and Nancy Reagan returned from Washington, D.C., in 1989, they had the number of their Bel-Air house changed from the biblically ill-omened 666 to 668 St. Cloud.)
And the street number of the other “Manson murder” house, where Leno and Rosemary LaBianca were slaughtered, was also changed at some point. An Anaheim couple bought the place in the 1980s for tens of thousands of dollars below the value of “comps.”
A 1969 file photo shows the Los Feliz home where another Manson killing took place. The home’s address has since changed, and it has been sold several times.
(Associated Press)
“Nobody would buy the home because of the killings,” said Tina Yuvienco, the new owner. “We figured it was historical — like the Ambassador Hotel where Robert Kennedy was killed.” The place has sold several times in the last half-dozen years. One real estate agent’s note read, “Do research before showing.”
Winner of the notorious houses stakes for the last 30 years — does “Rockingham” ring a bell? Nicole Brown Simpson and Ron Goldman weren’t murdered at O.J. Simpson’s Brentwood house, but that’s where Simpson ended his melodramatic Bronco chase, where police found a bloody glove, and where guest house guest Kato Kailin heard the three ominous “thumps” on the night of the murders.
For a time there were O.J. tours; you could cruise past his house in a white Bronco. Neighbors were tickled when the house was bought in 1998 and flattened not long thereafter. (That house number, too, was changed.)
It was a little yellow stucco house, and like so many in South L.A. practically elbow-to-elbow with the ones next door. In May 1974, a woman renting the house was offered $100 to let some people stay. “Some people” turned out to be a half-dozen or so members of the SLA, the grandiosely named Symbionese Liberation Army. The urban guerrilla group had kidnapped the teenaged Bay Area newspaper heiress Patricia Hearst three months before, and was on the run.
It didn’t take long before neighbors took notice — one black man leading a group of white people — and one went to the cops. The cops went looking for the SLA, and the battle commenced.
Tear gas started a fire, and the fire blew up some of the thousands of rounds of ammo the SLA had cached in the house. Four of the members died hunkered down inside, and two others died running and gunning as they tried to get away. It was broadcast live on L.A. television.
The address is now a canopied driveway of a large adjacent house.
The glamorous, or a little bit louche
Charles Lummis built El Alisal with rocks dragged out of the Arroyo Seco.
(Annie Wells / Los Angeles Times)
Across the late 19th and into the 20th century, THE “in” address for renowned bohemians and celebrities was a stone house on the lip of the Arroyo Seco. Charles Lummis lived there, a swashbuckling figure whose parties were the Vanity Fair Oscar parties of their day. Lummis was an extraordinary figure — you only had to ask him — but he truly was, an L.A. Times editor, city librarian, pal of Teddy Roosevelt’s, lover, poet, Native American ethnographer, cultural preservationist and founder of L.A.’s first real museum, the Southwest Museum.
Lummis built his house, El Alisal, with rocks dragged out of the arroyo, and opened it for business, the business of entertaining L.A.’s visiting luminaries. In the hundreds of pages of his guest book are signatures, drawings and verses by his guests: John Muir, Dorothea Lange, Douglas Fairbanks, Ida Tarbell, Carl Sandburg, Clarence Darrow, Will Rogers, and the divine Sarah Bernhardt. The slight slope of the concrete floor made it easy to hose the place down after the parties; Lummis called them his “noises.”
The Playboy Mansion, in Holmby Hills, is another 1920s mock-Tudor sprawl whose living adornments, Playboy Playmates, and its testosterone toys, like a game room and the legendary “grotto,” enhanced the reputation of the place and of its lord and master, Hugh Hefner, the founder and publisher of Playboy magazine. A pass to “the Mansion” was an entrée to the Playboy lifestyle, with its hubba-hubba mix of famous men and ornamental women, a place where the word “swinging” was used unironically. I visited the place twice, to interview Hefner, and the second time — which was, as I remember, a few years before Hefner died in 2017 — it struck me as run down, rather grimy and neglected. The city has extended something called a “permanent protection covenant” to the place, which is privately owned and used for business promotions and TV productions.
The closest any house might have come to the world’s conception of Los Angeles in the 1960s converged at a Spanish-style house on North Crescent Heights, home of Dennis Hopper and his wife, Brooke Hayward, an actress and daughter of a rich and troubled family. If you created a Venn diagram overlapping everything that was young and hip and edgy — Hollywood, music, writing, fashion, art — they all converged there, in a bubble-world of boho chic, radical chic, druggy dreams, beauty, daring, and creativity. We shall not see its like again.
The swingingest place of its day — that day being the 1920s — might have been the house at 649 West Adams Blvd., an address that silent movie fans knew because a couple of their favorites lived there.
The house was built around 1905 for businessman Randolph Miner and his wife, a dignified socialite. It was yet another of those mock-Tudor houses that had such a vogue for much too long. Miner’s wife, Zulita, a socialite and arts patron, was a great-great-granddaughter of Jose Dario Arguello, a soldier who led the pobladores to settle Los Angeles in 1781 and was briefly an interim governor of Spanish California.
A collage in a 1915 edition of the Los Angeles Times shows Theda Bara, who was then starring in “Carmen.”
(Los Angeles Times archive / newspapers.com)
The couple sought broader social horizons in Europe and around 1917, rented the place to Hollywood’s top vamp, actress Theda Bara. Staid neighbors were there-goes-the-neighborhood shocked. Loose, lurid reports claimed that Bara furnished the house with props befitting her roles, skulls, crystal balls and the like, but a Times story shows her demurely dressed and posing like a house-proud young matron in her new home.
Bara didn’t stay long, and the next resident turned out to be even more notorious, and not by design.
The comedian Fatty Arbuckle is seen on a vintage postcard from Patt Morrison’s collection.
The comedian Fatty Arbuckle was earning $5,000 a week and spending like it was his last paycheck, which, pretty soon, it was. His West Adams parties were legendary for their mayhem and Prohibition booze. In September 1921, he threw a party in San Francisco, and an actress named Virginia Rappe died in the hotel suite. Arbuckle was tried three times for manslaughter, and finally acquitted with an apology from the jury, but his reputation was as dead as Rappe. Thereafter, director Raoul Walsh rented the house for a year or so, followed by Arbuckle’s onetime producer, Joe Schenck, and his wife, the actress Norma Talmadge.
Finally, perhaps exasperated, Estelle Doheny, an ardent Catholic and second wife of oil tycoon Edward Doheny, bought the house to extend their estate. In time, it became a residence for young seminarians and is now part of Mount St. Mary’s campus, on this Boulevard of Broken Dreams and Leases.
Explaining L.A. With Patt Morrison
Los Angeles is a complex place. In this weekly feature, Patt Morrison is explaining how it works, its history and its culture.
After an initial round of interviews, the number of contenders to be the next Los Angeles police chief has been narrowed to about 10 names, according to multiple sources familiar with the nationwide search.
The pared-down list is divided between department veterans and outsiders, including several who have deep ties to Southern California law enforcement.
Former Los Angeles County Sheriff Jim McDonnell, right, at a mayoral campaign event for Rick Caruso, center, in 2022. At left is former LAPD chief William J. Bratton. McDonnell, a one-time LAPD assistant chief, is said to be among the candidates for police chief.
(Mel Melcon/Los Angeles Times)
Among them is Jim McDonnell, a one-time LAPD assistant chief and former Los Angeles County Sheriff, whose name has circulated around LAPD headquarters and City Hall for months as a possible candidate. His entry, confirmed by at least three sources, adds another dynamic into what is considered by many to be a wide-open race to be the city’s next top cop.
The sources agreed to speak to The Times on the condition their names not be used because the search process is supposed to be confidential.
The department veterans who received second interviews, according to sources, are: Assistant Chief Blake Chow, who oversees LAPD special operations; Deputy Chief Emada Tingirides, commanding officer of the department’s South Bureau; Deputy Chief Donald Graham, who heads the Transit Services Bureau; Deputy Chief Alan Hamilton, head of the Detective Bureau; and Cmdr. Lillian Carranza of the Central Bureau.
LAPD Deputy Chief Emada Tingirides speaks at an event in August.
(Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times)
LAPD Deputy Chief Alan Hamilton speaks at a news conference in April.
(Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times)
LAPD Capt. Lillian Carranza during a news conference at police headquarters in 2018.
(Gary Coronado/Los Angeles Times)
The outside candidates who are also scheduled to be interviewed are former Houston and Miami chief Art Acevedo and Robert Arcos, a former LAPD assistant chief who works for the Los Angeles County district attorney’s office. Two female policing executives from outside agencies are also said to have received second interviews.
Art Acevedo, former police chief of Miami, Houston and Auston, speaks during a protest near Capitol Hill in Washington in June 2022.
(Susan Walsh / Associated Press)
LAPD Deputy Chief Robert Arcos at an inspection of officers in 2017.
(Al Seib/Los Angeles Times)
Recruiters are scheduled to conduct another round of interviews with the 10 or so contenders behind closed doors over the next few weeks, according to the sources.
The process has been shrouded in an unusual level of secrecy.
Although the names of candidates have occasionally been withheld to protect the identities of those working in other cities, officials this time have also declined to reveal how many people applied for the position, only saying that the number was “more than 25.” Sources have since told The Times that the number was more than 30.
At stake is the chance to lead the country’s third-largest local police force at a crucial time in its history. Whoever gets the job will be inheriting a wary department eager for clear leadership and a city worried about both crime and the use of force.
One of the key questions facing Mayor Karen Bass is whether an outsider would be better at introducing reforms in the organization, rather than someone who has come up through the ranks here and already understands the political and labor landscape.
Bass and members of the Los Angeles Board of Police Commissioners have embarked on a citywide listening tour to canvass residents, officers and business owners about what they want to see in the next chief. During the public forums, many attendees pushed for the selection of an insider who is attuned to policing in a city as vast and diverse as L.A.
Others talked about the importance of picking someone who understands the complicated history between the department and the communities it policies. And yet, unlike in other recent chief searches, a growing number of people within the LAPD are pushing for an outside candidate to breathe new life into the organization.
The Los Angeles Police Protective League, the powerful bargaining body for the city’s rank-and-file officers, has not publicly staked out its position on the insider-outsider debate.
The search began with the February retirement of former Chief Michel Moore. One of his former assistant chiefs, Dominic Choi, was picked as interim leader. Moore has stayed on as a consultant on the chief’s search, and Choi has said he will not seek the job permanently.
More risk management than crime-fighting, the job of running the LAPD — a vast, multibillion-dollar organization with more than 10,000 employees that operates under an intense microscope — involves balancing demands that are often at odds: Violent crime such as homicides and robberies are up from this time last year; the number of police shootings has also increased, raising concerns from the Police Commission, the department’s civilian watchdog. Meanwhile, any new leader, particularly one from the outside, will be expected to be a quick study and hit the ground running.
The pool of contenders is more diverse and generally less experienced than in the recent past. At least four women are rumored to have made the cut, and all but two candidates are people of color. A woman has never been in charge in the LAPD’s long history. Nor has there ever been a Latino chief, in a city and department that are both now more than half Latino.
Commission officials have insisted publicly that race and gender will not be deciding factors in the selection process. Commission President Erroll G. Southers and the body’s other members have repeatedly said they are focused on picking the most qualified candidate instead of “checking any boxes.”
Southers declined to comment through a spokesperson.
Prognosticators have said Bass’ selection will say a lot about what direction she thinks the department is headed. Picking someone from within the organization to follow in Moore’s footsteps would signal that the mayor is looking to continue some of the reforms he started but would stop short of the wholesale changes that some have called for.
Choosing an outside candidate would signal that the mayor is seeking a new direction for the department, some observers say. The city has hired only two outside chiefs in the past 75 years: Willie L. Williams and William J. Bratton. Both selections followed seismic scandals: the Los Angeles uprising in 1992 and the Rampart scandal of the late 1990s that saw more than 70 police officers implicated in unprovoked shootings, assaults and evidence-planting.
The two current contenders with the most experience are both outsiders. After starting his career with the LAPD, McDonnell left to take the police chief job in Long Beach before a successful run for L.A. County Sheriff. He has worked at USC for the past few years, alongside Southers. Acevedo once served as California Highway Patrol chief for the Los Angeles Basin, before being tapped to be top cop for Austin, Houston, Miami and, most recently, Aurora, Colo.
The second round of interviews marks a key step in the months-long search. City officials initially said the hire would be finalized by late August or early September, but that timeline could stretch into the fall.
Bass will hire the next chief, choosing from nominees provided by the commission and an outside hiring firm. The deadline to apply closed late last month; initial interviews with candidates started a few days later.
Bass has repeatedly said that the feedback she receives will factor into her decision.
City Councilmember Tim McOsker said he understands the need for discretion around the search process, much like when, as a young City Hall staffer, he took part in the nationwide search that led to the hiring of Bratton. At the same time, he said, he thinks it’s important that Bass lays out her expectations before picking a chief, which is “one of the most important, and politically loaded decisions for a mayor.”
He pointed to the letter Bass sent the Council before her reappointment of Moore, in which she listed her expectations, from reducing violent crime to boosting community policing and holding officers accountable. McOsker said he thought the mayor should be equally clear about what she wants in the next chief.
The mayor’s office didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment on Friday.
Experts say the LAPD job is one of the toughest in law enforcement.
Any serious candidate will have to have a proven track record as an experienced leader. The chief must be comfortable speaking extemporaneously — and often in front of cameras — about the work of the police department through the progressive lens of the city’s elected leaders, including the mayor and City Council.
Whoever gets the job will need to navigate through many challenges at once, while dealing with the myriad issues confronting the city, including homelessness and the fentanyl crisis.
The next chief will also have to recruit and inspire a new generation of officers, some of whom weren’t even born when the department was forced to undergo sweeping changes in the wake of the Rampart scandal and who grew of age in the Black Lives Matter era. Others are keen to see how the next chief will tackle a much-maligned discipline system that, depending on whom one asks, either lets too many bad cops off or has been weaponized to favor the well-connected.
Federal investigators are ordering the city of Oakland to hand over documents involving a prominent, influential local family who hold a waste management contract with the city, as well as Mayor Sheng Thao and her partner, according to documents reviewed by The Times.
The federal subpoena, issued five days after federal agents raided Thao’s home on June 20, confirms there is a current federal grand jury investigation that appears centered around Cal Waste Solutions Inc.; its owners, members of the Duong family; and their dealings with Oakland city officials, particularly its mayor.
Dated June 25, the eight-page subpoena asks the city to turn over all documents and communications regarding Cal Waste Solutions, all of its employees and representatives, and any documents involving appointments to prominent city posts.
The deadline is Thursday.
A spokesperson for the Department of Justice did not immediately respond to questions regarding the subpoena.
Federal investigators are also requesting documents related to the 2022 Oakland mayoral election, when Thao was elected as the first Hmong mayor of a major U.S. city.
The subpoena further reveals the possible involvement of Thao’s partner, Andre Jones, in the inquiry. Investigators requested the city turn over calendar entries and records involving meetings for Thao and Jones from June 1 to the present.
Attorneys for Thao declined to comment on the subpoena but said the investigation involving Thao did not involve criminal charges or allegations.
Thao has denied any wrongdoing.
“I can tell you with confidence that this investigation is not about me,” the mayor said in a news conference three days after FBI agents raided her home.
Exactly what the focus of the federal investigation is remains unclear, but the June 25 subpoena offered a slightly wider glimpse into the scope of the federal investigation, the latest scandal to plague the Bay Area city that has recently faced a mayoral recall effort, a growing budget deficit, and concerns about crime that have driven out major businesses.
Shortly after city officials received the subpoena, Oakland’s city attorney directed staff in an email to preserve all records involving Thao, Jones, and the Duong family, the San Francisco Chronicle reported.
A spokesperson for the Oakland city attorney’s office confirmed the existence of the memo to staff but in an email declined to provide a copy of it or answer questions about it, referring to the memo as “confidential attorney-client communication between the Oakland City Attorney and the other city of Oakland staff members.”
The federal subpoena, issued by the U.S. attorney’s Northern District of California, requests multiple documents involving the Duong family, including David, Andy, Kristina, Victor and Michael Duong.
For at least five years, the family has been at the center of an investigation involving the state’s Fair Political Practices Commission and the Oakland Public Ethics Commission. The family is accused of using “straw donors” to circumvent legal donation limits and fill the campaign coffers of elected public officials while the family’s companies sought contracts with cities.
The family’s company, Cal Waste Solutions, currently provides recycling services to Oakland.
After the warrants were executed, Cal Waste Solutions officials issued a statement saying they were surprised by the searches and had cooperated with investigators.
“We believe that we have not engaged in or committed any illegal activities and are awaiting the decision of the law enforcement agency,” the company statement read.
A spokesperson for the company did not immediately respond to a request for comment Tuesday.
But the state and local inquiry into the family’s dealings with city officials in the area paint a troubling picture.
Court records reveal the Fair Political Practices Commission has been probing political donations made by the family since 2019. The agency alleges that Andy Duong and former business associates used friends and business connections to make political contributions, then reimbursed them with cash to hide the true origin of the money.
“CWS was the true source of at least 93 contributions to multiple local campaign committees,” the court record reads, with the goal being “to curry favor with candidates and provide more access to candidates.”
The agency tracked questionable donations made in Oakland, as well as San Jose and other parts of Santa Clara County, where the family was looking to do business.
The investigation found there had been multiple contributions made to Thao’s campaign in 2018 for City Council, including “seven of which were admitted reimbursements by or on behalf of [Andy] Duong.”
One former associate told investigators, according to court records, he saw Andy Duong pull cash from a drawer in his office at Cal Waste Solutions to reimburse people for donations.
FPPC officials confirmed their inquiry is still ongoing.
Federal officials are also requesting documents involving the city’s declaration of a local emergency on homelessness, and any communication regarding the former Oakland Army Base, a site that had been considered as possible housing for unhoused individuals.
A pyrotechnics worker was seriously injured and two other fireworks professionals suffered minor injuries Wednesday night due to a mishap during a show sponsored by the city of La Puente.
“Our hearts are heavy as we share news about the La Puente’s Fortunate Jimenez Fireworks Show,” the city posted in a statement on social media. “One dedicated pyrotechnic technician was seriously injured due to a misfire and explosion. Two other technicians suffered minor injuries.
“We ask for your thoughts and support for their families during this challenging time.”
Those injured “were giving the community a wonderful 4th of July display,” the statement added.
The incident apparently brought the show to a halt. “We thank the community for your patience and understanding,” officials stated.
The city had promoted the event online as a “family-friendly beer garden celebration” that included live music and food, with festivities beginning at 4 p.m. at the La Puente Baseball Field.
One witness, Tiffany Angulo, said on Facebook: “The firework did blow too low. Twice! I literally said, ‘God forbid anyone get hurt.’ Whatever company we purchased the fireworks from I hope we don’t again.”
“We saw the explosion and asked staff if anyone was injured,” posted Maggie Perez Martinez in response to La Puente’s announcement. “They said, ‘No. everyone’s fine.’ So sorry to hear this.”
Vincent A. Barela added: “So sad to read this, we were there and the show ended abruptly. Hope the show runners recoup quickly and with minimal injuries.”
A Wednesday night report from NBC4 showed a small fire burning on the ground amid the pyrotechnic equipment. From the news helicopter, it looked as though fire crews and police officers were remaining clear temporarily of the potentially dangerous area.
One social media poster, Shirley Garay-Bermudez, saw the incident as a sad, teachable moment: “This explains why fireworks are dangerous… The pyrotechnics are trained and do wear protective gear and they are aware anything can go wrong, which is why the fire department and paramedics are on site in cases of emergency. Prayers for all who were injured.”
Ventura’s famous pier reopened Saturday after massive waves damaged the landmark last year.
Social media posts and news video footage showed people striding onto the pier early Saturday, carrying fishing poles, coolers and folding chairs. The pier — the oldest in California — is a popular fishing and sight-seeing spot and draws tourists, families and lovebirds.
“The Ventura Pier is open!” the city of Ventura announced on its X feed.
High surf from a winter storm pummeled the boardwalk in January 2023. In December, another storm swept through, causing more damage to the pier’s piles and braces.
Mary Joyce Ivers, deputy public works director in Ventura, told KTLA that the city had to replace 37 timber piles, which hold up the deck of the pier, as well as 100 pieces of hardware and cross-bracing and 3,000 square feet of deck board.
“It’s such an important piece of our city,” Ivers told KTLA. “It’s such a great landmark and so many great things happen on this pier for families and our community.”
The repairs cost at least $3.3 million, with the federal government and the state expected to pick up the tab, according to a city news release.
The pier, first built in 1872 as a private commercial wharf, has been repaired or rebuilt countless times throughout its history. It closed in 1992 for 13 months after it was clobbered by waves and reopened after a $3.5-million restoration.
More recently, it closed in 2015 for several months for repairs after another storm.
Ventura purchased the pier for $7,000 in 1940 but gave it to the state in 1949.
In 1990, the city moved to take it back after state officials said they were considering demolishing the structure because of the high maintenance costs.