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  • Trump names himself chair of L.A. Olympics task force, sees role for military during Games

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    In past Olympic Games held on American soil, sitting presidents have served in passive, ceremonial roles. President Trump may have other plans.

    An executive order signed by Trump on Tuesday names him chair of a White House task force on the 2028 Games in Los Angeles, viewed by the president as “a premier opportunity to showcase American exceptionalism,” according to a White House statement. Trump, the administration said, “is taking every opportunity to showcase American greatness on the world stage.”

    At the White House, speaking in front of banners adding the presidential seal to the logo for LA28, Trump said he would send the military back to Los Angeles if he so chose in order to protect the Games. In June, Trump sent the National Guard and U.S. Marines to the city amid widespread immigration enforcement actions, despite widespread condemnation from Mayor Karen Bass and other local officials.

    “We’ll do anything necessary to keep the Olympics safe, including using our National Guard or military, OK?” he said. “I will use the National Guard or the military. This is going to be so safe. If we have to.”

    Trump’s executive order establishes a task force led by him and Vice President JD Vance to steer federal coordination for the Games. The task force will work with federal, state and local partners on security and transportation, according to the White House.

    Those roles have been fairly standard for the federal government in past U.S.-hosted Olympic Games. But Trump’s news conference could present questions about whether a president with a penchant for showmanship might assume an unusually active role in planning the Olympics, set to take place in the twilight of his final term.

    There is ample precedent for military and National Guard forces providing security support during U.S.-hosted Olympic Games. But coming on the heels of the recent military deployment to Los Angeles, Trump’s comments may prove contentious.

    French President Emmanuel Macron was a key figure in preparations for last year’s Paris Games, including expressing his vocal support for the ambitious Olympic opening ceremony plan to parade athletes down the Seine River on boats. Many officials were concerned about potential threats along the 3.7-mile stretch, but authorities responded by increasing security measures that included up to 45,000 police officers and 10,000 soldiers.

    The task force, to be housed within the Department of Homeland Security, will “assist in the planning and implementation of visa processing and credentialing programs for foreign athletes, coaches, officials, and media personnel,” the executive order said. City officials have expressed concern that the president’s border policies could deter international visitors and complicate visa processing for Olympic teams.

    Tensions with L.A.

    More concentrated involvement from Trump could spell further strain with Los Angeles city officials, who sought to make nice in the wake of devastating January fires, but have fiercely bucked Trump’s recent immigration offensive. Trump swiped at Bass during his remarks on Tuesday, calling her “not very competent” and criticizing the pace of city permitting for fire rebuilding.

    “We’ve had a productive working relationship with the federal government since Los Angeles was awarded the Games in 2017 and we will continue preparing with all partners to host the best Games in history – Games that will benefit the entire nation for decades to come,” Bass spokesperson Zach Seidl said.

    Known for her coalition-building skills, Bass is not, by nature, a public brawler. In the aftermath of the Palisades fire, she appeared determined to preserve her fragile relationship with the president — and the billions of dollars of federal aid her city was depending on — responding diplomatically even as he publicly attacked her.

    But that determined cordiality crumbled when masked immigration agents and military personnel descended on the city. With troops stationed in the city and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and other federal authorities arresting undocumented immigrants at courthouses, car washes and Home Depot parking lots, Bass took on Trump forcefully.

    At news conferences and in interviews, she accused the president of waging “an all-out assault on Los Angeles,” inciting chaos and fear and using the city as “a test case for an extremist agenda.”

    Casey Wasserman, chairman of LA28, attended the White House event, thanking Trump for “leaning in” to planning for an Olympics that was awarded to Los Angeles during his first term.

    “You’ve been supportive and helpful every step of the way,” Wasserman said, noting that the Games would amount to hosting seven Super Bowls a day for 30 days. “With the creation of this task force, we’ve unlocked the opportunity to level up our planning and deliver the largest, and yes, greatest Games for our nation, ever.”

    Wasserman will also have a delicate political balancing act, managing a Games in a deep-blue city with a famously mercurial Republican president in office.

    President Trump holds a full set of medals from the 1984 Olympics in Los Angeles during Tuesday’s event at which he announced an executive order regarding federal involvement in the 2028 Los Angeles Games.

    (Julia Demaree Nikhinson / Associated Press)

    A Hollywood scion and sports and entertainment mogul, Wasserman has long been a prominent Democratic donor known for his close relationship with the Clintons.

    But in recent months he has diversified his giving, with hefty donations to the National Republican Senatorial Committee, the National Republican Congressional Committee and House Speaker Mike Johnson’s leadership fund. Wasserman has publicly praised Trump’s commitment to the Games and traveled to Mar-a-Lago in January to meet with the incoming president.

    Presidents have long played a role in the Games. In 1984, Ronald Reagan formally opened the Summer Olympics in Los Angeles, becoming the first American president to do so. Reagan attended several Olympic events, but repeatedly emphasized the federal government’s role was focused on security, according to the White House Historical Assn.

    The Olympic Charter requires the host country’s head of state to officially open the Games, but before Reagan, the duty had been fulfilled by local political leaders or vice presidents representing the president.

    Ever-tightening security

    The federal government has historically provided significant funding when the Games are hosted on U.S. soil, with financial support going toward both security and infrastructure.

    Leading up to the 1996 Games in Atlanta, the federal government spent $227 million on security and transportation, playing “very much a junior partner” to the Olympic Committee, then-Vice President Al Gore said at the time. Still, a bombing at the Centennial Olympic Park during the Games that summer shook the security establishment.

    The 2002 Winter Olympics in Salt Lake City were the first Games to be classified as a “National Special Security Event,” the government’s highest security rating for any event that designates the U.S. Secret Service as the lead agency for implementing security. That standard has remained in place for U.S.-held Olympic Games ever since. The Secret Service will also lead security coordination for the 2028 Games.

    The federal government was particularly involved in the Salt Lake City Games, which were held just months after the 9/11 attacks.

    Los Angeles leaders are actively involved in the security planning, and are currently in negotiations with LA28 for the use of the city’s police, traffic officers, and other employees during the Olympics and Paralympics.

    Security, trash removal, traffic control, paramedics and more will be needed during the 17-day Olympics and the two-week Paralympics the following month.

    Under the 2021 Games agreement between LA28 and the city, LA28 must reimburse Los Angeles for any services that go beyond what the city would provide on a normal day. The two parties must agree by Oct. 1, 2025, on “enhanced services” — additional city services needed for the Games, beyond that normal level — and determine rates, repayment timelines, audit rights and other processes.

    Overtime for Los Angeles police officers, and any other major expenses, would be acutely felt by a city government that recently closed a nearly $1-billion budget deficit, in part by slowing police hiring.

    Wilner reported from Washington, Wick and Nguyen from Los Angeles. Times staff writer Dakota Smith contributed to this report.

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    Michael Wilner, Julia Wick, Thuc Nhi Nguyen

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  • Justice Department releases a new list of sanctuary jurisdictions. L.A. County is not on it

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    The Department of Justice published a new list Tuesday of “sanctuary” jurisdictions that it claims have policies, laws or regulations that obstruct enforcement of federal immigration laws.

    Although the list includes the Trump administration’s typical targets — the city of Los Angeles and the state of California — it is much shorter than a previous list issued by the Department of Homeland Security. And at least one local area that has become a major battleground over immigration is not on it: L.A. County.

    Los Angeles County has not formally declared itself a sanctuary jurisdiction. However, the county that it is home to more than 2 million residents who are undocumented or living with undocumented family members was included on a Homeland Security list of sanctuary jurisdictions published in May. That list was subsequently removed from the department’s website.

    In a news release, the Department of Justice said Tuesday that the new federal list of 35 cities, counties and states — a much lower figure than the hundreds of jurisdictions that appeared on the previous Homeland Security list — is “not exhaustive” and “will be updated as federal authorities gather further information.”

    A spokesperson for the Justice Department did not answer specific questions from The Times about why L.A. County was not on the list.

    “These designations were made after a thorough review of documented laws, ordinances, and executive directives by the listed jurisdictions,” the agency states on its website. “This initial list of designated Sanctuary Jurisdictions will be reviewed regularly, to include additional jurisdictions and remove jurisdictions that have remediated their policies, practices, and laws. Each state, county, and city will have an opportunity to respond to its placement on the list.”

    The new Justice Department list is just the latest effort by the Trump administration to ramp up pressure on cities, counties and states that have policies or laws that restrict collaboration with federal immigration authorities.

    But it also represents a more targeted focus. The previous Homeland Security list, which included most of California’s 58 counties, sparked ridicule for its errors. It even included the conservative city of Huntington Beach, which declared itself a nonsanctuary city a few days after Trump took office and sued the state of California over its sanctuary policies.

    Gov. Gavin’s Newsom office dismissed the new Department of Justice list Tuesday as “another PR stunt by the federal government to scare people.”

    “Like their last failed attempt at this ridiculous and meaningless list, which they were forced to pull down within days because of the backlash, this was created without any input or criteria,” Diana Crofts-Pelayo, a spokesperson for the governor, said Tuesday in a statement. “California is confident in the balance of our law.”

    L.A. Mayor Karen Bass also seemed committed to her city’s sanctuary status.

    “Los Angeles’ law is legally sound and we will always stand with the people of Los Angeles, especially in the face of continued assaults on our city,” Bass told The Times.

    Now that the Department of Justice has winnowed down its inventory of offenders, California is one of 13 states, mostly on the West Coast and in the Northeast, that the Trump administration has identified as having policies or laws that impede federal immigration agents.

    Only four county jurisdictions across the country are included in the Department of Justice list: Baltimore County, Md.; Cook County, Ill.; San Diego County and San Francisco County. Three of the 18 cities on the list — Berkeley, Los Angeles and San Francisco — are in California.

    “Sanctuary policies impede law enforcement and put American citizens at risk by design,” U.S. Atty. Gen. Pam Bondi said in a statement Tuesday. “The Department of Justice will continue bringing litigation against sanctuary jurisdictions and work closely with the Department of Homeland Security to eradicate these harmful policies around the country.”

    In April, Trump signed an executive order, “Protecting American Communities from Criminal Aliens,” directing the Justice Department to work with Homeland Security to publish a list of jurisdictions that “continue to use their authority to violate, obstruct, and defy the enforcement of Federal immigration laws.”

    The Justice Department has since taken legal action against a number of sanctuary jurisdictions — including L.A., where the City Council voted unanimously in November to declare the city a sanctuary jurisdiction and block any city resources from being used for immigration enforcement.

    In June, the Justice Department filed a federal lawsuit against the city of Los Angeles, L.A. Mayor Karen Bass and the L.A. City Council that described L.A.’s sanctuary law as “illegal.” Officials, the lawsuit said, “refuse to cooperate or share information, even when requested, with federal immigration authorities.”

    “Jurisdictions like Los Angeles that flout federal law by prioritizing illegal aliens over American citizens are undermining law enforcement at every level,” Bondi said in a June statement. “It ends under President Trump.”

    Last month, Bondi announced a “major victory” for the Department of Justice: the city of Louisville, Ky., she said, was ditching its sanctuary policies after receiving a letter from her office.

    “This should set an example to other cities,” Bondi said on X. “Instead of forcing us to sue you — which we will, without hesitation — follow the law, get rid of sanctuary policies, and work with us to fix the illegal immigration crisis.

    On Tuesday, the Justice Department said in a news release that “the federal government will assist any jurisdiction that desires to be taken off this list to identify and eliminate their sanctuary policies.”

    L.A. County leaders have at times taken steps to oppose Trump’s aggressive clampdown on immigrants. Last week, for example, the L.A. County Board of Supervisors voted 4 to 0 to direct county lawyers to draft an ordinance that prohibits officers, including federal agents, from concealing their identities with masks, except for medical reasons or when working in an undercover operation.

    But county officials have stopped short of declaring the county a sanctuary jurisdiction. And on Tuesday few L.A. County leaders responded publicly to the news that the county was no longer on the federal government’s official list of sanctuary jurisdictions.

    In a statement to The Times after the Justice Department released its list, L.A. County Supervisor Kathryn Barger, who abstained from last week’s vote on masked law enforcement, said she had “worked hard to advance a thoughtful approach to governance — one that upholds the law while respecting the dignity of all individuals.”

    “I remain committed to leading with transparency, accountability, and a balanced perspective that prioritizes both public safety and community trust,” Barger said.

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    Jenny Jarvie

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  • Americans may aspire to single-family homes, but in South Korea, apartments are king

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    For many Americans, the apartment where 29-year-old IT specialist Lee Chang-hee lives might be the stuff of nightmares.

    Located just outside the capital of Seoul, the building isn’t very tall — just 16 stories — by South Korean standards, but the complex consists of 36 separate structures, which are nearly identical except for the building number displayed on their sides.

    The 2,000-plus units come in the same standardized dimensions found everywhere in the country (Lee lives in a “84C,” which has 84 square meters, or about 900 square feet, of floor space) and offer, in some ways, a ready-made life. The amenities scattered throughout the campus include a rock garden with a fake waterfall, a playground, a gym, an administration office, a senior center and a “moms cafe.”

    But this, for the most part, is South Korea’s middle-class dream of homeownership — its version of a house with the white picket fence.

    “The bigger the apartment complex, the better the surrounding infrastructure, like public transportation, schools, hospitals, grocery stories, parks and so on,” Lee said. “I like how easy it is to communicate with the neighbors in the complex because there’s a well-run online community.”

    Apartment blocks are the predominant housing format in Seoul.

    (Universal Images Group via Getty Images)

    Most in the country would agree: Today, 64% of South Korean households live in such multifamily housing, the majority of them in apartments with five or more stories.

    Such a reality seems unimaginable in cities like Los Angeles, which has limited or prohibited the construction of dense housing in single-family zones.

    “Los Angeles is often seen as an endless tableau of individual houses, each with their own yard and garden,” Max Podemski, an L.A.-based urban planner, wrote in The Times last year. “Apartment buildings are anathema to the city’s ethos.”

    In recent years, the price of that ethos has become increasingly apparent in the form of a severe housing shortage. In the city of Los Angeles, where nearly 75% of all residential land is zoned for stand-alone single-family homes, rents have been in a seemingly endless ascent, contributing to one of the worst homelessness crises in the country. As a remedy, the state of California has ordered the construction of more than 450,000 new housing units by 2029.

    The plan will almost certainly require the building of some form of apartment-style housing, but construction has lagged amid fierce resistance.

    Sixty years ago, South Korea stood at a similar crossroads. But the series of urban housing policies it implemented led to the primacy of the apartment, and in doing so, transformed South Korean notions of housing over the course of a single generation.

    The results of that program have been mixed. But in one important respect, at least, it has been successful: Seoul, which is half the size of the city of L.A., is home to a population of 9.6 million — compared with the estimated 3.3 million people who live here.

    For Lee, the trade-off is a worthwhile one.

    In an ideal world, she would have a garage for the sort of garage sales she’s admired in American movies. “But South Korea is a small country,” she said. “It is necessary to use space as efficiently as possible.”

    Apartments, in her view, have spared her from the miseries of suburban housing. Restaurants and stores are close by. Easy access to public transportation means she doesn’t need a car to get everywhere.

    “Maybe it’s because of my Korean need to have everything done quickly, but I think it’d be uncomfortable to live somewhere that doesn’t have these things within reach at all times,” she said. “I like to go out at night; I think it would be boring to have all the lights go off at 9 p.m.”

    A general view shows steam rising from office and apartment buildings that define the Seoul skyline.

    A general view shows steam rising from office and apartment buildings that define the Seoul skyline. (Ed Jones / AFP via Getty Images)

    Apartment buildings light up in the evening as people return home from work in Seoul

    Apartment buildings light up in the evening as people return home from work in Seoul on March 25, 2021. (Marcus Yam / Los Angeles Times)

    ::

    Apartments first began appearing in South Korea in the 1960s and 1970s, as part of a government response to a housing crisis in the nation’s capital — a byproduct of the era’s rapid industrialization and subsequent urban population boom.

    In the 1960s, single-family detached dwellings made up around 95% of homes in the country. But over the following decade, as rural migrants flooded Seoul in search of factory work, doubling the population from 2.4 to 5.5 million, many in this new urban working class found themselves without homes. As a result, many of them settled in shantytowns on the city’s outskirts, living in makeshift sheet-metal homes.

    The authoritarian government at the time, led by a former army general named Park Chung-hee, declared apartments to be the solution and embarked on a building spree that would continue under subsequent administrations. Eased height restrictions and incentives for construction companies helped add between 20,000 to 100,000 new apartment units every year.

    They were pushed by political leaders in South Korea as a high-tech modernist paradise, soon making them the most desirable form of housing for the middle and upper classes. Known as apateu, which specifically refers to a high-rise apartment building built as part of a larger complex — as distinct from lower stand-alone buildings — they symbolized Western cachet and upward social mobility.

    “Around the late 1990s and early 2000s, almost every big-name celebrity at the time appeared in apartment commercials,” recalled Jung Heon-mok, an anthropologist at the Academy of Korean Studies who has studied the history of South Korean apartments. “But the biggest reason that apartments proliferated as they did was because they were done at scale, in complexes of five buildings or more.”

    Essential to the modern apateu are the amenities — such as on-site kindergartens or convenience stores — that allow them to function like miniature towns. This has also turned them into branded commodities and class signifiers, built by construction conglomerates like Samsung, and taking on names like “castle” or “palace.” (One of the first such branded apartment complexes was Trump Tower, a luxury development built in Seoul in the late 1990s by a construction firm that licensed the name of Donald Trump.)

    All of this has made the detached single-family home, for the most part, obsolete. In Seoul, such homes now make up just 10% of the housing stock. Among many younger South Koreans like Lee, they are associated with retirement in the countryside, or, as she puts it: for “grilling in the garden for your grandkids.”

    ::

    This model has not been without problems.

    There are the usual issues that come with dense housing. In buildings with poor soundproofing, “inter-floor noise” between units is such a universal scourge that the government runs a noise-related dispute resolution center while discouraging people from angrily confronting their neighbors, a situation that occasionally escalates into headline-making violence.

    Some apartment buildings have proved to be too much even for a country accustomed to unsentimentally efficient forms of housing. One 19-story, 4,635-unit complex built by a big-name apartment brand in one of the wealthiest areas of Seoul looks so oppressive that it has become a curiosity, mocked by some as a prison or chicken coop.

    Apartment complexes in Seoul, South Korea, on Saturday, Oct. 5, 2024

    Apartment complexes in Seoul on Oct. 5, 2024. Apartments first began appearing in South Korea in 1960s and 1970s, as part of a government response to a housing crisis in the nation’s capital.

    (Tina Hsu / Bloomberg via Getty Images)

    The sheer number of apartments has prompted criticism of Seoul’s skyline as sterile and ugly. South Koreans have described its uniform, rectangular columns as “matchboxes.” And despite the aspirations attached to them, there is also a wariness about a culture where homes are built in such disposable, assembly line-like fashion.

    Many people here are increasingly questioning how this form of housing, with its nearly identical layouts, has shaped the disposition of contemporary South Korean society, often criticized by its own members as overly homogenized and lockstep.

    “I’m concerned that apartments have made South Koreans’ lifestyles too similar,” said Maing Pil-soo, an architect and urban planning professor at Seoul National University. “And with similar lifestyles, you end up with a similar way of thinking. Much like the cityscape itself, everything becomes flattened and uniform.”

    Jung, the anthropologist, believes South Korea’s apartment complexes, with their promise of an atomized, frictionless life, have eroded the more expansive social bonds that defined traditional society — like those that extended across entire villages — making its inhabitants more individualistic and insular.

    “At the end of the day, apartments here are undoubtedly extremely convenient — that’s why they became so popular,” he said. “But part of that convenience is because they insulate you from the concerns of the wider world. Once you’re inside your complex and in your home, you don’t have to pay attention to your neighbors or their issues.”

    Still, Jung says this uniformity isn’t all bad. It is what made them such easily scalable solutions to the housing crisis of decades past. It is also, in some ways, an equalizing force.

    “I think apartments are partly why certain types of social inequalities you see in the U.S. are comparatively less severe in South Korea,” he said.

    Though many branded apartment complexes now resemble gated communities with exclusionary homeowner associations, Jung points out that on the whole, the dominance of multifamily housing has inadvertently encouraged more social mixing between classes, a physical closeness that creates the sense that everyone is inhabiting the same broader space.

    Even Seoul’s wealthiest neighborhoods feel, to an extent that is hard to see in many American cities, porous and accessible. Wealthier often means having a nicer apartment, but an apartment all the same, existing in the same environs as those in a different price range.

    “And even though we occasionally use disparaging terms like ‘chicken coop’ to describe them, once you actually step inside one of those apartments, they don’t feel like that at all,” Jung said. “They really are quite comfortable and nice.”

    ::

    People pose for photos among a field of cosmos flowers in front of high-rise apartment buildings in Goyang, west of Seoul.
    In South Korea, the detached single-family home is, for the most part, obsolete. In Seoul, such homes now make up just 10% of the housing stock.

    People pose for photos among a field of cosmos flowers in front of high-rise apartment buildings in Goyang, west of Seoul. (Ed Jones / AFP via Getty Images)

    None of this, however, has been able to stave off Seoul’s own present-day housing affordability crisis.

    The capital has one of the most expensive apartment prices in the world on a price-per-square-meter basis, ranking fourth after Hong Kong, Zurich and Singapore, and ahead of major U.S. cities like New York or San Francisco, according to a report published last month by Deutsche Bank. One especially brutal stretch recently saw apartment prices in Seoul double in four years.

    Part of the reason for this is that apartments, with their standardized dimensions, have effectively become interchangeable financial commodities: An apartment in Seoul is seen as a much more surefire bet than any stock, leading to intense real estate investment and speculation that has driven up home prices.

    “Buying an apartment here isn’t just buying an apartment. The equivalent in the U.S. would be like buying an ideal single-family home with a garage in the U.S., except that it comes with a bunch of NVIDIA shares,” said Chae Sang-wook, an independent real estate analyst. “In South Korea, people invest in apateu for capital gains, not cash flow from rent.”

    Some experts predict that, as the country enters another era of demographic upheaval, the dominance of apartments will someday be no more.

    If births continue to fall as dramatically as they have done in recent years, South Koreans may no longer need such dense housing. The ongoing rise of single-person households, too, may chip away at a form of housing built to hold four-person nuclear families.

    But Chae is skeptical that this will happen anytime soon. He points out that South Koreans don’t even like to assemble their own furniture, let alone fix their own cars — all downstream effects of ubiquitous apartment living.

    “For now, there is no alternative other than this,” he said. “As a South Korean, you don’t have the luxury of choosing.”

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    Max Kim

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  • Contributor: Let’s Los Angelize L.A.

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    Almost since the first suburbs were built in Los Angeles, there have been worries that adding density would “Manhattanize” L.A., rendering it so crowded with new vertical development as to be unrecognizable to longtime residents. In the 1980s, as battles over growth heated up, one local slow-growth group dubbed itself Not Yet New York.

    But Los Angeles has always been a city with a knack for reshaping itself by looking to its own architectural past. In particular, medium-density designs such as bungalow courts and dingbat apartments have welcomed waves of newcomers for more than a century while becoming architectural emblems of upward mobility and a particularly Southern Californian design sensibility — informal and optimistic.

    We have never needed a return to that kind of development more than now, in the wake of the Eaton and Palisades fires, even as public discussion has focused mostly on rebuilding exactly what was lost. With affordability pressures as intense as ever, now is the time not to Manhattanize but, once again, to Los Angelize L.A.

    As longtime advocates for design excellence and policies to boost housing production, we believe there is nothing more Angeleno than the reinvention of the so-called R1 neighborhood, the single-family zone that first emerged in L.A. with the Residential District Ordinance of 1908. R1 zoning shifted into overdrive in 1941 when tract houses emerged to replace the bean fields of Westchester, near what is now Los Angeles International Airport.

    It wasn’t until 2016, with the appearance of a new state law allowing accessory dwelling units, or ADUs, that the R1 neighborhood evolved in any meaningful way. Even the most ardent champions of ADUs — aka granny flats or casitas — couldn’t have foreseen how widely popular they’d become. Today, about one-fifth of new housing permits in California and a whopping one-third in the city of L.A. are ADUs.

    Still, the granny flat is no silver bullet. The housing affordability crisis in Los Angeles demands a more ambitious approach than adding new residential development one small unit at a time. State laws allowing as many as 10 apartments on a single-family lot have been on the books for several years now. But homeowners and developers have been slow to take advantage of them, and many California cities have dragged their feet in making them truly usable.

    The result has been a stalemate, with Los Angeles among the cities struggling to take the important step past the ADU to begin producing additional missing-middle housing in real volume, even as rents and home prices continue to climb. The city‘s Low-Rise LA design challenge was organized in 2020 to help break this logjam. Many of the winners incorporated design lessons clarified by the COVID-19 pandemic, when we learned that second, third and fourth units in R1 zones might offer not just rental income or an extra bedroom but the flexibility to quarantine or work from home while building stronger ties with extended family and neighbors.

    A new initiative — Small Lots, Big Impacts — organized by cityLAB-UCLA, the Los Angeles Housing Department and the office of Mayor Karen Bass builds on Low-Rise LA with a focus on developing small, often overlooked vacant lots, of which there are more than 25,000 across the city, according to cityLAB’s research. The goal is straightforward: to demonstrate a range of ways that Los Angeles can grow not by aping the urbanism of other cities but by producing more of itself.

    Rendering of Shared Step with a small gathering in the front yard


    Different views of the “Mini Towers Collective” and the “Shared Steps” proposals. Both favor shared outdoor space balanced with individual architectural identity.
    (courtesy of cityLAB UCLA)

    Winners of this design competition, announced at the end of May, placed six or more housing units on a single site, sometimes dividing it into separate lots. One proposal created rowhouses, slightly cracked apart to identify individual homes and entrances as they cascade along an irregular site. A communal yard opens to the street in another project, with roof gardens between separated, two-story homes atop ADUs that can be rented or joined back to each of several main houses on the site. Other designs show that vertical architecture, in the form of handsome new residential towers from three to seven stories, can comfortably coexist with L.A.’s low-rise housing stock when the design is thoughtful enough.

    A key goal of the competition was to produce new models for homeownership. When land costs are subdivided and parcels built out with a collection of compact homes, including units that can produce rental income or be sold off as condos, a different approach to housing affordability comes into focus. Those who have been shut out of the housing market can begin to build wealth and contribute to neighborhood stability.

    The traditional R1 paradigm, in addition to limiting housing volume, suffers from a rigid, gate-keeping sort of logic: If you can’t afford to buy or rent an entire single-family home in an R-1 L.A. neighborhood, that part of town is inaccessible to you. Many of the winning designs, by contrast, create compounds flexible enough to accommodate a range of phases in a resident’s life. In one development, there may be units perfect for single occupants (a junior ADU), young families (a ground-level unit with a private yard), and empty-nesters (a home with a rooftop garden). As with the granny flat model, construction can proceed in phases, with units added over time as circumstances dictate.

    Having served on the Small Lots, Big Impacts jury, we see signs of hope in its rendering of L.A.’s future. The real proof lies in the initiative’s second phase, set for later this year, when the city’s Housing Department will issue an open call, based on the design competition, to developer-architect teams who will build housing on a dozen small, city-owned vacant parcels, with tens of thousands of privately owned infill lots ready to follow suit. If the winning schemes are built, Los Angeles will once again demonstrate the appeal and resiliency of its architectural DNA. Manhattan: Eat your heart out.

    Dana Cuff is a professor of architecture, director of cityLAB-UCLA and co-author of the 2016 California law that launched ADU construction. Christopher Hawthorne, former architecture critic for The Times, is senior critic at the Yale School of Architecture. He served under Mayor Eric Garcetti as the first chief design officer for Los Angeles.

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    Dana Cuff and Christopher Hawthorne

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  • Supreme Court turns down claim from L.A. landlords over COVID evictions ban

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    With two conservatives in dissent, the Supreme Court on Monday turned down a property-rights claim from Los Angeles landlords who say they lost millions from unpaid rent during the COVID-19 pandemic emergency.

    Without comment, the justices said they would not hear an appeal from a coalition of apartment owners who said they rent “over 4,800 units” in “luxury apartment communities” to “predominantly high-income tenants.”

    They sued the city seeking $20 million in damages from tenants who did not pay their rent during the pandemic emergency.

    They contended that the city’s strict limits on evictions during that time had the effect of taking their private property in violation of the Constitution.

    In the past, the court has repeatedly turned down claims that rent control laws are unconstitutional, even though they limit how much landlords can collect in rent.

    But the L.A. landlords said their claim was different because the city had in effect taken use of their property, at least for a time. They cited the 5th Amendment’s clause that says “private property [shall not] be taken for public use without just compensation.”

    “In March 2020, the city of Los Angeles adopted one of the most onerous eviction moratoria in the country, stripping property owners … of their right to exclude nonpaying tenants,” they told the court in GHP Management Corporation vs. City of Los Angeles. “The city pressed private property into public service, foisting the cost of its coronavirus response onto housing providers.”

    “By August 2021, when [they] sued the City seeking just compensation for that physical taking, back rents owed by their unremovable tenants had ballooned to over $20 million,” they wrote.

    A federal judge in Los Angeles and the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in a 3-0 decision dismissed the landlords’ suit. Those judges cited the decades of precedent that allowed the regulation of property.

    The court had considered the appeal since February, but only Justices Clarence Thomas and Neil M. Gorsuch voted to hear the case.

    “I would grant review of the question whether a policy barring landlords from evicting tenants for the nonpayment of rent effects a physical taking under the Taking Clause,” Thomas said. “This case meets all of our usual criteria. … The Court nevertheless denies certiorari, leaving in place confusion on a significant issue, and leaving petitioners without a chance to obtain the relief to which they are likely entitled.”

    The Los Angeles landlords asked the court to decide “whether an eviction moratorium depriving property owners of the fundamental right to exclude nonpaying tenants effects a physical taking.”

    In February, the city attorney’s office urged the court to turn down the appeal.

    “As a once-in-a-century pandemic shuttered its businesses and schools, the city of Los Angeles employed temporary, emergency measures to protect residential renters against eviction,” they wrote. The measure protected only those who could “prove COVID-19 related economic hardship,” and it “did not excuse any rent debt that an affected tenant accrued.”

    The city argued that the landlords are seeking a “radical departure from precedent” in the area of property regulation.

    “If a government takes property, it must pay for it,” the city attorneys said. “For more than a century, though, this court has recognized that governments do not appropriate property rights solely by virtue of regulating them.”

    The city said the COVID emergency and the restriction on evictions ended in January 2023.

    In reply, lawyers for the landlords said bans on evictions are becoming the “new normal.” They cited a Los Angeles County measure they said would “preclude evictions for non-paying tenants purportedly affected by the recent wildfires.”

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    David G. Savage

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  • There’s one bright spot for San Francisco’s office space market

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    In recent years, San Francisco’s image as a welcoming place for businesses has taken a hit.

    Major tech companies such as Dropbox and Salesforce reduced footprints in the city by subleasing office space, while retailers including Nordstrom and Anthropologie pulled out of downtown. Social media firm X, formerly Twitter, vacated its Mid-Market headquarters for Texas, after owner Elon Musk complained about “dodging gangs of violent drug addicts just to get in and out of the building.”

    While the city remains on the defensive, one bright spot has been a boom in artificial intelligence startups.

    San Francisco’s 35.4% vacancy rate in the first quarter — among the highest in the nation — is expected to drop one to three percentage points in the third quarter thanks to AI companies expanding or opening new offices in the city, according to real estate brokerage firm JLL. The last time San Francisco’s vacancy rate dropped was in the fourth quarter, when it declined 0.2% — the first time since the COVID-19 pandemic, according to JLL.

    “People wanted to count us out, and I think that was a bad bet,” said Mayor Daniel Lurie. “We’re seeing all of this because the ecosystem is better here in San Francisco than anywhere else in the world, and it’s really an exciting time.”

    Five years ago, AI leases in San Francisco’s commercial real estate market were relatively sparse, with just two leases in 2020, according to JLL. But that’s since soared to 167 leases in the first quarter of 2025. The office footprint for AI companies has also surged, making up 4.8 million square feet in 2024, up from 2.6 million in 2022, JLL said.

    “You need the talent base, you need the entrepreneur ecosystem, and you need the VC ecosystem,” said Alexander Quinn, senior director of economic research for JLL’s Northwest region. “So all those three things exist within the greater Bay Area, and that enables us to be the clear leader.”

    AI firms are attracted to San Francisco because of the concentration of talent in the city, analysts said. The city is home to AI companies including ChatGPT maker OpenAI and Anthropic, known for the chatbot Claude, which in turn attract businesses that want to collaborate. The Bay Area is also home to universities that attract entrepreneurs and researchers, including UC Berkeley, UC San Francisco and Stanford University.

    Venture capital companies are pouring money into AI, fueling office and staff growth. OpenAI landed last quarter the world’s largest venture capital deal, raising $40 billion, according to research firm CB Insights.

    OpenAI leases about 1 million square feet of space across five different locations in the city and employs roughly 2,000 people in San Francisco. The company earlier this year opened its new headquarters in Mission Bay, leasing the space from Uber.

    OpenAI began as a nonprofit research lab in 2015 and the people involved found their way to San Francisco for the same reason why earlier generations of technologists and people pushing the frontier in the United States are drawn to the city, said Chris Lehane, OpenAI’s vice president of global affairs in an interview.

    “It is a place where, when you put out an idea, no matter how crazy it may seem at the time, or how unorthodox it may seem … San Francisco is the city where people don’t say, ‘That’s crazy,’” Lehane said. “They say, ‘That’s a really interesting idea. Let’s see if we can do it.’”

    The interior of OpenAI's new San Francisco headquarters in the Mission Bay neighborhood. (OpenAI)
    The interior of OpenAI's new San Francisco headquarters in the Mission Bay neighborhood. (OpenAI)

    The interior of OpenAI’s new San Francisco headquarters in the Mission Bay neighborhood. (OpenAI)

    Databricks, valued at $62 billion, is also expanding in San Francisco. Databricks in March announced it will move to a larger space in the Financial District next year, boosting its office footprint to 150,000 square feet and more than doubling its San Francisco staff in the next two years. It pledged to hold its annual Data + AI Summit in the city for five more years.

    The company holds 57,934 square feet at its current San Francisco office near the Embarcadero, according to CoStar, which tracks real estate trends.

    “San Francisco is a real talent magnet for AI talent,” said Databricks’ co-founder and vice president of engineering Patrick Wendell. “It’s a beautiful city for people to live and work in and so we really are just following where the employees are.”

    Several years ago, Wendell said his company was considering whether to expand in San Francisco. At the time, it was unclear whether people would return to offices after the pandemic, and some businesses raised concerns about safety and cleanliness of San Francisco’s streets. Wendell said his company decided to invest more in the city after getting reassurances from city leaders.

    “People are seeing an administration that is focused on public safety, clean streets and creating the conditions that also says that we’re open for business,” said Lurie, who defeated incumbent mayor London Breed last November by campaigning on public safety. “We’ve said from day one, we have to create the conditions for our arts and culture, for our small businesses and for our innovators and our entrepreneurs to thrive here.”

    Laurel Arvanitidis, director of business development for San Francisco’s Office of Economic and Workforce Development, said that the city’s policy and tax reforms have helped attract and retain businesses in recent years, including an office tax credit that gives up to a $1-million credit for businesses that are new or relocating to San Francisco.

    On Thursday, Lurie announced on social media that cryptocurrency exchange Coinbase is opening an office in San Francisco after leaving the city four years ago.

    “We are excited to reopen an office in SF,” Coinbase Chief Executive Brian Armstrong wrote in response to the mayor’s social media post. “Still lots of work to do to improve the city (it was so badly run for many years) but your excellent work has not gone unnoticed, and we greatly appreciate it.”

    Santa Clara-based Nvidia is also looking for San Francisco office space, according to a person familiar with the matter who declined to be named. The news was first reported by the San Francisco Chronicle. Nvidia, which also has California offices in San Dimas and Sunnyvale, declined to comment.

    “It’s because of AI that San Francisco is back,” Nvidia Chief Executive Jensen Huang said last month on the Hill & Valley Forum podcast. “Just about everybody evacuated San Francisco. Now it’s thriving again.”

    But San Francisco still has challenges ahead, as companies continue to push workers to return to the office. While the street environment has improved, it will be critical for the city to keep up the progress.

    Lurie said his administration inherited the largest budget deficit in the city’s history and they have to get that under control. His administration’s task is to make sure streets and public spaces are clean, safe and inviting, he said.

    “We have work to do, there’s no question, but we are a city on the rise, that’s for sure,” Lurie said.

    Times staff writer Roger Vincent contributed to this report.

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    Wendy Lee

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  • Levi’s heir and political outsider Daniel Lurie wins San Francisco mayor’s race

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    Philanthropist and Levi’s heir Daniel Lurie has won the hard-fought race for San Francisco mayor, ushering in a new era of leadership for a city whose voters made clear they are fed up with brazen retail theft and sprawling tent cities.

    It took two days to determine a winner under San Francisco’s ranked-choice voting system, which allows voters to select multiple candidates by order of preference. The city uses a multiround process to count the ballots, and it can take several rounds of tallying before a winner receives more than 50% of the vote. Though thousands of votes remained uncounted Thursday evening, the gap of support between Lurie and his opponents was deemed too big to bridge.

    Lurie, a centrist Democrat, outpaced incumbent Mayor London Breed and three other prominent local Democrats, receiving 56.2% of the total ranked-choice vote compared with Breed’s 43.8% as of Thursday’s count.

    Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, the only leading candidate running as an old-school progressive, came in third after being eliminated from the running with 21.6% of first-choice votes, and venture capitalist Mark Farrell, a moderate, trailed in fourth place. Supervisor Ahsha Safaí was knocked out of the running early after getting just 2.7% of first-choice votes.

    Lurie issued a brief statement on social media Thursday night thanking supporters. In an election night event Tuesday, he summarized his leadership vision for jubilant supporters gathered at a music venue in the Mission district to cheer him on.

    “Our challenge and opportunity is to show how government can deliver on its promise of a safer and more affordable city,” Lurie said. “And executing on these promises requires us to be courageous, compassionate and honest.

    “It’s never been more clear to me that so many people love this city, and it’s time for us to start making people feel like the city loves them back.”

    In a statement posted on social media Thursday evening, Breed said she had called Lurie to congratulate him.

    “Being mayor of San Francisco has been the greatest honor of my lifetime. I’m beyond grateful to our residents for the opportunity to serve the City that raised me,” Breed wrote. “During my final two months as your mayor, I will continue to lead this City as I have from Day One — as San Francisco’s biggest champion.”

    The transition from Breed to Lurie is a remarkable turn on many fronts.

    Breed, 50, made history six years ago when she became the city’s first Black female mayor. She was born into poverty in the Western Addition, at the time one of San Francisco’s toughest neighborhoods, and raised by her grandmother. She lost a sister to a drug overdose and has a brother in prison for robbery. Before being elected mayor, she was president of the powerful Board of Supervisors.

    Lurie, 47, was also born in San Francisco, the son of a rabbi. His parents divorced when he was a young boy, and his mother, Miriam Haas, went on to marry Peter Haas, who helped raise Lurie. Peter Haas, now deceased, was the great-grandnephew of the Levi’s founder and a longtime executive at the company. Lurie and his mother are among the primary heirs of the Levi Strauss family fortune. Lurie has never before held elected office.

    Throughout the campaign, Lurie distinguished himself as a political outsider running against four City Hall veterans. He pledged to root out government corruption, a concern among voters following a series of political scandals in city departments and nonprofits in recent years.

    The election was broadly viewed as a referendum on Breed’s efforts to address homeless encampments, crime and a flagging post-pandemic economy that cut at voters’ sense of a safe, well-functioning city.

    “This is not an election that was about an ideological or policy-based shift or rejection of Breed,” said Jason McDaniel, a political science professor at San Francisco State University. “It’s an outsider who is different and who was able to portray himself in that way as someone who will do things differently.”

    In a marked shift for San Francisco, the city’s wealthy tech sector played an influential role in this year’s race. Tech titans who have put down roots in the city poured millions of dollars into campaign contributions, pressing for an outcome that would infuse this famously liberal city with more centrist politics.

    That money overwhelmingly benefited Lurie, Farrell and Breed.

    “It’s been the billionaire election,” said Jim Ross, a veteran Bay Area Democratic strategist.

    San Francisco Mayor London Breed faced a tough reelection bid against four challengers who said she had not done enough to address property crime and homelessness in the city.

    (Eric Risberg / Associated Press)

    Breed was first elected in 2018, winning a special election after the unexpected death of then-Mayor Ed Lee. She led the city through a challenging period that includes the unsettling early spread of COVID-19 and the subsequent exodus of scores of downtown tech workers who, amid pandemic-related shutdowns, found themselves able to work remotely — and more cheaply — from other cities.

    Breed has never been a bleeding-heart progressive, despite San Francisco’s liberal reputation. But the Breed of six years ago was more open to experimenting with a progressive reformist agenda when it came to solving complex issues such as addiction and poverty.

    In the last two years, by contrast, she has become a leading voice in a movement to crack down on homeless people and addicts who refuse shelter or treatment. And this year she successfully championed two local ballot measures that bolstered police surveillance powers and will require drug screening and treatment for people receiving county welfare benefits who are suspected of illicit drug use.

    Many of her supporters noted her quick action to shut down San Francisco in the early days of the COVID emergency, a decision credited with saving thousands of lives.

    In making her case for reelection, Breed touted recent data showing improvements in some of San Francisco’s greatest problems, notably a reduction in property crime and violent crime over the last year.

    Her opponents dismissed that progress as too little, too late, and seized on voter dissatisfaction to pitch themselves as more qualified alternatives.

    Both Lurie and Farrell promised a more concerted crackdown on crime and homelessness and to reinvigorate the downtown economy.

    Lurie had the advantage of his family’s vast wealth to strengthen his name recognition. He showered his campaign with more than $8 million of his own money. His mother contributed more than $1 million to an independent committee backing his mayoral bid.

    He showcased his role as founder of Tipping Point, a San Francisco nonprofit that funds efforts to lift people out of poverty, to highlight his commitment to solving intractable problems. He said the organization has funneled $500 million to Bay Area organizations focused on early childhood education, scholarships, housing and job training since its founding nearly two decades ago.

    Farrell entered the race with support generated during his seven years as a supervisor, and made the case that his blend of political and business experience made him most qualified to get San Francisco back on track. But his campaign floundered amid ethical concerns. This week, he agreed to pay a fine of $108,000 following an ethics investigation that determined he had illegally financed his mayoral campaign with money poured into a separate ballot measure committee he sponsored to reduce the number of government commissions in San Francisco.

    Peskin, a longtime supervisor, organized a robust grassroots campaign focused on traditional liberal ideals, such as making the city affordable for nurses, teachers, and the artists and bohemians who have long made San Francisco a creative hub.

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    Hannah Wiley

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  • After a century, concrete plant that helped build L.A. makes way for a deluxe tower

    After a century, concrete plant that helped build L.A. makes way for a deluxe tower

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    If the new apartment tower had been planned for another plot of land, chances are good the concrete plant in the middle of the city would have helped build it.

    But, as it happens, the century-old facility on La Brea Avenue that has provided concrete for buildings and roads across the Los Angeles region sat where the tower is to go up.

    Now, the West Hollywood facility has ceased operating in order to make way for a new apartment tower.

    A worker sprays water to keep dust down at the Cemex concrete plant in West Hollywood. A 34-story apartment building is being planned for the site.

    (Brian van der Brug / Los Angeles Times)

    The mixing plant that routinely filled fleets of trucks with ready-to-pour concrete stood out as an urban oddity in its final years, a dusty, noisy industrial yard on busy La Brea Avenue near Santa Monica Boulevard, across the street from a shopping center with a Target store.

    Straddling the border between West Hollywood and Los Angeles, it backed up against L.A.’s burgeoning Sycamore District that includes upmarket stores, restaurants and art galleries that have sprung up in the former industrial district.

    The Cemex Hollywood Concrete Plant was one of the last industrial businesses operating in West Hollywood, said Jennifer Alkire, the city’s assistant director of community development.

    The Cemex concrete plant in West Hollywood seen through a window

    The Cemex concrete plant in West Hollywood was described as “the pioneer mixing plant in the West” in a 1924 issue of Concrete magazine.

    (CIM Group)

    “It was definitely an unusual use, particularly as the city continued to develop and change and grow,” she said. “Obviously, it was there long before the city incorporated” in 1984.

    A 1924 issue of Concrete magazine said that the operation at 1000 La Brea Ave. appeared to be “the pioneer mixing plant in the West,” the first of its kind offering “ready-mixed Portland cement concrete in quantities sufficient for a flagpole foundation or a 12-story building, and delivered right on the job when required.”

    While concrete had been a preferred construction material for hundreds of years, it was 20th century advances in truck technology that made it practical to be delivered instead of mixed on-site.

    By 1924, concrete from the La Brea plant was being used to pave streets in Los Angeles, the magazine said. Customers included the Standard and Union oil companies, along with the Famous Players-Lasky, Buster Keaton and Vitagraph movie studios.

    Ready-mix concrete plants continued to support development in the Southern California region during the building boom of the post-World War II era, according to research prepared for a draft environmental impact report on the planned development of the La Brea Avenue site. The plant there was upgraded in the 1930s and 1960s and operated continuously until its closure a few weeks ago.

    As mechanical plants go, it was a pretty simple one. Nearly vertical conveyor belts lifted dry ingredients high up to be deposited into hoppers where they were mixed with water and then the wet concrete was poured into waiting trucks below. Concrete trucks routinely queued up on nearby streets before departing right on La Brea Avenue with their agitator drums turning.

    Its last operator, Mexican multinational building materials company Cemex, declined to comment on the closure. The company’s landlord, Los Angeles developer CIM Group, said Cemex’s lease on the property was set to expire at the end of November and that it would clear the site of structures and vacate. By the end of October, most of the plant had been disassembled and carted away.

    CIM Group is seeking approval from the city of West Hollywood to build a 514-unit apartment complex that would fill much of the former plant site and another parcel on La Brea Avenue. Called 1000 La Brea, it would rise 34 stories and include floor retail space for shops and restaurants.

    It would have rooftop gardens, a swimming pool, fitness center, yoga room and library. There would be subterranean and above-ground parking, and at least 20% of the units are expected to be designated as affordable with subsidized rents.

    A rendering of an apartment tower

    An artist’s rendering shows the apartment tower planned for the site of the Cemex concrete plant at 1000 Santa Monica Blvd. in West Hollywood.

    (CIM Group)

    Shaul Kuba, co-founder of CIM Group, said he expects being situated on the edge of the upscale Sycamore district will help the apartment building land tenants. Neighbors would include Hollywood production facilities such as the former Warner Bros. studio now known as the Lot and other entertainment businesses, including broadcaster Sirius XM studios and Jay-Z’s entertainment company.

    “This should become a place where people in the entertainment industry in the neighborhood can live and actually be close to their work,” he said. “The entertainment industry is very focused in this area right now.”

    The east side of West Hollywood has evolved from being a collection of mostly low-rise commercial buildings, Alkire said, to including several multistory mixed-use residential buildings and neighborhood-serving retail properties such as the Movietown Square apartments and the West Hollywood Gateway shopping center.

    California cities need more apartments to meet housing goals, she said. “It’s definitely been made a priority by our City Council and by the state.”

    CIM hopes to break ground on the project next year and complete it by 2028, Kuba said.

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    Roger Vincent

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  • Celebrating Housewives Costumes Through the Years! Plus ‘Orange County,’ ’Potomac,’ and ‘Salt Lake City.’

    Celebrating Housewives Costumes Through the Years! Plus ‘Orange County,’ ’Potomac,’ and ‘Salt Lake City.’

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    Rachel Lindsay and Chelsea Stark-Jones begin today’s podcast with a trip down memory lane in honor of Halloween, during which they chat about their favorite housewives costume moments (3:25). Then, they dive into the Ryan and Jenn drama in The Real Housewives of Orange County Season 18 finale (13:33). Rachel is later joined by Callie Curry to discuss Mia’s chaotic girls trip to Lake Norman in Season 9, Episode 4 of The Real Housewives of Potomac (34:51). Finally, Jodi Walker hops on to break down Season 5, Episode 7 of The Real Housewives of Salt Lake City and where they stand on Heather vs. Bronwyn (54:12).

    Host: Rachel Lindsay
    Guests: Chelsea Stark-Jones, Callie Curry, and Jodi Walker
    Producer: Devon Baroldi
    Theme Song: Devon Renaldo

    Subscribe: Spotify

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    Rachel Lindsay

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  • West Indies v England scorecard

    West Indies v England scorecard

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    Latest score from Antigua as England begin their three-match ODI series against West Indies, with Liam Livingstone standing in as captain.

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  • Puerto Ricans in New York City furious over comedian’s remarks at Trump rally at MSG

    Puerto Ricans in New York City furious over comedian’s remarks at Trump rally at MSG

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    SOUTH BRONX, New York City (WABC) — Outrage is building on Monday after Donald Trump’s rally at Madison Square Garden on Sunday featured a comic and several other speakers making racist comments.

    Approach a Puerto Rican in New York and play the video of Sunday night’s incendiary comments about their homeland, then watch the fire ignite.

    “What kind of people say that? They don’t know us. Why do they judge like that?” one person said.

    “It’s really hard to accept that that came out of his mouth,” another said.

    “I don’t know if you guys know this, but there’s literally a floating island of garbage in the middle of the ocean right now. I think it’s called Puerto Rico,” stand-up comic Tony Hinchcliffe said to the jam-packed Madison Square Garden crowd ahead of former President Trump’s appearance.

    The joke bombed but the explosive fallout reverberated across the country to the 5-million-plus stateside Puerto Ricans – many of them registered voters – and more than 3-million American citizens on the island.

    “Convicted Trump didn’t say the words the words that were said at his rally. But it doesn’t matter because it was his rally,” Luis Miranda, political strategist, said.

    In East Harlem, a who’s who of Puerto Rican federal, state and city locals held a news conference to condemn the comments uttered at a rally designed to gain supporters in a tight presidential election. Instead, the comments could backfire in a key battleground state.

    “He made a calculated error yesterday. Basically he said goodbye to PA, to Pennsylvania. In Pennsylvania we have 450-thousand Puerto Ricans,” New York Democrat Rep. Nydia Velazquez said.

    “This is about human rights, civil rights, and this is about my people, mother, my grandmother who died after Hurricane Maria. This is about our people who have suffered for way too long,” Frankie Miranda, of the Hispanic Federation, said.

    Puerto Rico became a U.S. territory in 1917, and the first large wave of migration occurred after World War II to ease labor shortages. There are now more Puerto Ricans in the U.S. than on the island.

    Those who stayed behind say they often feel like second-class citizens because they can’t vote in presidential elections and receive limited federal funding compared with U.S. states.

    That festering resentment erupted when Trump visited Puerto Rico after Hurricane Maria slammed into the island as a powerful Category 4 storm in 2017. He tossed paper towels into a crowd and denied the storm’s official death toll, with experts estimating that nearly 3,000 people died in the sweltering aftermath.

    José Acevedo, a 48-year-old health worker from San Juan, shook his head as he recalled the feelings that coursed through him when he watched the Sunday rally.

    “What humiliation, what discrimination!” he said early Monday as he waited to catch a public bus to work.

    Acevedo said he immediately texted relatives in New York, including an uncle who is a Republican and had planned to vote for Trump.

    “He told me that he was going to have to analyze his decision,” Acevedo said, adding that his relatives were in shock. “They couldn’t believe it.”

    The National Puerto Rican Day Parade condemned Hinchcliffe’s remarks adding, “This insult will not diminish who we are or what we represent but should remind us of the critical importance of voting on November 5th.”


    Some information from the Associated Press

    WATCH: Bill Ritter and the Eyewitness News team with our Vote 2024 Election Guide.

    For more information about what’s on the ballot in New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut, please check our Voter Guide.
    For election updates, please visit abc7ny.com/vote2024.

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    Joe Torres

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  • L.A. County wants to crack down on corruption. Is it worth up to $21 million?

    L.A. County wants to crack down on corruption. Is it worth up to $21 million?

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    As local government careens from one corruption scandal to the next, the city and county of Los Angeles each charged forward this election season with ballot measures to try to crack down on unethical behavior by public officials.

    The city wants to bolster its nearly 35-year-old ethics commission with Charter Amendment ER, which would give the watchdog body a minimum yearly budget of $7 million.

    The county, meanwhile, wants to create its first ethics commission with Measure G.

    The county ethics commission, along with an office of ethics compliance, would come with no set budget. But according to a Thursday county analysis reviewed by The Times, the ethics reforms in Measure G could cost as much as $21.9 million a year, with salaries and employee benefits making up most of the price.

    If voters approve Measure G on Nov. 5, a task force would be set up to determine the shape of the ethics commission — for example, how many members it should have.

    The cost estimate has left supporters and detractors with sticker shock.

    “That is so absurd,” said Rob Quan, an organizer with Unrig LA, which has advocated for measures to eliminate corruption in the city and county. “I’m baffled by this.”

    “We’re not even in the right ballpark,” said Quan, who previously told the county supervisors that he thought the ethics reforms in Measure G were “half-baked.”

    “If the city could do it for $7 million, why is it going to cost so much more than the county?” said political science professor Fernando Guerra, director of the Center for the Study of Los Angeles. at Loyola Marymount University.

    But Guerra, who co-wrote the ballot argument in favor of Measure G, said he still thought the ethics reform package was a no-brainer for a county with a budget of $49 billion.

    “Even if it’s that amount, that’s so cheap for what you’re going to get,” added Guerra. “It’s a drop in the bucket.”

    The five county supervisors are divided on Measure G, which in addition to creating an ethics commission would nearly double the size of the Board of Supervisors and bring on an elected executive who would act as a quasi-mayor.

    Supervisors Hilda Solis, Janice Hahn and Lindsey Horvath pushed for the measure, arguing it would make the county more responsive to its 10 million constituents. Supervisors Kathryn Barger and Holly Mitchell said it was misguided, with too vague a price tag.

    Everyone, however, said they could get on board with the idea of an ethics commission. Last month, the board voted unanimously to ask county lawyers to look at what it would cost to carry out the ethics reforms — regardless of whether Measure G passed.

    That preliminary report, returned last week, put the yearly cost at between $16.8 million with 73 employees and $21.9 million with 93 employees.

    “Wow, that is a big staff,” said David Tristan, head of the city’s ethics commission, which has a budget of $6.3 million and employs 45 people. “I’d love to have that budget.”

    About 13% of the yearly cost would go to services and supplies, while the rest would pay for staff, according to the county report.

    The report does not include a cost for setting up the commission. The auditor’s office previously said that one-time costs to implement all of the proposals in Measure G — which would include expanding the board — would be about $8 million.

    The Yes on Measure G campaign lambasted the county’s report as rushed and simplistic, “meant to dissuade voters before a critical election.”

    “Measure G is historic and it’s no secret that special interests and long-time bureaucrats are scared of real accountability and reform,” said campaign chair Morgan Miller.

    A majority of the supervisors said they still wanted to move forward.

    “The cost estimate provided in this report seems high and I wonder how they landed on this number,” Hahn said. “But we can’t afford not to do this.”

    Barger and Mitchell, who have opposed Measure G, similarly said they saw the need for an ethics commission, though Barger called the cost range “concerning given our county’s fiscal forecast” and Mitchell said she would look for places to make “cost-efficient adjustments.”

    For those already skeptical that the commission would do much to root out corruption, the high cost was further proof that it was a bad idea.

    “What can they cut? Firefighters? Child welfare workers? The sheriff’s budget? I don’t see them proposing to cut their salaries,” said former Los Angeles City Councilmember Ruth Galanter. “If they have that much money lying around in the county budget, they should all be fired, for crying out loud.”

    Galanter, who held office from 1987 to 2003, vehemently opposed the city’s ethics commission when it was created in 1990, convinced it would do little to squash corruption.

    Following the corruption-related convictions of two former city council members, a former deputy mayor and a former city commissioner, Galanter said her fears were borne out. She suspects the same will be true for the county’s attempt.

    “What an incredible waste of time and money this ethics things is,” said Galanter. “It does not produce more ethical elected officials. What’s the point?”

    If Measure G passes, the county would need to create the independent ethics commission and the office of ethics compliance by 2026. The commission would be responsible for investigating misconduct by county employees and updating county rules regarding conflicts of interest and lobbying, among other duties. The office of ethics compliance, led by an ethics compliance officer, would provide support to the commission.

    The language in the ballot measure prohibits the county from raising taxes to pay for the changes.

    Horvath, who spearheaded the measure, said there is enough money in the county budget to pay for the reforms, since the county could tap staff who are already doing similar ethics-related work in the executive office, the Registrar-Recorder and the Auditor Controller’s office.

    “Nothing is more important than safeguards against corruption,” she said. “The staff and funding already exist in our current form of government.”

    Sean McMorris, who specializes in ethics and accountability issues for the advocacy group California Common Cause, said the price tag doesn’t faze him. A robust ethics commission is expensive, he said, which is why only bigger cities typically create them.

    He’s more concerned about what shape the commission will take. Many of the details around the ethics commission are meant to be hammered out once voters have already approved the measure, he said.

    “It’s just like, wait and see,” he said. “It makes me nervous.”

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    Rebecca Ellis

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  • Orlando police shoot at man fleeing from officers downtown

    Orlando police shoot at man fleeing from officers downtown

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    One man is in custody after police say he went on a wild ride through downtown Orlando, crashing into two police cars.Cliff Francois, 29, was arrested late Sunday night. Orlando Police said they responded to the parking garage of 55 West just before 11 p.m. for a suspicious vehicle. The driver allegedly sped away from them and crashed into police cars throughout downtown.OPD says the car was driving toward officers at Pine Street and Magnolia Avenue, and one officer opened fire. The driver kept going before crashing into another car near the Orange County Courthouse, and he was arrested.According to OPD, the man was not hit by gunfire. The officer involved was not injured and will be placed on paid administrative leave while the Florida Department of Law Enforcement and the state attorney’s office investigate the incident, which are procedures common with all shootings involving law enforcement officers.OPD says it will also conduct its own internal investigation.Francois is a convicted felon with a criminal history that includes carjacking and home invasion, according to OPD.

    One man is in custody after police say he went on a wild ride through downtown Orlando, crashing into two police cars.

    Cliff Francois, 29, was arrested late Sunday night. Orlando Police said they responded to the parking garage of 55 West just before 11 p.m. for a suspicious vehicle. The driver allegedly sped away from them and crashed into police cars throughout downtown.

    OPD says the car was driving toward officers at Pine Street and Magnolia Avenue, and one officer opened fire. The driver kept going before crashing into another car near the Orange County Courthouse, and he was arrested.

    According to OPD, the man was not hit by gunfire. The officer involved was not injured and will be placed on paid administrative leave while the Florida Department of Law Enforcement and the state attorney’s office investigate the incident, which are procedures common with all shootings involving law enforcement officers.

    OPD says it will also conduct its own internal investigation.

    Francois is a convicted felon with a criminal history that includes carjacking and home invasion, according to OPD.

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  • Student who elicited “F— the police” from L.A. council candidate works for Kevin de León

    Student who elicited “F— the police” from L.A. council candidate works for Kevin de León

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    In a room full of students at Cal State L.A. last week, a young man told Los Angeles City Council candidate Ysabel Jurado that he supports the idea of abolishing the police and wanted to know where she stood on the issue.

    Jurado’s reply, which included the phrase “F— the police, that’s how I see ‘em,” drew sharp criticism this week from parts of the Eastside, where she is seeking to unseat Councilmember Kevin de León.

    On Wednesday, De León confirmed that Martin Perez, one of his staffers, is the Cal State L.A. student who posed the question.

    De León declined to say whether Perez, who handles constituent services in his office, made the recording of Jurado’s remarks, which first appeared Monday on the website of the Westside Current. But he commended his aide, saying Jurado has been sidestepping questions about police abolition.

    “He got the answer that we’ve been asking [during] five consecutive debates as to why she wants to abolish the police,” he said. “And she confirmed it with a very vulgar and crude “F—the police.”

    Jurado’s remarks at the Cal State L.A. meet-and-greet have delivered an unexpected jolt to the campaign for the 14th District, which takes in all or part of downtown, Boyle Heights, El Sereno and Eagle Rock. De León has been struggling to emerge from a two-year-old scandal over a different recording — one that featured crude and racist remarks — and is facing a fierce opponent in Jurado, a tenant rights attorney who has never run for office before.

    Councilmember Monica Rodriguez labeled Jurado’s use of the phrase immature, while Councilmember Bob Blumenfield called it “incredibly offensive.” The Los Angeles Police Protective League, which endorsed De León and represents about 8,800 officers, is now airing 30-second attack ads criticizing Jurado.

    “Her plan for public safety starts with an F-bomb,” the ad states.

    In recent weeks, Jurado has pushed back on assertions that she intends to defund the police, while also arguing that too much money is being spent on the LAPD, putting the city on the brink of a financial crisis.

    On Monday, she downplayed her use of “F— the police,” saying it was “just a lyric” from a rap song. Although she didn’t say which song, her wording parallels parts of N.W.A’s “F— Tha Police” and Kanye West’s “All Falls Down.”

    Jurado declined to comment about Perez on Wednesday. But she described the police union ad as “just noise.”

    “Our community is focused on how they’re going to put food on the table and pay their rent on time — not song lyrics,” she said in a statement. “That’s why we’re more determined than ever to lift up their needs and be their champion in City Hall. This campaign is about delivering results, not distractions.”

    Perez declined an interview request from The Times. In the recording of the meet-and-greet, he began his question by noting that he lives in the council district and is “a punk from East L.A.”

    More than a dozen people attended the event, and several recorded different questions and answers, said Elliot Avila, a Cal State L.A. student who took part in the discussion. Nevertheless, Avila said he is convinced that Perez made the recording of Jurado’s remarks.

    “He’s the one who claims to be a police abolitionist, and he’s clearly working for Kevin de León,” he said. “The only person with the motive to do that would be him.”

    Avila, who plans to vote for Jurado, said her full response to the abolition question was actually “centrist.” After using the phrase “F— the police,” Jurado pointed out that some of her constituents want more police and said the LAPD needs to focus on violent crime.

    “She was meeting [Perez] where he was at, but then walking back to a more centrist, pragmatic position,” Avila said. “I would have liked for her to go much harder against the police.”

    Perez has been an aide to De León for about a year and half, according to his LinkedIn profile. He founded and managed a clothing company in the “vibrant East L.A. punk scene” while also working as a security guard, the profile says.

    Perez has been volunteering for De León’s reelection campaign, door-knocking, phone banking and creating “art for tote bags to be used by other staffers,” his profile states.

    Jurado identified herself as an abolitionist — someone who supports the “abolition of police and the “prison industrial complex” — in a questionnaire she submitted to the Democratic Socialists of America-Los Angeles.

    De León has assailed that stance, saying it would leave neighborhoods from downtown to Boyle Heights vulnerable to violent crime. Earlier this week, he described Jurado’s use of the F-bomb as “irresponsible,” saying wealthy neighborhoods will always have the ability to hire security personnel.

    “Poor neighborhoods, low-income neighborhoods, neighborhoods that struggle every single day to make ends meet, they deserve public safety as well,” he told KTLA.

    Jurado has pushed back on the idea that she plans to defund the LAPD, saying she wants officers to focus on gangs, drugs and violent crime.

    On the campaign trail, she has also argued that the city’s approach to public safety “isn’t working,” saying that more money should be devoted to street lighting, sidewalk repairs and youth programs.

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    David Zahniser, Dakota Smith

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  • Two arrested on sex-trafficking charges after advertising brothel on fliers, Irvine police say

    Two arrested on sex-trafficking charges after advertising brothel on fliers, Irvine police say

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    Irvine police arrested two men this week on pimping and pandering charges after they advertised a brothel on fliers that were placed on neighbors’ cars, a department spokesperson said.

    The fliers included contact information that led officers a home in the city’s Cypress Village neighborhood, Sgt. Karie Davies said.

    The fliers, in essence, said, “Call for a good time,” she said.

    “They were super original and very discreet,” Davies said.

    Qiyin Jiaqiyin, 51, of Irvine and Xiaoming Ding, 36, of Whittier were arrested and booked into the Orange County Jail, Davies said, where they’re each being held on $500,000 bail.

    Three victims, women in their 20s and 30s, were offered assistance and left the location after the arrests, Davies said.

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    Liam Dillon

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  • Venice Canal assault victim files $5-million claim against the city of Los Angeles

    Venice Canal assault victim files $5-million claim against the city of Los Angeles

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    A woman who was attacked and sexually assaulted while out for a walk on the Venice Canals in April has filed a $5-million claim against the city of Los Angeles, charging that the government was derelict in its duty to provide safe streets and protect its citizens.

    Mary Klein, 55, who suffered a savage beating that left her with missing teeth and a blood clot in her brain, was attacked around 10:30 p.m. April 6 as she strolled through the upscale seaside neighborhood. Another woman, Sarah Alden, 53, was also attacked that night and later died.

    Police later arrested Anthony Francisco Jones, 29; he was charged with two counts of forcible rape, murder, attempted murder, mayhem, torture and sodomy by use of force. He pleaded not guilty to the charges.

    The Times does not normally identify victims of sexual assault, but Klein came forward to share her story, saying people should take it as a wake-up call that more social services are needed for people suffering from mental illness and more police protection is needed for everyone.

    “That’s why all this crime is happening — we’re ignoring the extreme mental health crisis going on in our streets,” she said this summer.

    In filing her claim, Klein said she is trying to drive home the point that the government must do more to protect its citizens. The attack on her, she said, has turned her into an activist for public safety.

    Los Angeles City officials could not immediately be reached for comment on the claim.

    Klein filmed herself walking up to Los Angeles City Hall on Friday to submit her claim, speaking into the camera as the government buildings loomed behind her. A claim against the city can be a precursor to a lawsuit.

    “There is a dereliction of duty by the government in Los Angeles, in California,” she says in her video. “A dereliction of duty to protect its citizens from the criminals and also to fund the police correctly.”

    “I have lifelong damages to my jaw, my brain, blood clotting in my brain, due to a transient attacking me on an un-patrolled street in Venice,” she said. The street, she said, “was dark, no lighting, a public street where numerous incidents of violent crime and murder have occurred, and still absolutely no police presence on the street.”

    “That’s not the police’s fault,” she said. “That’s the people who defund the police.”

    In an interview, she said she was appreciative of Los Angeles officials, including Mayor Karen Bass, the City Council and the Los Angeles Police Department. She said she supports Bass’s goal to expand the LAPD by 1,000 officers.

    “This is not about City Hall,” she said. “I see them doing a lot of work to help the community.” But the government as a whole must do more, she said.

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    Jessica Garrison

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  • Shannon Called Out! Plus ‘New York,’ ‘Salt Lake City,’ and ‘Orange County.’

    Shannon Called Out! Plus ‘New York,’ ‘Salt Lake City,’ and ‘Orange County.’

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    Rachel Lindsay and Jodi Walker kick of this week’s Morally Corrupt with an update on Jax Taylor and Brittany Cartwright’s divorce (4:09), then dive into the Season 15 premiere of The Real Housewives of New York (9:17). Later, Rachel and Jodi recap Season 5, Episode 3 of The Real Housewives of Salt Lake City (36:15). Finally, Rachel is joined by Chelsea Stark-Jones to discuss Joel Kim Booster’s recent rant about Shannon Storms Beador on Instagram and Season 18, Episode 13 of The Real Housewives of Orange County (53:26).

    Host: Rachel Lindsay
    Guests: Jodi Walker and Chelsea Stark-Jones
    Producer: Devon Baroldi
    Theme: Devon Renaldo

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    Rachel Lindsay

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  • Malibu homeowner accused of stealing sand has done so before, coastal commission says

    Malibu homeowner accused of stealing sand has done so before, coastal commission says

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    As the Milwaukee Brewers begin their playoff run, the team’s owner, Mark Attanasio, is embroiled in a legal battle back in California revolving around one of the state’s most precious resources: sand.

    In August, Attanasio’s neighbor filed a lawsuit accusing the businessman of stealing sand from Malibu’s Broad Beach and carrying it back to his property as part of a construction project to repair a damaged seawall.

    Now, the California Coastal Commission is getting in on the action.

    The commission sent Attanasio’s lawyer Kenneth Ehrlich a notice of violation in September, claiming that contractors working on Attanasio’s beach house illegally excavated sand and operated heavy machinery within state tidelands.

    The commission also said the construction project impaired public access to the beach, depleted the beach’s sand and threatened harm to marine resources.

    The notice, which demanded a response by Oct. 7, asked Attanasio to stop any unpermitted development and also resolve the violations, which could include a monetary settlement.

    It’s not the first time Attanasio has been cited by the Coastal Commission for stealing sand.

    Along with the notice, the commission attached an additional notice from 2008 accusing the Brewers owner of scooping sand from the beach for a different house he owned half a mile away.

    The 2008 notice claimed that Attanasio constructed an illegal seawall made of sandbags and metal poles along a stretch of public beach, planted invasive plant species on a sand dune and impeded public access to the beach.

    Attanasio sold that beach house to “Friends” co-creator Marta Kauffman last year for $23.6 million, records show.

    “We’re happy that the Coastal Commission is echoing what we are also trying to do, and we’re encouraged with the actions that they’ve taken thus far,” said attorney Tim McGinity, who’s representing Attanasio’s neighbor James Kohlberg in the lawsuit. “This citation of the neighboring property owner validates what we have been saying from the start: The beach cannot and should not be treated as a personal sandbox.”

    The sand battle has ignited a larger discussion about the private and public use of California’s beaches, as neighbors and cities battle over their share of a seemingly infinite resource that’s drastically shrinking in some areas.

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    Jack Flemming, Ruben Vives

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  • Gavin Newsom signs controversial bill regulating California warehouse development

    Gavin Newsom signs controversial bill regulating California warehouse development

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    Gov. Gavin Newsom has signed a controversial bill that establishes siting and design standards for industrial warehouses that, according to supporters, would better protect the health of nearby residents.

    The legislation comes as developers have converted large swaths of property along Inland Empire freeways into a logistics corridor for e-commerce, connecting goods shipped into Southern California ports with online shoppers across the nation. Although proponents of the developments say they bring jobs and infrastructure improvements, many residents living in the shadow lament the pollution, traffic and neighborhood disruption.

    Beginning in 2026, Assembly Bill 98 will prohibit cities and counties from approving new or expanded distribution centers unless they meet specified standards. New warehouse developments will need to be located on major thoroughfares or local roads that mainly serve commercial uses. And warehouses will need to be set back several hundred feet from so-called “sensitive sites” such as homes, schools and healthcare facilities.

    Additionally, if a developer demolishes housing to make way for a warehouse, the bill will require two new units of affordable housing for each unit that is destroyed. The developer will have to provide displaced tenants with 12 months’ rent.

    Assemblymember Juan Carrillo (D-Palmdale), co-author of the legislation, previously described the measure as a “very delicate compromise” that resulted from lengthy negotiations among a group that included labor, health, environmental and business representatives.

    While some labor organizations supported the bill, environmental, community and civic groups statewide objected to the secrecy in which the bill was crafted in the final days of the session and said it fails to hold warehouse developers to higher standards.

    Several cities also opposed the legislation, which, according to an analysis by the Senate Appropriations Committee, requires general plan updates that could result in one-time costs for cities and counties ranging from tens of millions to potentially hundreds of millions of dollars.

    Environmental advocates are especially concerned about the bill’s setback requirements for projects involving warehouses 250,000 square feet and larger that are within 900 feet of homes, schools, parks or healthcare facilities.

    In those cases, the bill requires that truck loading bays are located at least 300 feet from the property line in areas zoned for industrial use and 500 feet from the property line in areas not zoned for industrial use. Warehouses would also need to comply with design and energy efficiency standards.

    Advocates argued the bill would simply enshrine current warehouse development practices into law and undermine local efforts to advocate for the much bigger setbacks recommended by state agencies.

    In a 2022 report on best practices for warehouse projects under the state’s environmental laws, the state attorney general’s office recommends locating warehouse facilities so that their property lines are at least 1,000 feet from the property lines of sensitive sites such as homes and schools. It cites the state Air Resources Board, which in 2005 estimated an 80% drop-off in pollutant concentrations at approximately 1,000 feet from a distribution center.

    This article is part of The Times’ equity reporting initiative, funded by the James Irvine Foundation, exploring the challenges facing low-income workers and the efforts being made to address California’s economic divide.

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    Rebecca Plevin

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  • ’Salt Lake City’ Season 5 Premiere! Plus, ‘Orange County’ and ‘Dubai.’

    ’Salt Lake City’ Season 5 Premiere! Plus, ‘Orange County’ and ‘Dubai.’

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    Rachel Lindsay and Callie Curry begin this week’s episode by sharing their opinions on the recent Bachelorette drama, before moving on to recap Season 18, Episode 11 of The Real Housewives of Orange County (19:41). Then, after giving their final thoughts on The Real Housewives of Dubai Season 2 reunion (37:07), Jodi Walker makes her triumphant return to break down The Real Housewives of Salt Lake City Season 5 premiere (51:28).

    Host: Rachel Lindsay
    Guests: Callie Curry and Jodi Walker
    Producer: Devon Baroldi
    Theme: Devon Renaldo

    Subscribe: Spotify

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    Rachel Lindsay

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