Surveillance video from a street takeover on West 25th and Lorain on September 18.
Last Saturday, from 11:30 p.m. to 4 in the morning, hundreds of young adults from Columbus and Cincinnati drove to Cleveland in souped-up vehicles to deliver what can only be described as a citywide taunt.
Dozens of cars in at least 15 intersections spun in circles around filming teenagers or lit fires. Masked kids banged on party buses on I-90, while others hung out of passenger doors. Some even flashed pistols; others shot airsoft guns at police.
Cleveland police held an emergency Sunday press conference. Chief of Police Dorothy Todd appeared before Council’s Safety Committee to update them on a new task force to address the issue and to recount what measures, most unsuccessful, were undertaken the night of the takeovers.
On Monday, Council took its own steps. Three councilmembers—Michael Polensek, Blaine Griffin and Kerry McCormack—introduced legislation that would outright ban every plausible aspect of the street takeover, what’s been the nom du jour of what occurred last weekend.
CPD
One of the dozen images Cleveland Police released last week of the street takeover suspects.
Mirroring tougher laws that will go into effect statewide on October 24, the new amendments add and include punishments for just about anything a street takeover perpetrator could commit: burnouts, doughnuts, drifting, wheelies, stunt driving. All for, the amendment reads, “the immediate preservation of the public peace, property, health or safety.”
Most importantly the new rules could mean anyone involved, from the filmers to the drivers, could be found guilty of at least a misdemeanor of the first degree. Which means license suspension anywhere from 30 days to three years. The new law would also allow police to take takeover-related car parts as “contraband”—wheels, tires, mufflers.
“No person shall participate in street racing, stunt driving, or street takeover upon any public road, street or highway,” the introduced legislation says, “or on private property that is open to the general public.”
Street takeovers, a dangerous merging of social media attention grabbing and aggro car culture, have gotten national media attention this year after a wave of interceptions in several American cities were shut down. Cop cars were lit aflame in Philadelphia; a girl was killed after a street takeover in Los Angeles.
Cleveland Police reported three warrants for arrests after the mass takeovers on September 28. Later last week, they followed up by releasing a dozen photos of teens mid-takeover, and asked for the public’s help in identifying them. (Many wear ski masks or animal masks under the belief, and cry of, “No face, no case.”)
Cleveland Police Chief Dorothy Todd tried to calm an irate City Council last week miffed about the dozen incidents of street takeovers in Cleveland in late September.
One arrest, made by the Ohio State Highway Patrol, hasn’t yet been confirmed as a street takeover suspect. No other suspects have been taken into custody.
Last week, Councilman Michael Polensek, the head of Council’s Safety Committee, asked Todd to explain what went wrong during and after Saturday’s takeover. Todd responded with a series of mea culpas and pleas for empathy.
“Every action or inaction taken by police will always be judged, not only by their superiors, by the media, by the community,” she said. “And we have to answer to the Department of Justice [Consent Decree] monitors, to the Cleveland Police Commission—and even city councils.”
Todd and Safety Director Wayne Drummond told Council that it was looking into deploying a half dozen drones, along with possibly implementing spike strips and installing metal plates at intersections, to make drifting impossible.
Regardless, Council wasn’t moved.
“This behavior is unacceptable and has put our citizens, visitors and businesses at risk,” Griffin said in a statement Tuesday. “The morale of the city has been shaken. We want action and that’s why we’re are taking this important step. We have to hold people accountable.”
Surveillance video shows the moment when someone, who appears to be a child, gets out of a car and steals a political yard sign from someone’s lawn. It happened Friday afternoon in the Brodderick Bryte neighborhood in West Sacramento. The sign was for Emiliano Rosas. He’s a candidate for West Sacramento City Council’s District One seat. “My initial reaction was it was disheartening,” Rosas said. “Given what’s going on in national politics right now, I think it’s unfortunate to see kind of the discord and the vitriol that is going on. That has no place here in Sacramento.”In what is his first campaign for an elected position, he hopes this is a one-off moment and that it can be used to teach a lesson.”Not every little kid knows that it’s a crime, you know, or something that they are going to be doing is a crime,” Rosas said. “I think it definitely is a moment to learn from and to show other people and other kids that it’s not okay to do that.”Rosas’ campaign manager confirmed the homeowner didn’t file a police report for the theft, but he did get a new sign for his yard.As the campaign season ramps up ahead of November, Rosas said he expects more yard signs to be going up. He hopes people learn to leave them alone.Rosas is running against current West Sacramento City Council member Norma Alcala. KCRA 3 reached out to her campaign for a comment on the theft. We haven’t heard back yet.
WEST SACRAMENTO, Calif. —
Surveillance video shows the moment when someone, who appears to be a child, gets out of a car and steals a political yard sign from someone’s lawn. It happened Friday afternoon in the Brodderick Bryte neighborhood in West Sacramento.
The sign was for Emiliano Rosas. He’s a candidate for West Sacramento City Council’s District One seat.
“My initial reaction was it was disheartening,” Rosas said. “Given what’s going on in national politics right now, I think it’s unfortunate to see kind of the discord and the vitriol that is going on. That has no place here in Sacramento.”
In what is his first campaign for an elected position, he hopes this is a one-off moment and that it can be used to teach a lesson.
“Not every little kid knows that it’s a crime, you know, or something that they are going to be doing is a crime,” Rosas said. “I think it definitely is a moment to learn from and to show other people and other kids that it’s not okay to do that.”
Rosas’ campaign manager confirmed the homeowner didn’t file a police report for the theft, but he did get a new sign for his yard.
As the campaign season ramps up ahead of November, Rosas said he expects more yard signs to be going up. He hopes people learn to leave them alone.
Rosas is running against current West Sacramento City Council member Norma Alcala. KCRA 3 reached out to her campaign for a comment on the theft. We haven’t heard back yet.
Mayor Karen Bass has vetoed a proposed ballot measure to rework the disciplinary process at the Los Angeles Police Department — a step that could result in its removal from the Nov. 5 ballot.
In her veto letter to the City Council, Bass said the proposal, which would have allowed the police chief to fire officers accused of committing serious misconduct, “risks creating bureaucratic confusion” within the LAPD.
Bass said the proposal, which also would have reworked the composition of the department’s three-member disciplinary panels, provided “ambiguous direction” and “gaps in guidance.”
“I look forward to working with each of you to do a thorough and comprehensive review with officers, the department, and other stakeholders to ensure fairness for all,” she wrote. “The current system remains until this collaborative review is complete and can be placed before the voters.”
Bass issued her veto during the council’s summer recess, when meetings are canceled for three weeks. The deadline for reworking the language of the ballot proposal has already passed, City Clerk Holly Wolcott said.
“If the council does not override the veto or take any action, the measure will be pulled from the ballot,” Wolcott said in an email.
The council’s next meeting is scheduled for July 30. Whether it can muster 10 votes to override the mayor’s veto is unclear.
By issuing the veto, Bass effectively sided with top LAPD brass, who warned last month that the proposal would create a two-tier disciplinary system, with some offenses resulting in termination by the chief and others heading to a disciplinary panel known as a Board of Rights.
The mayor’s appointees on the Board of Police Commissioners also criticized the ballot proposal, saying they felt excluded from the deliberations. At least one commissioner voiced concern about the proposal’s creation of a binding arbitration process to resolve cases where an officer files an appeal of his or her termination.
Councilmember Hugo Soto-Martínez expressed similar worries, arguing that binding arbitration would lead to more lenient outcomes for officers accused of serious wrongdoing. Soto-Martínez, who voted against the proposal last month, had also argued that the range of offenses that would lead to termination by the police chief was too narrow.
An aide to Soto-Martínez said Tuesday that his boss supports the veto.
Councilmember Tim McOsker, who spearheaded the ballot proposal, said he is “deeply disappointed” with the mayor’s action, arguing that it threatens the most significant reform of the LAPD’s disciplinary system in more than two decades.
If the council fails to override the veto, the next opportunity for major reform would not occur until the 2026 election, McOsker said.
“What this veto would do is put us back in the status quo for at least two years,” he said in an interview.
McOsker said he is still looking at the options for responding to the mayor’s veto. During the council’s deliberations last month, four council members — Soto-Martínez, Nithya Raman, Eunisses Hernandez and Curren Price — backed a proposal to seek additional changes to the ballot measure.
Soto-Martínez took aim at the decision to let a police chief fire officers for some offenses but not others, saying it would create “ambiguity” in the disciplinary system.
That proposal was defeated on a 9 to 4 vote. Had it passed, it would have effectively killed the ballot measure for this year’s election, since the deadline had passed for making extensive changes.
The proposal vetoed by Bass had been billed as a way to undo some of changes brought by Charter Amendment C, a ballot measure approved by voters in 2017, which paved the way for all-civilian disciplinary panels at the LAPD.
The ballot proposal would have reworked the system, ensuring that each panel would have have two civilian members and one commanding officer.
Representatives of the Los Angeles Police Protective League, which represents about 8,800 rank-and-file officers, did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
Last month, the union issued a statement saying the ballot proposal struck “the right balance” on disciplinary issues, ensuring that officers who are terminated by a chief have access to an appeal process with binding arbitration.
Council President Blaine Griffin in Council Chambers last year. Griffin will be overseeing a redrawing of Cleveland’s warn boundaries to be wrapped up in December.
Ward 8 Councilman Michael Polensek recalls 2013 with a slight distaste in his mouth.
It was a year the city’s then 19 wards were set to be chiseled down to 17. Cleveland was still losing population, and then Council President Martin Sweeney had to follow a charter amendment passed five years before that required boundaries to be redrawn every decade with the number of seats tied to how many people lived in Cleveland. In 2013, that meant two politicians would lose their jobs.
The result was some high octane in-fighting and crosstalk bickering. Jay Westbrook, the veteran council member who backed the 2008 charter law with enthusiasm, opted to retire to “stand up for the change I sought and let someone else pick up the torch.”
Sweeney, accused of influencing the redraw of the wards map to back then Councilman Eugene Miller—who was, at the time, embroiled in a DUI scandal—found himself in a similar pickle as Westbrook. He was thus accused of imbalancing the Black and Hispanic neighborhoods he had supposedly promised to help.
In 2013, Sweeney stepped down from his role, the Plain Dealer reported, to “set the whole record straight on the whole redistricting thing.”
“He’s a sore loser,” Polensek said at the time. “He lost at what he tried to do. And now it’s nothing but bitterness.”
Eleven years later, Council is six months away from another relook at Cleveland’s ward boundaries. With the help of the same consultants who drew the map a decade ago, it will decide how certain neighborhoods should be represented by elected officials. And eleven years later, as those hired guns begin interviewing its members, Council is again approaching the inevitable with feelings of dread in their back pockets.
Especially those who recall 2013.
“I told [the consultants] don’t mess up, don’t screw up my neighborhood again,” Polensek told Scene on Monday.
“You have an opportunity to correct the mistakes that were made, the terrible lines that were drawn,” he said. “To disenfranchise east side and neighborhoods of color in the ethnic neighborhoods. That’s what they did.”
Hired by City Hall three times to re-analyze its ward boundaries—in 1981, 2009 and 2013—the consultant team, led by 85-year-old analyst Bob Dykes at Triad Research Group, will have yet another opporunity to more carefully match Cleveland’s changing population numbers and neighborhoods with fairer, more accurate representation.
All while doing its best to steer clear of gerrymandering claims. Some on Council in 2013 accused Sweeney of splintering Ward 14’s Hispanic population, curtailing it from 41 to 37 percent, until a successful pushback kept it more substantive. (A move that would undeniably help Councilwoman Jasmin Santana, the ward’s first Latina leader, secure her seat in 2017.)
“Two of our primary goals are to have natural boundaries and keep neighborhoods together. Community involvement will also play a key role in redistricting,” Council President Blaine Griffin wrote in a press release. “We are eager to begin the work now to allow us time to get this right—and deliver maps that accurately reflect the needs of Cleveland’s diverse neighborhoods.” (Griffin was out of the office Monday and unavailable to comment for this article.)
As will go the process, Dykes and his team of three, including architect Kent Whitley and former Cleveland State professor Mark Stalling, will have six months to hand over a redrawn map to Griffin. Council will vote on the revision. All minding that two of them, whomever they may be, will either lose their jobs or have to run for election in a different, newly created ward.
That’s created a tiny panic in those who both trust their constituents yet find next year’s election too vague to pin down.
“I don’t know what district I’m running. I don’t know what my ward number is going to be,” Ward 13 Councilman Kris Harsh told Scene. “I don’t know what my boundary is going to be. And I haven’t got any indications about what they might be. So I’m kind of waiting to see the map like everybody else.”
Next week, on July 11, Harsh said he’s hosting his first fundraiser in his council tenure, both as a bid to raise thousands of dollars before next June and to preempt what could be an eventual political threat. In early June, City Council doubled the limit that individuals and political action committees could contribute.
Like Polensek, Harsh had his concerns that the new map could tilt neighborhoods’ identities, thus leading to a possible drop in what’s an already low voter turnout for council races.
Calls to Dykes and Whitney were not returned on Monday. Salling said that his team vowed to “honor those boundaries” that Polensek claimed were rocked by 2013’s redistricting—namely the Black east side wards. He said the trio was committed to following the Voting Rights Act, the 1965 federal law passed to prevent, to the best of its ability, the disenfranchisement of minority communities.
Regardless, Salling was blunt about the inevitable. Two fewer wards meant two fewer councilpeople. Two fewer councilpeople carried a world of implications—more campaign dollars needed to run elsewhere, changed dynamic in Council Chambers and the unavoidable sting when one’s job is threatened.
“You know, somebody’s going to lose,” Salling said. “Hopefully it’s somebody that doesn’t really mind losing or that obviously maybe doesn’t carry the popular vote as strongly as other council people. But, you know, that, that’s sort of out of my domain.”
Ward 16 Councilman Brian Kazy (far right) fixed together a panel of stadium politics experts—Ken Silliman, Victor Matheson and Brad Humphreys.
If you were to pick out any average Browns fan or Northeast Ohioan off the street, you’d probably get a mixed bag of answers to what’s become an increasingly controversial question: What should come of Cleveland Browns Stadium?
Let the Haslams relocate to Brook Park with a $2-billion dome (with half coming from the taxpayers of Ohio, Cuyahoga County and other sources). Focus on renovating the current one to the tune of $1 billion (again, with the Haslams asking for half the tab to be picked up by the public). Forego costly renovations and instead do the best we can with the current stadium?
Last Thursday afternoon at the Cleveland Public Library a panel of experts on stadium builds and sports politics gathered for two hours to discuss the hard facts and real-world implications of those possibilities.
The panel—comprised of Ward 16 Councilman Brian Kazy, former Law Director Ken Silliman, and stadium economics experts Brad Humphreys and Victor Matheson— offered lots of opinions and facts but one seemed to come with agreement: That erecting a $2.4 billion Brook Park dome and surrounding village, saying goodbye to the lakefront, would not carry the perks to Clevelanders some have been touting.
Namely, Cleveland plus Domed Stadium equals Wealthier City.
“There’s zero evidence in 30 years of peer-reviewed academic research that a professional sports team in a city generates any substantial jobs, raises wages, raises income, raises property taxes,” Humphreys, an economics professors at the University of Alberta, said.
“What professional sports are good at,” he added, “is moving economic activity around to different parts of the city.”
With Browns owners Jimmy and Dee Haslam’s stadium lease with the city to end in 2028, time is closing in on a decision that’s divided Clevelanders, just as it seemed to divide attendees at Thursday’s panel: Ask for public dollars to bankroll a projected $1.2 billion upgrade of Cleveland Browns Stadium where it is, or use (more) public dollars to construct a $2.4 billion football neighborhood 14 miles south in Brook Park, across from the airport and where the old Ford plant once stood.
The Haslams have been vague on their intentions after it was announced, in April, they secured the rights to buy 176 acres of land east of I-71 big enough for a ballpark village to stand. The move, seen by Thursday’s panelists as a chess ploy, has nevertheless prodded local politicians, from Mayor Justin Bibb to Councilman Kazy, to ensure that Cleveland doesn’t lose—with some PTSD—the Browns to a southwest suburb. (Bibb has said his preference is for the Browns to stay downtown, and has argued the city has put forth what, is in their opinion, a good deal for the city and the team).)
It’s what seemed to beckon Kazy, who was the face of Council’s emphasis of the 1996 Art Modell Law that attempts to protect cities from billionaires seeking to pick up their team and leave, to gather three experts on stadium deals to espouse the starry-eyed Clevelander’s wish for a shiny new domed megapalace. Like Nissan Stadium in Nashville. Or Jerry’s World in Dallas. Or Los Angeles’ behemoth that is AT&T Stadium.
Matheson (right) brought hard data to back up the panel’s bottom line: expensive sports facilities are bad public investments for a city in general.
Sensing some in the crowd yearned for a Taylor Swift-level echelon of concerts, or say another Rolling Stones stopover, Matheson was quick to shut down the perception of huge change with some hard data. From 2002 to 2022, he and Humphreys found, Cleveland Browns Stadium hosted 12 concerts. Detroit’s dome hosted 38. Indianapolis’ Lucas Oil Stadium, 31. (And two Super Bowls, in 2006 and 2012.)
The bottom line for the two visiting professors, who speak regularly against city-subsidized stadium deals, was evident: the billions of dollars that go into inviting a Swiftie World Tour doesn’t produce a sound return in investment. They quoted a Chicago economist: “It would be better to drop [money] from a helicopter than invest it in a new ballpark.”
“So if you said, ‘Well, look. There’s so much more you can do with an indoor stadium,” Matheson said. “Well, yeah: one more concert [a year] here. You might get a men’s basketball Final Four. And a Super Bowl—but you’ll get one.”
For Silliman, the former chair of the Gateway Economic Development Co. who recently published a 600-page memoir-slash-stadium exposé on Cleveland’s own chaotic history with sports stadiums, the more sensible route was to convince the Haslams, the city and its denizens to reframe Cleveland Browns Stadium in the historical vein of Fenway Park in Boston, or Wrigley Field in Chicago.
Which meant, he said, doubling that dollar stream Cuyahoga County residents have been using for stadium upkeep since 1990. The tax on booze and cigarettes. The tax on concerts and shows. The tax on parking lots and car rentals.
“You know, our sin tax has never been adjusted for inflation,” Silliman, who was an adviser to former Mayor Mike White in the 1990s, said. “If you were to double the annual amount available for each sports facility that would take it from $4.5 million per facility, to about $9 million.”
Silliman, like Kazy himself, reminded everyone in attendance that he was first and foremost a Cleveland sports traditionalist.
And believed that, in reality, most Clevelanders had more practical priorities than the Haslam Brook Park renderings. (Only five percent of members of the Cuyahoga County Progressive Caucus thought the public wanted to or should pay for a new stadium in the first place.)
“If you ask the average ticket buyer at Cleveland Brown Stadium,” Silliman said, cracking a smile, “they would say, just give us a team that’s consistently competing for the playoffs.”
Two Black elementary school students were subjected to hateful and racist rhetoric during City Council’s general public comment session on Monday by an unknown Zoom attendee.
The two young girls from Monarch Montessori in Montbello were asking City Council members for help in procuring a yurt for their school when an unknown person on Zoom interrupted the meeting and told the girls to “go back to Africa.” The person continued spewing more insults and racist slurs for about 30 seconds while City Council members could be heard asking moderators to step in and mute the person.
The person was eventually ejected from the video call.
Several councilmembers went down to the podium to stand behind the students and console them.
The older student was visibly upset and unable to continue giving her speech. She was led from the room by Councilmember Shontel Lewis.
The younger student continued their plea for the yurt that would create more space for students. The student said the school has experienced an influx of students and in order to accommodate everyone, the yurt would be transformed into a music room. The current music class will then be converted into a regular classroom.
After the student finished, Council President Jamie Torres condemned the unknown person’s actions.
“I want to extend an apology,” Torres said. “I want to thank you for being here first and foremost and for sharing your commentary. I want to apologize for what we heard and I want you know…that everyone in this room is a support system and we would never acknowledge or authorize that kind of language in this chamber.”
In a statement, Torres added the “words were vile, as was the character of a person who would actively seek to say these words to two beautiful and courageous young girls.”
“Speaking at the Denver City Council brings nervousness to adults every week, and these youth gathered the bravery to bring their voices to their City Council representatives to improve their school and community. We honor and praise these two young voices and condemn anyone who would attack them and any other member of our community,” Torres wrote.
Robert Austin, the council’s spokesperson, said the Technology Services team is currently investigating how the person was able to speak during the meeting. Typically, an event producer runs the meeting and unmutes people when it is their turn to speak. Austin said the producer tried several times to mute the person before ejecting them from the meeting.
Austin said the team has also not been able to identify the speaker. Their IP address shows as being from the Netherlands, which Austin said the team suspects isn’t accurate.
Austin said the primary concern is to ensure this doesn’t happen again.
After the meeting, Austin said several councilmembers and Council’s Executive Director Bonita Roznos spoke with the girls about the incident.
Austin said he’s not sure what council will do regarding the students’ request “but efficiency and decreasing wait times in the permitting process has been something the council has asked of the administration in a variety of forums.”
Denver airport leaders are considering building a child care center — maybe more than one — to help recruit and retain employees at the growing airport campus.
To further study the concept, the airport hopes to win City Council approval Monday for a 3-year, $800,000 contract with a Denver advocacy group that will assist with research and planning. A council committee already approved the proposal on April 10.
The airport’s plan reflects the reality that child care — or the lack thereof — can have big economic consequences for employers that rely on working parents to fill their ranks. More than 40,000 employees, ranging from aviation officials to janitorial staff, work at the airport, which is the country’s third busiest. There are so few state-licensed child care options near the airport in far northeast Denver, it’s considered a child care desert.
Airport officials say they have many questions to answer before committing to a child care center or some other form of employee child care support, but suggested their eventual decision could be momentous.
“We’re on a global stage and we have the ability to do something really special,” said Andrea Albo, deputy chief of staff for Denver International Airport, which is owned and operated by the city.
She said project leaders will carefully consider the needs of the airport’s lowest wage earners and historically marginalized communities in deciding how to proceed. A final decision is likely by the spring of 2026.
Nicole Riehl, president and CEO of Executives Partnering to Invest in Children, the group being considered for the $800,000 contract, said employers aren’t a panacea for child care challenges but can help build up child care supply.
“Employers can’t just sit around and wait for the federal government to fix it or the states to fix it,” she said.
Other U.S. airports offer child care
If the Denver airport moves forward with a child care center, it will join a handful of other American airports that already offer on-campus child care, or soon will, including Los Angeles International Airport, Pittsburgh International Airport, and, starting in 2025, Phoenix Sky Harbor International Airport.
Sky Harbor’s child care efforts were born during the pandemic, said Matt Heil, the airport’s deputy aviation director for strategy, policy, and administration.
“We had nowhere near the traffic, but we still had to have all the operations up and running,” he said. “It was a priority to make sure we could continue to do what we could to support workers.”
The Phoenix City Council agreed to use $5 million in federal COVID relief money to help fund a two-pronged approach to child care help.
Starting in 2022, Sky Harbor launched sliding scale child care scholarships for employees who earn up to 400% of the federal poverty guidelines — $124,800 for a family of four. About 40 households currently receive the scholarships, which can be used at child care facilities across Maricopa County, Heil said.
The other half of the plan is a soon-to-be-built child care center for up to 100 children on the airport campus. It’s slated to open in 2025.
Placing a child care center at an airport is complicated, Heil said. It needs to be accessible and convenient for employees, while having enough separation from the terminal that long lines, tight security, and abandoned-suitcase incidents won’t jeopardize its operations.
In addition, space is limited on Sky Harbor’s campus in southeast Phoenix. Officials there settled on a site in a courtyard under a Sky Train station near an employee parking lot.
Heil said helping parents with small children secure child care can incentivize them to work at the airport.
“If you talk to other airports, this is definitely an ongoing conversation in the industry,” he said.
How big a role should employers play in child care?
When Stephanie Burke moved to Denver two years ago to start as director of the airport’s Center of Equity and Excellence in Aviation, she struggled to find child care for her two boys, then 11 months old and 3 years old.
She found a spot for her 3-year-old son, but nothing for the baby, so her husband stopped working for 11 months and stayed home with him. At that point, they found a neighbor who was willing to watch him until they found a permanent spot.
“My story is not unique,” said Burke, who is helping lead the airport’s child care effort. “It’s something that we hear from other employees … the wait lists are really long, you have to get on before you even think about having a child or when you’re in your early pregnancy.”
Burke said there are plenty of anecdotal stories, but the airport still needs to collect concrete data on employee needs. About 19,000 of the more than 40,000 employees at the airport fall into the 20- to 39-year-old age group, but it’s not clear how many have young children and need child care. That’s part of what the work with Executives Partnering to Invest in Children, or EPIC, will reveal.
Elliot Haspel, senior fellow at Capita, a child and family policy think tank, said the airport’s plan to study the issue makes sense and praised EPIC as a thought leader on employer-based child care.
But he also sounded a note of caution about the trend of employers launching child care programs — and the growing use of public dollars in the form of tax incentives or grants to help fund such projects. He worries that using those dollars on child care linked to a parent’s job may take away from broader public investment in a child care system that serves everyone.
“For employers writ large, we need to ask them to pay into a universal system via taxation,” he said.
In recent years, there has been a flurry of legislation to encourage employer-based child care, including a 2022 federal law that will allow semiconductor manufacturers who receive federal subsidies to use some of those dollars for child care programs.
“Employers can start to feel like a solution to child care problems, and they are not,” he said. They are “one piece of a larger puzzle.”
Ann Schimke is a senior reporter at Chalkbeat, covering early childhood issues and early literacy. Contact Ann at [email protected].
Mary Hall-Rayford is one of four plaintiffs who filed a lawsuit against Eastpointe Mayor Monique Owens.
A group of First Amendment attorneys reached a unique and powerful settlement with the city of Eastpointe after its then-mayor shouted at residents and refused to let them speak during a public meeting in September 2022.
As part of the lawsuit settlement, the city agreed to designate Sept. 6, the day that Eastpointe Mayor Monique Owens shouted down residents, as “First Amendment Day.”
On Tuesday, the council also voted to apologize to the residents — Mary Hall-Rayford, Karen Beltz, Karen Mouradjian, and Cindy Federle — and entered into a consent decree prohibiting the city from enforcing unconstitutional limitations on the public criticizing elected officials.
Each of the plaintiffs also received $17,910 in addition to attorneys’ fees.
“The First Amendment protects every American’s right to criticize government officials,” FIRE attorney Conor Fitzpatrick tells Metro Times. “With this settlement, Eastpointers can have confidence their voices will be heard and local governments can be left with no doubt there are serious consequences for violating the First Amendment.”
The first-term mayor, who was later convicted of fraudulently applying for a $10,000 COVID-19 grant, prevented residents from speaking during the September 2022 meeting, insisting they had no right to criticize her. As the meeting descended into chaos, with Owens berating a resident for explaining the First Amendment, the council’s four other elected members walked out of the meeting and didn’t return.
It wasn’t the first time Owens prevented residents from criticizing her during the council’s public comment period. According to the lawsuit, Owens frequently used her authority “to suppress dissent and criticism by interrupting and shouting down members of the public who criticize her or raise subjects she finds personally embarrassing.”
Fitzpatrick says the settlement is a victory for free speech rights everywhere in America.
“Regular Americans should feel comfortable going to their local government or school board meeting and make their views heard,” Fitzpatrick says. “This is what American democracy is about. There are some countries where you can be put in jail for criticizing a public official or asking the wrong question. Luckily that is not the case in the United States of America, and the U.S. Constitution makes sure that is not the case.”
At the September 2022 meeting, residents were questioning Owens’s actions after she alleged that Councilman Harvey Curley, who is in his 80s, assaulted her by yelling and putting his hands in her face during the open ceremony for Cruisin’ Gratiot in June 2022. Owens was trying to speak at the event, but Curley was opposed, explaining that he didn’t want to politicize the event since it was operated by a nonprofit.
The Macomb County Sheriff’s Office dismissed the case, and the Macomb County Circuit Court denied Owens’s request for a personal protective order.
Hall-Rayford, a community activist, school board member, and former chaplain, was the first to speak at the September meeting, but she didn’t get far.
“I’m going to stop you right there,” Owens said as soon as Hall-Rayford began to speak. “We’re going to stop the council meeting because I’m not going to let you speak on something that has to do with police.”
City attorney Richard S. Albright informed Owens that she didn’t have the right to prevent a resident from speaking.
As part of the lawsuit in December 2022, the city agreed to prohibit Owens from interrupting or shutting down speakers during public comment periods.
Advocates and City Council members rally in support of passing legislation to expand CityFHEPS program in summer 2023. The city filed its legal response to a lawsuit by the Legal Aid Society seeking to force it to implement the laws after it has refused to do so. Wednesday, March 27, 2024.
Photo: Gerardo Romo / NYC Council Media Unit
Sign up for our amNewYork email newsletter to get news, updates, and local insights delivered straight to your inbox!
Late on Tuesday, Mayor Eric Adams’ administration filed its response to the lawsuit aimed at forcing it to implement several laws expanding access to housing vouchers, which it has refused to enact, asking a state judge to dismiss the case.
In the legal document, filed in New York County Supreme Court, the city argued that the case has no merit because the City Council never had the authority to legally change the housing voucher program in the first place.
“The Local Laws are invalid because they are preempted by the New York State Constitution, statutes and related regulations,” the filing reads.
The Legal Aid Society first brought the lawsuit last month, which the City Council joined a week later, on behalf of four plaintiffs who represent a class of those who claim they would have benefited from the program expansion the city is refusing to roll out. The laws make the program, known as CityFHEPS, available to a broader swath of homeless and low-income people.
Furthermore, the city argues the power to change CityFHEPS rests with its Department of Social Services (DSS), as set forth under state law. Thus, the administration argues, it is within its right not to implement the council legislation.
“The new laws state that they are to be implemented by DSS via the rulemaking process,” the filing reads. “City DSS has declined to undertake rulemaking to implement the four new laws because City DSS, and not the City Council, is empowered to set eligibility criteria for social services housing supplements like CityFHEPS.”
Mayor Eric AdamsEd Reed/Mayoral Photography Office.
But the Legal Aid Society, in a statement issued Wednesday, fired back at the city, alleging its claim that the City Council can’t legislate on the program is “baseless” and “willfully ignores” the fact that it has done so in the past — such as when it raised the amount of CityFHEPS vouchers in 2021.
“No administration has the legal authority to cherry-pick which laws they choose to enforce and which they choose to disregard, and we’re committed to ensuring the full implementation of this legislative package, one duly enacted by the City Council, to serve our clients who are in need of safe, long-term and affordable housing,” the legal defense group said.
Legal Aid’s suit argues that as a co-equal branch of government, the council does have standing to tweak CityFHEPS through legislation.
The laws would significantly broaden eligibility for CityFHEPS by making the vouchers available to those who are at risk of eviction and by expanding the qualifying income level from 200% of the Federal Poverty Line to 50% of the Area Median Income.
Mayor Adams has remained staunchly against the measures, charging they are unworkable due to a hefty price tag of $17 billion over 5 years and a lack of enough available apartments to meet the increased demand they would create, which led him to veto them last summer.
The battle over the bills has led one of the more high-profile ongoing power struggles between the two sides of City Hall during Mayor Adams’ and Council Speaker Adrienne Adams’ tenures.
Council President Blaine Griffin long denounced support of a ceasefire resolution. On Monday, Council passed legislation supporting international aid sent to Gaza, by far the most affected by the Israel-Hamas War.
After 17 weeks of protests, chanting, and heated public comment, a Gaza ceasefire resolution was passed in Cleveland City Council on Monday evening.
The resolution, which passed unanimously and is meant to declare political sympathy for victims of the Israel-Hamas War along with condemning Hamas’ attacks on Oct. 7, was the prime focus of hundreds of protestors that filled Council Chambers since late last year.
Many of the protesters were confused as to why, unlike councils in Akron or Columbus, Cleveland’s legislative body was seemingly tiptoeing around what appeared to be a plain acknowledgement of suffering.
“This Council condemns the attacks in Israel on October 7th that lead to the loss of Israeli and American lives and the taking of hundreds of hostages,” the legislation passed Monday reads.
“This Council and Clevelanders of all faiths and backgrounds have expressed profound concern for the innocent civilians suffering and are alarmed by the loss of tens of thousands of innocent Palestinian and American lives due to the war in Gaza,” it adds. “Further, this Council calls for international aid to go immediately and directly to the people of Gaza.”
In an interview with Ideastream’s Abbey Marshall, Council President Blaine Griffin, who previously denounced a Council backing of a resolution, said that he felt obliged to follow the United Nations’ stance on Gaza. Earlier in the day, the U.N., after a similar amount of thumb twiddling, passed a resolution calling for “immediate ceasefire in Gaza.”
“Even though the United States did not vote for it, they did not veto it,” Griffin told Ideastream on Monday. “That gave me the inclination that the United States is supportive of it, and even though they might not be fully supportive of it, at least it felt like we’re aligned with our government and the rest of the world.”
He added, “Anytime you lose this amount of life, people in our community are hurt, so it’s the right thing to do.”
Councilwoman Rebecca Mauer stood alone until now, giving an impassioned speech in favor of a resolution back in January hours after Griffin announced that council would consider no such legislation.
Juan Collado Díaz, a community organizer who rallied a majority of the Gaza sympathy protests, told Scene Tuesday morning he was both relieved and unsatisfied with Griffin’s decision, which he saw as overly delayed.
Juan Collado Díaz, a 23-year-old community organizer, has been helping to rally support for Cleveland’s passing of a resolution since October.
“They had 17 weeks to do that,” Collado Díaz said. “And how many kids got killed over the 17 weeks? I mean, I know a local government can’t do anything with international affairs. But they just felt their jobs were getting threatened.”
“This wasn’t meant for freedom, or the liberation of Palestine,” he added. “More like, ‘Stop showing up every Monday.’”
Since October, fighting between Israel and Hamas has led to 1,200 casualties in Israel’s borders, the New York Times reported, along with 250 hostages. In Gaza, which has been shaken and decimated by Israeli airstrikes, over 32,000 Palestinians, most of them women and children, have been killed.
Collado Díaz said that there will still be a few members of the pro-Palestine coalition who attend Monday Council meetings, as to both interrogate the reasoning behind the 17-week delay and to continue the spirit of protests behind what Collado Díaz ultimately sees as a win.
As it is, he said, for the city. “That Cleveland believes in a better world,” he said. “That we stand up against hatred.”
Palos Verdes Drive South is a major two-lane road that spans a 15-mile stretch of the California coast along which 15,000 vehicles pass every day, officials said. At the moment, visible cracks in the asphalt can be seen where the road has fallen into disrepair due to shifting sediment.
“We’re doing short-term repairs right now,” said City Manager Ara Mihranian. But an “imminent road closure” will take place over the next month to address a “severe drop” in the roadway that locals call “the ski jump,” he said.
Caltrans officials are recommending that this section of roadway be flatted out to some extent, Mihranian said. The section runs about a quarter of a mile between Narcissa and Peppertree drives. Details of the planned road closure and its repairs will be presented to the City Council on April 2.
The land in some areas is descending towards the Pacific Ocean at a rate of about half an inch per day, according to Michael Phipps, a geologist working for the city. The landslide has already damaged some homes and recently forced the closure of the historic Wayfarer’s Chapel, a popular wedding site perched on a hillside overlooking the ocean.
A particular type of soil makes the Portuguese Bend especially vulnerable to landslides, Phipps said. Millions of years ago a volcanic eruption deposited ash that became bentonite clay. “When [bentonite] gets wet, it becomes even weaker,” said Phipps. “So we’ve really got the worst of all situations.”
The city is using underground pumps called dewatering wells to drain the water table to help stabilize the land, officials said. The city has also halted development in certain affected areas. So far, Mihranian said, only two damaged homes have been marked as uninhabitable.
The Federal Emergency Management Agency has awarded Rancho Palos Verdes $33 million dollars to help with remediation efforts. Now the city is proposing that $8 million of that money be allocated for emergency hydraugers, drains that would be bored into hillsides to release excess water.
“There’s other discussions about trying to intercept the water that’s coming down to natural canyons up into the head of the landslide,” Phipps said. But all the city’s measures will at best only slow the landslide to imperceptible movement, not completely stop it, he said.
In her bid for a second term, Los Angeles City Councilmember Nithya Raman pulled above 50% for the first time since vote counting began in last week’s primary election, increasing her prospects of avoiding a Nov. 5 runoff.
The latest batch of returns, released Tuesday, showed Raman with 50.2% of the vote, compared with 39% for her nearest opponent, Deputy City Atty. Ethan Weaver. In third place was software engineer Levon “Lev” Baronian, who had about 11%.
In a statement, Raman said she’s still waiting for all the votes to be counted. Nevertheless, she called the latest batch of results “very exciting.”
“It’s been the honor of my life to serve this incredible city as a member of its council, and I very much hope to see what more we can accomplish with four more years of work,” she said.
Vote counting is expected to resume Wednesday. Raman and her two challengers were competing to represent a district that straddles the Hollywood Hills, stretching from Silver Lake in the east to the San Fernando Valley neighborhood of Reseda in the west.
Raman was running for a second four-year term in a district that is significantly different from the one that elected her in 2020. A year after she took office, the City Council redrew about 40% of the district, taking out such areas as Hancock Park and Park La Brea and adding all or part of Encino, Studio City and other neighborhoods.
Under the city’s election rules, any council candidate who receives more than 50% in the primary election wins outright.
Weaver, in a statement, said his campaign “always knew it was going to be a close race.”
“I do want to say thank you to all the thousands of people who rallied to our campaign,” he said, “and I’m asking for them to be patient while the remaining votes are counted.”
Weaver, who spent several years as a neighborhood prosecutor, had sought to make major issues of public safety and homelessness. He received huge financial support from unions that represent police officers and firefighters, as well as landlords, business groups and other donors, which spent a combined $1.35 million on his behalf.
Raman worked to turn that huge outside spending into a negative for Weaver, saying it showed that special interests were unhappy with her votes in support of new tenant protections and against police raises and digital billboards. Her supporters portrayed the race as one that would determine the future of progressive politics at City Hall.
Raman’s progress on her reelection bid took place on the same day that Ysabel Jurado, another candidate backed by the city’s political left, pulled into first place in her race against Councilmember Kevin de León.
Like Raman, Jurado had been increasing her share of the vote in each of the county’s daily updates. Jurado now appears to be headed to a Nov. 5 runoff election in that Eastside district.
Election officials said they have an estimated 126,000 ballots left to count countywide.
DURHAM, N.C. (WTVD) — Durham City Council voted not to renew its contract with the controversial ShotSpotter technology Monday night.
The decision came a week after a Duke study found it did notify police about more shootings compared to 9-1-1 calls.
The vote was 4-2 with Mayor Leonardo Williams and Mayor Pro Tem Mark-Anthony Middleton on the side of keeping the program in place.
“If we’re talking about over-policing Black and brown neighborhoods, uh hello, I’m a Black guy,” Williams said.
He said the people he had talked to were in favor of keeping the program. He also cited a recent survey about quality of life in Durham which noted that people were asking for more police protection.
“Of course, you’re going to get a lot of police response in these neighborhoods if the gunshots are happening in these neighborhoods and that’s just a fact,” Williams said.
Durham Police Chief Patrice Andrews said the program was another tool for her investigators but one year wasn’t enough to know its full effect.
“One more tool is better than no more tools,” she said. “If we’re looking at prosecution, that’s something that would’ve taken much longer to look at.”
The AI-powered gunshot detection was set up at the end of 2022 to see whether it could lower response times to calls. The Duke study concluded last week it did but did not show evidence it brought down gun violence overall.
ShotSpotter, which has now rebranded as Sound Thinking, did not pick up every instance of gun violence. It failed to pick up eight shootings with one or more victims.
Of the 29 incidents that resulted in arrests, only seven happened because of a ShotSpotter notification.
For three decades, Jamie Nelson has considered Ojai her personal paradise. It’s where she raised her children and cherishes the springtime, when the air smells like jasmine and orange blossoms.
“Lots of times, I’ve said, ‘God, I think Heaven probably smells like this,’” Nelson said of this artsy tourist town of 7,500 people.
Now, Nelson, a 74-year-old grandmother who has heart problems and bad knees and leans heavily on a cane, is homeless. She lives in a tent outside the historic Ojai City Hall, where a growing encampment filled with older people has vexed a community known for spiritual retreats, chakra-aligning crystals and organic farms.
“I was scared to death of coming here,” said Nelson, who moved to City Hall in November. “I was so afraid, because I’m older. And I got here and the people are just — they’re very precious. They are very good and very intelligent, and just had things happen.”
Thirty people live on the wooded eight-acre campus. Half are older than 55, and eight are older than 65. And — despite some locals’ assertions that they are refugees from bigger cities like Ventura and Santa Barbara — most are longtime Ojai residents, said Rick Raine, the city’s new homeless services coordinator.
“They say, ‘You’re bringing in people!’ No, people have always been here,” said Raine, who was Nelson’s neighbor years ago.
Rick Raine, Ojai’s homeless services coordinator, created a community room at the City Hall encampment where residents can find fresh coffee and conversation.
(Michael Owen Baker / For The Times)
The affordable housing shortage is nothing new in Ojai, but the issue received increased attention last year after a septuagenarian member of the City Council was priced out of her rented house, declared herself homeless and was investigated by a grand jury for no longer living within her council district.
In this 4.4-square-mile city, homelessness used to be more spread out, with people sleeping in their cars or bundled in blankets in the open-air shopping arcade. Now, the crisis is harder to ignore because it is concentrated at the City Hall encampment, which has become a flashpoint as the city pours money and resources into making the setup more livable.
Local politicians and law enforcement officials say they cannot move the encampment because of decisions by the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of Appeals. Ojai has no dedicated homeless shelter, and — in cases from Boise, Idaho, and Grants Pass, Ore. — the court determined it was unconstitutional cruel and unusual punishment for cities to criminalize camping in public spaces when there are not enough shelter beds.
The U.S. Supreme Court agreed last month to review the lower court’s decision in the Oregon case and to decide whether cities can enforce camping bans. A ruling is expected this summer.
Melissa Balding is among the homeless residents at Ojai’s City Hall encampment who are trying to keep the property tidy.
(Michael Owen Baker / For The Times)
For now, the lower court rulings “really bind us with what we can do,” Ojai Police Chief Trina Newman said. Officers, she said, have responded to reports of theft, loud music, drinking and homeless people trespassing on neighbors’ property.
“We have individuals that have their share of difficulties: Addiction. Mental health problems. When you get a certain amount of people in a small area, there’s going to be problems,” she said.
“But our hands are tied.”
William Holden has encouraged homeless people in Ojai to shelter at the City Hall encampment. “It’s not a new problem,” he says of homelessness. “It’s just been moved to where you can see it.”
(Michael Owen Baker / For The Times)
Ojai’s City Hall is an architectural gem and point of local pride. Originally a family home, later gifted to the city, it was built in 1907 as a Craftsman-style house and later remodeled to fit in with the Mission Revival architecture that Ojai became known for.
Today, scores of tents spread out just beyond the building’s stately arches and wide patios. Many of the campers try to keep the property tidy, picking up trash and cutting the grass with a manual push mower. Some keep tchotchkes — small statues, faux flowers — outside their tents to make the place feel more homey.
Over the last year, the number of people living at the encampment exploded, from about five people to 30.
At a City Council meeting in September, William Holden, a resident of Ojai for 23 years, pushed his elderly chihuahua, Fievel Mouskawitz, in a pink stroller up to the microphone.
“I did this,” Holden, 61, said of the encampment, where he now lives.
“I invited these people who were sleeping in their cars, these people that were under the bridge, to come back here, because I’ve heard the police are not making us move like they do when you’re in an unregistered motor vehicle or sleeping where you’re not supposed to be sleeping.”
“It’s not a new problem,” he added. “It’s just been moved to where you can see it.”
City officials confirmed that word of mouth helped grow the camp, which sits on environmentally sensitive oak woodland grounds that slope down to a creek. The ground is soft, muddy and, in some portions, at risk of a landslide if it gets too saturated, Raine said.
This fall, the City Council allocated $200,000 to deal with the crisis, and Raine was hired to be the city’s first homeless services coordinator. He opened a break room at the encampment where he brews a fresh pot of Folgers coffee every morning. He keeps blankets, coats, boots and extra food on hand — for the people and their pets.
The city added portable toilets, and, in late January, Raine and a slew of volunteers built eight sturdy wilderness tents in the parking lot, off the muddy ground. Raine said he chose eight of the older, more vulnerable campers — including Nelson — for the 8-by-10-foot tents, each of which sits on a fire-treated platform and includes a storage shed.
Four more tents will go up in the coming weeks.
Homeless services coordinator Rick Raine is working with volunteers to erect wilderness tents to shelter the most vulnerable campers in Ojai’s sanctioned homeless camp.
(Michael Owen Baker / For The Times)
Overall, the town has been supportive of the city’s efforts, said Mayor Betsy Stix. “We’re a loving, caring community, and I think that — it’s so personal,” she said, adding that some municipal employees have a high school classmate living at the camp.
Last month, the city applied for $12.4 million in state grant funding to build tiny homes and provide case management and security. City leaders have promised to relocate the encampment once the money and expansion plans are in place.
But furious neighbors don’t believe them.
“We understand that city staff has stated that the neighbors are fully on board with this plan. That could not be further from the truth,” read a letter sent last month to the City Council and city manager that was signed by 47 people who live near City Hall.
One neighbor, a 73-year-old woman who has owned her house for 39 years, told The Times that the city made no effort to talk to nearby residents.
The woman, who did not give her name because she feared being harassed by people in the encampment, said she worried about fires, with people cooking under the trees and some using propane heaters in their tents. She said she also worried about vulnerable senior citizens living among other campers “who are real bullies.”
Jerry O’Dell returns to his tent, right, at a homeless encampment at Ojai’s City Hall.
(Michael Owen Baker / For The Times)
Another neighbor — a 43-year-old single mother of three who also declined to give her name — said a man from the camp lunged at her 12-year-old daughter as she rode a skateboard and that her children “do not feel safe.”
“We feel like our neighborhood has been taken over,” she said. “It’s completely changed the vibe here. There’s a port-a-potty right on the corner that doesn’t give the homeless people any privacy. It doesn’t feel like a compassionate solution for them or for us.”
During Ventura County’s point-in-time census in January 2023, Ojai recorded 44 unhoused people. That’s a 42% increase from five years prior — but a steep decline from the 82 people counted in 2007, when the annual survey began. In all of Ventura County last year, there were 2,441 homeless people, the highest number since the count began.
The sharp rise, as in so many places in California, has coincided with skyrocketing housing costs.
The average home price in Ventura County was $834,180 in December 2023, up 38% from December 2018, according to Zillow. The median rent was $2,373 in December 2023, up nearly 23% from 2018, according to data from the real estate firm Apartment List.
In Ojai, the housing shortage has been compounded by strict slow-growth laws, which — along with a ban on chain stores — were intended to maintain the small-town charm. Before an apartment complex opened in 2019, the city had gone for more than a decade without building any multifamily housing.
In December, the City Council approved a 50-unit development that will be Ojai’s first entirely affordable housing project in 30 years. This month, the council tightened a ban on short-term vacation rentals, arguing they are driving up housing costs.
“We natives have worked and volunteered hundreds of hours to keep our town small,” said Councilwoman Suza Francina, a yoga teacher who has lived in Ojai for 67 years. “The irony is that now we’re so desirable and internationally known that people want to invest. The new wave of people, they come here and can afford second and even third homes.”
Longtime residents, she said, are being priced out — including herself.
Ojai City Councilwoman Suza Francina, second from right, nearly lost her seat last year after she was priced out of her rental housing and temporarily moved into a garage room at a friend’s home outside her district.
(Michael Owen Baker / For The Times)
In late 2021, Francina, 74, lost the two-bedroom house she had leased for eight years when an investor purchased it, she said. Francina had been paying $1,650 a monthin rent. She later saw it listed for $4,000 a month.
Francina, a former mayor, had spent more than a decade on the City Council. To keep her seat, she had to stay within her district, a roughly two-square-mile portion of south Ojai.
Francina could not find an affordable rental that would accept her two small dogs, Benny and Honey. While she searched, she moved, rent-free, into a small room with no kitchen above a friend’s garage that was in Ojai but not in her district. Francina put most of her belongings in storage and said she was homeless, arguing that people who are couch-surfing fit the description.
She was investigated by the Ventura County Grand Jury, which, in a report last May, said her seat was legally vacant since she did not find housing in her district within 30 days. But she was not removed from office.
Late last summer, Francina rented a bedroom in a house in her district for $950 a month plus utilities, along with a $300-per-month storage unit. The situation, she said, “broadened my whole perspective on how hard it is if you don’t have a home base, and how quickly it affects your mental health, how you can go downhill very quickly.”
Kristen Wingate, who grew up in Ojai, became homeless while recovering from a neck surgery.
(Michael Owen Baker / For The Times)
Kristen Wingate, who was born in Ojai and has spent most of her life here, also lost her rental house. But unlike Francina, she wound up in the City Hall encampment.
Wingate, 52, has degenerative disc disease. Two years ago, after a neck fusion surgery, she went on state disability. But the money ran out after a year, she said, and she was not medically cleared to go back to her job at a local hardware store. She said her application to receive Social Security disability benefits was denied, a decision she is appealing.
While she was recovering, she said, the owner of her rental house, which was split into three units, sold it. Tenants had to leave.
Wingate lived in her Toyota Camry for a while and, in August, moved into a tent at City Hall with Roscoe, her 50-pound pug and Boston terrier mix. The size of the camp broke her heart, she said, and “everything is just too expensive here” in this town she grew up in. A friend she has known since she was 6 also lives at the encampment.
Kristen Wingate tends to her dog, Roscoe, outside her tent in Ojai.
(Michael Owen Baker / For The Times)
Wingate’s brown tent sits near a wooden gazebo with chipped white paint. Her sister got married there decades ago. Now, there are tents on either side.
Nelson lives nearby in one of the new white tents, beneath an enormous eucalyptus tree, with her 3-year-old chihuahua mix, Mae Mae.
Bespectacled, with shoulder-length gray hair and a quick laugh, Nelson said she lost her husband to pancreatic cancer six years ago. She ran out of money, moved out of her house, then out of a hotel. She moved to City Hall just before Thanksgiving.
She is stoic, a trait from her south Texas upbringing. Asked if the last few years had been tough, she downplayed her situation: “A little tough, yeah. But the people here always made it better. And being in Ojai just made it all better.”
She hopes the city is able to build tiny homes for people in the encampment. For now, she waits.
On a recent Tuesday night, at a City Council meeting inside City Hall, a discussion about giving grant money to local artists dragged on for more than an hour. Then protesters — including one soaked in faux blood who collapsed and performed the motions of dying — called for a cease-fire in Gaza, half a world away.
Just outside, temperatures dipped into the 40s. In her tent, Nelson piled on blankets, held her dog close and went to sleep.
Times staff writer Andrew Khouri contributed to this report.
The Los Angeles City Council voted Friday to allot nearly $4 million to remove graffiti and secure an unfinished downtown Los Angeles skyscraper, which has been heavily tagged in recent weeks.
Councilmember Kevin de León introduced a motion this week to allocate the funds to secure the property and restore the public right of way, which is obstructed by plastic barriers, scaffolding and debris.
“I’m not holding my breath waiting for the developer to clean up their property,” De León said Wednesday. “The purpose of my motion is clear: to prepare our city to take decisive action if the Oceanwide Plaza developer ignores their responsibility and to put them on the hook for costs incurred by the city.”
The motion will move $1.1 million into a fund to fence and secure the ground floors of the building and place an additional $2.7 million into a fund for security services, fire safety upgrades and graffiti abatement.
The motion also calls on the city attorney and city administrative officer to report back to the council within 30 days with a legal strategy to recoup all of the city’s related expenses from the property owners.
The Oceanwide Plaza project, located across Figueroa street from Crypto.com Arena, has become a site for graffiti tagging and even paragliding in recent weeks and posed a headache for city officials and authorities alike. Ahead of the Grammy Awards held at Crypto.com Arena, dozens of floors of the skyscraper were tagged with colorful spray paint.
More than two dozen floors of the skyscraper were tagged with graffiti ahead of the Grammy Awards that were held at Crypto.com Arena held across Figueroa Street.
At least 18 people have been arrested, including 12 on Sunday, on suspicion of trespassing at the site, according to the Los Angeles Police Department.
The City Council adopted a motion earlier this month, also introduced by De León, that ordered the owners of the property to fence and clean up the area by Saturday. If they miss the deadline, the city will secure the property and charge the owners for the cost, the motion said.
Just one day before the deadline, the owners have not indicated whether they will comply with the city’s orders.
The increase of activity at the site has also stretched resources at the Los Angeles Police Department, LAPD Chief Michel Moore said during Tuesday’s Los Angeles Police Commission meeting.
Officers have spent “more than 3,000 hours” to secure the complex, Moore said.
“We have called in some officers on an overtime basis, so that we can provide for these added patrols or station them at that site to deter vandals and others from gaining access to it while also ensuring that we meet the minimum deployment requirements for stations across the city,” Moore said.
During a City Council meeting last week, Councilmember Imelda Padilla said she was surprised at how much attention the skyscraper was getting and attributed it to its large size.
Newsletter
Get the lowdown on L.A. politics
Sign up for our L.A. City Hall newsletter to get weekly insights, scoops and analysis.
You may occasionally receive promotional content from the Los Angeles Times.
Padilla mentioned that at least four “mini versions” of the unfinished skyscraper exist across Los Angeles. The buildings include abandoned commercial, manufacturing and family business structures.
Padilla was referring to abandoned buildings on Sepulveda Boulevard and Kester Avenue, as well as a Denny’s restaurant at Vineland Avenue and Sunland Boulevard, according to a spokesperson for Padilla’s office.
The fourth building, a Roscoe hardware store, is located at Sunland Boulevard and San Fernando Road, according to her spokesperson. Padilla is currently working on getting it demolished.
“It’s upsetting that blight gets more attention when it affects wealthier parts of the city,” Padilla said in a statement Thursday. “Yet, working-class neighborhoods like the ones I represent struggle with this issue every day. Blight is unacceptable no matter the ZIP Code, and we deserve to have the same sense of urgency.”
The Oceanwide Plaza development sits among shops and restaurants near the LA Live complex.
(FOX40.COM) — Stockton’s City Council District 6 seat, which includes parts of South Stockton, is on the California primary election ballot in the city on March 5.
Here are the candidates, including the incumbent, that local voters will see on the primary ballot.
Jason Lee
Jason Lee is listed as a businessman on the voting ballots. He’s well known for his feature on the reality television series “Love & Hip Hop” and as the founder of the celebrity entertainment site, Hollywood Unlocked. Lee said he is a Stockton native whose focus is to “build a safer and stronger Stockton.”
Zobeyda “Zoyla” Moreno
Zobeyda “Zoyla” Moreno is a community volunteer, according to the Stockton District 6 ballot. Morena said that she’s been a Latina community leader for the past 37 years and that by running for City Council in District 6 she hopes it will empower all minorities.
Ronnie C. Murray Sr.
Ronnie C. Murray Sr. is listed as a pastor on the ballot. According to LinkedIn, he founded Christ-Side Disciples Movement Center in Stockton and has been the Senior Pastor for over 15 years.
Satnam Singh
Satnam Singh is a financial advisor, according to the Stockton District 6 ballot. Singh said the core values of his campaign “center on transparency, collaboration, and community-driven initiatives.”
Ralph White
Ralph White describes himself as a businessman. White served on Stockton City Council for over 16 years and said he’s been a Stockton resident for over 60 years, where he says he has fought for equal rights for South Stockton and Black and Brown people.
Kimberly Warmsley
Kimberly Warmsley is the current council member for District 6 and is seeking reelection. She is listed as a social worker on the ballot. She has served as both vice mayor and councilmember for Stockton. She said one of her proudest accomplishments is the passing of a groundbreaking youth services investment, allocating $2 million to support our young people.
Bill Brand, the mayor of Redondo Beach, died Friday evening of lung cancer, according to city officials. He was 65.
Brand had been battling cancer for more than four years, but his health took a “sudden turn” for the worse in recent days, according to a city statement. Brand’s wife and other family and friends were by his side in the end.
Brand was serving his second term as Redondo Beach’s mayor, after previously serving two terms on the City Council. He had remained in office despite undergoing intense treatments and being hospitalized several times.
Bill Brand
(City of Redondo Beach)
Brand was born in Texas, but had lived in the South Bay since moving there as a child in 1966. “Finding the Seaside Lagoon, he thought that he had found heaven,” the city’s statement said.
Other officials in the region took to X, formerly Twitter, to mourn Brand’s death.
“Bill Brand was my dear friend and even though we knew this day would be coming, it hurts to say goodbye,” wrote L.A. County Supervisor Janice Hahn.
“Elected office can be a challenge, but being Mayor of Redondo Beach came naturally to Bill. He embodied the South Bay,” Hahn wrote. “He was passionate about his work as Mayor, fighting corporate developers to preserve the beach community he loved, but he also made time for surf breaks.”
County Supervisor Lindsey P. Horvath wrote that Brand had made “a lasting impact on the community [and] all who knew him.”
County Supervisor Holly J. Mitchell wrote that Brand “was a fighter who kept showing up to serve” even while battling cancer. “We have lost a leader who loved the South Bay and fought with all his heart to protect our environment.”
Mitchell cited in particular Brand’s role in the recent closure of the AES Redondo Beach power plant, which she said was “just one example of Bill’s lasting impact.”
Brand got involved in politics first “as a concerned resident, then as a champion for open space,” creating the nonprofit South Bay Parkland Conservancy, the city’s statement said. Only then did he run for office.
Living to see the closure of the AES plant, which he had fought so hard for, “was an accomplishment of which he was extremely proud,” the city statement said.
In lieu of flowers, Brand’s family asked for donations in his memory to the conservancy, or to Cancer Support Community South Bay.
Flags at Redondo Beach City Hall were to fly at half-staff in Brand’s honor. Information on services were not provided.
Dozens of digital billboards are poised to go up above Los Angeles freeways and boulevards, marking the largest expansion in the city in nearly two decades.
Despite opposition from more than a dozen neighborhood groups, the City Council backed a plan on Friday to allow 71 digital billboards to be installed on property owned by the Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority. Eleven council members approved the plan, with Traci Park, Nithya Raman and Katy Yaroslavsky voting no.
Opponents argued that the influx of new signs, which would change images every eight seconds, would make L.A. streets even deadlier by distracting drivers, while adding a new source of blight to the cityscape.
“Our shared open space should not be for sale to commercial messaging,” said Barbara Brodie, co-president of the Coalition for a Beautiful Los Angeles, an advocacy group that has opposes billboards. “They will cause unnecessary injury and death, pollute our visual environment and harm wildlife.”
The largest sign, at 1,200 square feet, will be alongside Union Station flashing at commuters along the 101 freeway as they head downtown from East Los Angeles and Boyle Heights. The stark visual changes the illuminated signs will bring to the landscape could scare Hollywood filmmakers away, actor Stacey Travis told the City Council.
“For lucrative one-hour shows and features, L.A. rarely plays itself,” said Travis, SAG-AFTRA’s chair of government and public policy in Los Angeles. “They will simply move productions elsewhere, and (the city will) lose the jobs, revenue and tourism that brings in millions of millions of dollars.”
But city and county officials say the new billboards will be a lucrative source of revenue while also offering traffic alerts. Seven out of every eight images are expected to be ads.
Holly Rockwell, a Metro executive who is overseeing the program, said the billboards will provide “real-time transportation messaging” and money that can be used for transportation projects, while also replacing “old and dilapidated static signs.”
During events like the Olympics, the billboards will be used to help direct traffic, she said.
The city and county will split the revenues, which were at one point projected to reach $300 million to $500 millionover 20 years. As many as 300 nondigital billboards throughout the city could be removed through the program.
Metro’s plan now calls for 52 freeway-facing digital billboards, which can operate nearly 24 hours a day from 5 a.m. to 3 a.m. Another 19 billboards along major boulevards will operate from 5 a.m. to midnight. Before the latter group of signs can go up, they must go through a city permitting process.
Since all are on Metro property, many are near rail stations or along large thoroughfares, for example Westchester at Century and Aviation Boulevards near Los Angeles International Airport.
The fight over digital billboards harks back more than two decades, when the city blocked the widespread use of billboards that shone into people’s homes, confining them to certain areas. The legal battle between the city and outdoor advertising companies played out in court for years. Since then, the city has restricted digital signs to special districts in commercial areas.
Most digital billboards in the city have been concentrated downtown. Friday’s vote allows them in many more neighborhoods across L.A.
Since the vote was not unanimous, the billboard plan will requires a second vote next week. Groups such as Scenic Los Angeles, which has fought the proliferation of billboards, still hope to thwart the plan.
“There has been zero transparency on the financial aspects of this. When we did our own analysis, it looks horrible for the city and Metro,” said Dustan Batton, executive director of Scenic Los Angeles. He said thousands of his members oppose the plan, and he hopes that their pressure will convince some City Council members to change their minds.
The plan originally included 93 billboards but was watered down as it wound its way through city committees, with several council members opposing billboards in their districts.
Raman, who doesn’t have any billboards in her district, said she opposed the plan because of the hours of operation and concerns that billboards could be too close to housing. She said there has not been enough research into the effects of the billboards on traffic safety.
Times staff writer David Zahniser contributed to this report.
Los Angeles City Council President Paul Krekorian has struck a deal with the politically powerful hotel workers’ union to remove a measure from the March election ballot that would haverequired hotels to participatein a city program to put homeless residents in vacant hotel rooms.
Under the agreement, the City Council would approve a new package of regulations on the development of new hotels, forcing such projects to go through a more extensive approval process. Hotel developers also would be required to replace any housing that is demolished to make way for their projects, by building new residential units or buying and renovating existing ones.
In exchange, the union’s proposal for placing homeless residents in vacant hotel rooms would be explicitly listed as voluntary, a move that would cause it to resemble Inside Safe, the program created by Mayor Karen Bass to combat homelessness. Hotel owners are willing participants in that program.
Unite Here Local 11, which represents 32,000 hospitality workers in Southern California and Arizona, praised the agreement, saying it would ensure that the city places a priority on the creation of housing, not luxury hotels. Many of Unite Here’s members have been unable to find decently priced homes near their jobs, forcing them to endure punishing commutes.
“We have said all along that our contract campaign has been about two things: housing for our members where they work and a living wage,” Kurt Petersen, the union’s co-president, said in a statement. “With this ordinance, we have done more to protect housing than any single contract demand would have done.”
The proposal has already received signatures from five other council members — Hugo Soto-Martínez, John Lee, Katy Yaroslavsky, Nithya Raman and Traci Park — putting it two votes shy of passage. Park, who serves on the council’s trade and tourism committee, said she believes the original measure would have had “catastrophic consequences” for tourism locally had it won voter approval, by mandating that hotels take in homeless residents without accompanying social services.
“The thought of putting individuals, many of whom have very serious mental health and substance abuse issues, [in hotel rooms] without on-site services is a recipe for disaster,” she said.
Wednesday’s deal comes as Unite Here enters its fifth month of rolling strike actions as its members fight for higher wages and better working conditions. So far, four hotels across Southern California have reached salary agreements with the union.
Unite Here also has been fighting a number of hotel projects that would result in the elimination of low-cost apartments, particularly those covered by the city’s rent stabilization law, which places a cap on yearly rent increases. Under the Krekorian proposal, the city would need to determine whether there is “sufficient market demand” for a new hotel project, while also identifying whether it would have an impact on demand for housing, childcare and other services.
Unite Here has become a major force in L.A. politics, putting hundreds of thousands of dollars into a campaign to last year elect Soto-Martínez, a former Unite Here organizer himself. The union is also skilled at gathering signatures for ballot measures in and around L.A.
Last year, Unite Here qualified a measure for the March ballot requiring the city’s Housing Department to create a new voucher program to serve the city’s unhoused population. Under that proposal, hotel managers would have been tasked with informing the city each day about the number of vacant rooms they had. Hotels also would have been required to accept temporary housing vouchers issued by the city under such a program.
Newsletter
Get the lowdown on L.A. politics
Sign up for our L.A. City Hall newsletter to get weekly insights, scoops and analysis.
You may occasionally receive promotional content from the Los Angeles Times.
The hotel industry responded by launching a publicity campaign against the measure, warning that it would put hotel workers in danger. The campaign repeatedly pointed to problems in the city’s Project Roomkey program, which placed homeless residents in hotels after the outbreak of COVID-19.
Project Roomkey, which is no longer in effect, generated a spate of internal City Hall reports about property damage, drug use and violence at hotels in downtown, Westlake and the San Fernando Valley.
Heather Rozman, president and chief executive of the Hotel Assn. of Los Angeles, said her organization is still studying the proposal but commended council members for being willing to “listen to all sides of the issue.”
Inside Safe, the program launched by Bass to combat homelessness, already uses dozens of hotels and motels as temporary housing. Bass, looking to scale back room rental costs, is also working to purchase hotel and motel properties for that program.
The proposed ordinance would also require that both hotels and hosts of short-term rentals on platforms such as Airbnb secure operating permits from the Los Angeles Police Department. Both Krekorian and the union said such a move would help neighborhoods fight back against short-term rental properties that have “nuisance” activities, such as drug sales or noisy parties.
“Irresponsible hotel and short-term rental operators cannot be allowed to endanger the public safety or impair the quality of life in our neighborhoods,” Krekorian said.
The Richmond, Calif., City Council voted early Wednesday to support the Palestinian people of the Gaza Strip with a resolution that accuses Israel of “ethnic cleansing and collective punishment” nearly three weeks after war broke out in the Middle East.
The resolution is believed to be the first show of support by a U.S. city for the Palestinian people after the Oct. 7 attack carried out by Hamas on Israel.
Some 1,400 people died in Israel during the initial attack this month, and more than 200 Israeli and foreign nationals are being held captive in Gaza, according to Israeli officials. Since then, roughly 6,000 people have died in Gaza amid intensifying Israeli airstrikes, according to the Hamas-run Gaza Ministry of Health.
The city of Richmond, in the San Francisco Bay Area, passed its resolution of support in a 5-1 vote that started Tuesday evening and ended around 1 a.m. Wednesday after a five-hour public hearing. The resolution calls for a cease-fire and for humanitarian aid to flow into Gaza. It says “the state of Israel is engaging in collective punishment against the Palestinian people in Gaza in response to Hamas attacks on Israel” — while also highlighting Richmond’s support for Jewish people in the local community and its recognition of the atrocities carried out by Nazis during the Holocaust.
On Tuesday evening, as Richmond Mayor Eduardo Martinez opened the hearing for the resolution, people in the audience were shouting, calling out “Nazi!” and other comments that were drowned out in the noise. The disorder derailed the meeting, and a brief recess was called.
Richmond has taken strong stands in the past on international conflicts. In the 1980s, the city chose to divest from apartheid South Africa in a display of opposition to systematized racial segregation, and council members voted to support Ukraine last year during the Russian invasion.
“We are one small city weighing in on a conflict that has the attention of the entire world and on which global superpowers are pouring in money, political attention and military aid,” Martinez said. “The people of [the] United States, whose government and tax dollars directly support Israel’s military, have an immediate moral obligation to condemn Israel’s acts of collective punishment and apartheid state.”
Councilmember Cesar Zepeda cast the lone vote not to support the resolution, recognizing the issue as divisive.
“Let’s call out the atrocities that Hamas has done on the Israel communities and the atrocities the Israeli government has done on the Palestinian people,” Zepeda said, requesting a revised resolution. He said he wanted the city to “bring everyone together in a community for peace.”
Although a majority of speakers backed the council’s resolution, others disagreed with how the City Council broached the topic and language that was used.
“I think it’s shameful that you had to have public feedback until you finally included the 1,200 people in Israel who were butchered and set on fire,” Lucinda Casson from Temple Beth Hillel in Richmond said to the council. Before the meeting, the city’s resolution was amended to include information about the Israeli people who were killed by Hamas militants in border neighborhoods.
Another woman, who asked for an Israeli flag to be held up behind her as she spoke, said she was ashamed of Richmond and scared.
“You have put me in this situation,” she said as she asked the council to reject the resolution.
Others thanked the council for taking a stand against the ongoing war. A man who identified himself as Yusef reminded the council that the conflict between Palestinians and Israel is nothing new.
He said nobody realized “the Palestinian people have been hurting for 75 years and no one [says] a word.”
Before the council meeting, Contra Costa County Supervisor John Gioia asked the council to table the resolution and work together with the Muslim and Jewish communities to develop a resolution that “validates the voices of both communities.”
The Jewish Community Relations Council in San Francisco condemned the city’s actions and in a statement said that, although the council had amended the resolution, it remained “inflammatory and biased.” The group also noted “the vitriol of resolution supporters” at the meeting.
The Arab Resource & Organizing Center in San Francisco thanked Richmond for taking a stance on the issue.
“We are you with you as the tide shifts across the US, as more decision makers echo the calls of the masses and rise up in support for Palestinian freedom,” the group said in a statement. “We have a long way to go, and we are proud that the Bay Area is leading the charge.”