Manufacturing Companies Are Helping Employees With Child Care. Should Your Company Join Them?
Child care remains a constant concern for American workers, as costs soar and some companies insist on return-to-office mandates, backing away from some of the more childcare-friendly remote and hybrid working models that were adopted almost universally during the Covid pandemic. Now a new report says that, in response to changing child care demands from employees, some big manufacturers are directly investing in child care support for employees. It’s a shift that might prompt you to reconsider some of the workplace perks your company offers, in the hope of helping your staff and also attracting talented job applicants.
The report, at industry news site HRDive, includes a story about a human resources worker at Iowa-based agricultural equipment maker Sukup Manufacturing Co. struggling to juggle work, commuting and child care — because the care facility was 45 miles away from her workplace. Emily Schmitt, chief administrative officer and general counsel at Sukup told HRDive that the struggle eventually became too much for her and she left. Schmitt also said that at the time the company was “having issues of people not being able to stay employed in our Sheffield location because there wasn’t child care availability” nearby, or at all — the report says about 23 percent of state residents live in “child care deserts.”
So Sukup formed an alliance with the local school district and bank, sought and won a matching grant from the state to complement the $1.25 million the group was injecting into creating a new child care center, and built their own facility, with space for 112 children.
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The report notes that this small manufacturer is just one example of a slow-developing trend, with major companies like Toyota and Intel in the lead. These big name manufacturers are said to be “expanding their partnerships with child care providers,” partly to boost workplace culture (working parents are likely to be less stressed if they know their children are being looked after nearby during the working day) and also to retain workers. The report quotes a study from the Manufacturing Institute where almost half the respondents said working hours flexibility (friendly to ever-changing childcare needs) was an “important” reason for them to remain with their particular employer.
But it’s not just in the manufacturing industry that leaders are thinking about better support for working parents. In March this year, Citigroup CEO Jane Fraser landed her financial services company in the spotlight for good reasons: Fraser had made a deliberate choice to shun the industry’s RTO trend and instead retain some flexible working rules that had been in place during the pandemic. It wasn’t merely a phase, Fraser said, and it was instead a “new way of working.” Fraser also said that she was using the policy as a way of attracting working parents to her company — it offers Citi a “competitive advantage” in the job market, Fraser says, because it’s appealing to talented working mothers who may not be keen to return to work under rival banks’ stricter in-office working rules.
In May an Associated Press report also noted numerous U.S. companies were offering on-site child care due to the “fraught” child care landscape.
All of this may prompt savvy company leaders to ponder if they’re supporting their staff with children properly. Because there are numerous benefits to be had. In April last year, a report from Small Business Majority, a small business advocacy group in Washington D.C., found that 59 percent of small business owners said that barriers to child care access were impacting their business, blunting growth opportunities.
A quarter of founders admitted they’d had to shut down their companies and return to working in more traditional employee roles because they couldn’t juggle child care and work. And in July an expert reported that some companies are seeing an effective return on investment of $4 for every $1 spent on supporting their working parent employees.
In a tumultuous working world, rocked by stresses like layoffs, ever-encroaching AI and other social and political upheavals, supporting your working parent staff may be a very sound business policy—those workers are stressed enough without having to worry about who’s looking after their kids.
VALDOSTA, Ga. — VALDOSTA, Ga. (AP) — A 2-year-old boy in south Georgia was attacked by two Rottweiler dogs and died at an unlicensed daycare center while the owner napped, according to police.
Stacy Wheeler Cobb, the 48-year-old owner who held the daycare at her home in Valdosta, 228 miles (367 km) south of Atlanta, has been charged with second-degree murder and second-degree cruelty to children, according to jail records.
Cobb left the child unattended for more than two hours on Saturday, according to the Valdosta Police Department. They believe he went into the house’s backyard and opened the kennel with both Rottweilers, which then “mauled my baby to his death,” the mother wrote in a GoFundMe, describing camera footage. When police arrived at around 3:45 p.m., the child was dead.
The 2-year-old was the only child at Cobb’s daycare, though there are typically 10, according to police. Cobb was taken to the Lowndes County Jail. Jail records did not indicate if Cobb had an attorney who could speak on her behalf, and officials could not confirm whether she had one.
A GoFundMe created by the child’s mother, Adrianna Jones, identified the boy as Kaimir Jones. The single mother said knew something was wrong because Cobb usually checks in throughout the day, but she hadn’t responded to Jones for three hours. Her “intuition” said to leave work early, Jones said.
“This was a heartbreaking, devastating and traumatizing scene that I wouldn’t wish on anyone,” Jones wrote.
The rottweilers and a third dog at the house were taken by Lowndes County Animal Control.
The Valdosta Police Department said in an online post that the investigation is ongoing and they expect more charges.
“This is a horrible and tragic event that should have never occurred, but because of negligence on this offender’s behalf, a mother has tragically lost a child,” said Valdosta Police Chief Leslie Manahan.
Hello! This is Christina Samuels, the early education editor here at Hechinger.
By now, I hope you’ve had a chance to read my colleague Jackie Mader’s story about the important role that Head Start plays in rural communities. While Jackie set her story in western Ohio, she also interviewed Head Start parents and leaders in other parts of the country and collected their views for a follow-up article.
In a fortunate bit of timing, the advocacy group First Five Years Fund published the results of a survey it commissioned on rural Americans and their feelings on child care access and affordability. Like the people Jackie interviewed, the survey respondents, more than half of whom identified as supporters of President Donald Trump, said they had very positive views of Head Start. The federally funded free child care program received positive marks from 71 percent of rural Republicans, 73 percent of rural independents and 92 percent of rural Democrats.
The survey also found that 4 out of 5 respondents felt that finding quality child care is a major or critical problem in their part of the country. Two-thirds of those surveyed felt that spending on child care and early education programs is a good use of taxpayer dollars, and a little more than half said they’d like to see more federal dollars going to such programs.
First Five Years Fund was particularly interested in getting respondents to share their thoughts on Head Start, said Sarah Rubinfield, the managing director of government affairs for First Five Years Fund. The program has been buffeted by regional office closures and cuts driven by the administration’s Department of Government Efficiency.
“We recognize that these are communities that often have few options for early learning and care,” Rubinfield said.
In the survey, rural residents said they strongly supported not just the child care offered by Head Start, but the wraparound services such as healthy meals and snacks and the program’s support for children with developmental disabilities. Though Head Start programs are federally funded, community organizations are the ones in charge of spending priorities.
“Rural voters want action. They support funding for Head Start and for child care. They want Congress to do more,” Rubinfield said. Though the “big beautiful bill” signed into law in July expands the child care tax credit for low-income families, survey respondents “recognized that things were not solved,” she added.
The First Five Years Fund survey was released just a few days before a congressional standoff led to a government shutdown. The shutdown is not expected to touch Head Start immediately, said Tommy Sheridan, the deputy director of the National Head Start Association, in an interview with The New York Times. The 1,600 Head Start programs across the country receive money at different points throughout the calendar year; eight programs serving about 7,500 children were slated to receive their federal funding on Oct. 1, Sheridan told the Times. All should be able to continue operating, as long as the shutdown doesn’t last more than a few weeks, he said.
“We’re watching with careful concern but trying not to panic,” Rubinfield said. “We know the impacts may not be immediate, but the longer this goes on, the harder the impacts may be for families and programs.”
This story about rural Americans was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Hechinger newsletter.
The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.
Thursday evening, many gathered to celebrate the grand opening of Minnesota’s first-ever child care business incubator, designed specifically to launch four Latina-owned family childcare businesses.
The bold new plan is led by CLUES, the state’s largest Latino-led nonprofit. The nonprofit began designing the childcare incubator pilot three years ago after extensive research found the community wanted help maneuvering through the licensing process.
“This new model provides an opportunity to have four microbusinesses under one roof so they can start their journey,” said CLUES CEO Ruby Lee.
Lee emphasized that this model will increase access to culturally specific childcare options for folks in the Twin Cities metro.
The program provides a three-year coaching program to help the four women gain skills and get connected to resources with the goal of eventually expanding into their own space and making way for another cohort.
Raquel Mosquera is among the women stepping into this new chapter. She immigrated from Ecuador about two years ago. Looking for opportunities to provide for her family, she found this program.
“The program was a blessing, open door for me,” Mosquera said. “Child care business more than just business, but a legacy for me.”
In her classroom, infants to elementary-aged children will learn culture and Spanish.
“We want to preserve the language and heritage that comes with Spanish language,” Mosquera said. “We want children to know and love their language and culture.”
While she’s teaching the youngest, she too will receive personalized coaching, setting her up for success.
Lee says the model is a win-win for everyone and an investment in our children who are the professionals of tomorrow.
The program officially opens mid-October with a capacity of serving up to 54 children.
When Starr Dixon heard the Trump administration was floating a proposal last spring to eliminate Head Start, the 27-year-old parent in rural Michigan cried for a week.
The free, federally funded early learning program has been life-changing for her and her young daughter, she said. It provided stability after Dixon, who lives about 100 miles north of Lansing, left a yearslong abusive relationship.
While her 3-year-old daughter has blossomed socially, emotionally and verbally in the program during the last year and a half, Dixon has taken on numerous volunteer positions with Head Start, gaining experience that she can put on her resume after a 7-year gap in employment. She hopes to ultimately apply for a job at Head Start.
“It has just completely transformed my life,” she said.
This year, I talked to people in communities across rural America and learned how Head Start is essential in places where there are few other child care options. Head Start also provides an economic boost for these areas and serves as direct support for parents, many of whom go on to volunteer for or get jobs at their local programs.
Related: Young children have unique needs and providing the right care can be a challenge. Our free early childhood education newsletter tracks the issues.
Though my reporting focused on western Ohio, parents in other parts of the country, like Dixon, shared similar stories with me about how critical Head Start is to their lives. But since January, the Trump administration has taken what some call a “death by a thousand cuts” approach to the program, firing federal staff, closing regional offices and offering no increase in spending on Head Start in budget proposals.
All those moves have caused chaos and upheaval. In Alabama, Jennifer Carroll, who oversees 39 Head Start sites run by the Community Action Partnership of North Alabama, told me she is reassuring the families she works with that her program’s funding is stable for at least the rest of the year. Carroll fears that if parents think Head Start funding is in jeopardy, they’ll pull their children out of the program, disrupting their learning.
Another example: Keri Newman Allred is the executive director of Rural Utah Child Development Head Start, which operates Head Start programs spread across 17,000 square miles in central and east Utah. Newman Allred estimates her programs, which employ 91 residents and serve 317 children, can survive for one more year. After that, without more money, they will have to make cuts to the program if they want to give teachers a raise to meet inflation.
While other Head Start programs can supplement operations with private donations, Newman Allred’s programs serve some of the most sparsely populated parts of America, known as “frontier counties,” where there are no deep-pocketed philanthropies. Her programs rely solely on federal funding.
In April, the Department of Government Efficiency, or DOGE, abruptly shuttered five of Head Start’s 10 regional offices. Programs in Maine that were without directors or that needed assistance with regulations, finances or federal requirements have been left to go it alone without consistent, daily support.
“The closure of regional offices has all but crippled programs,” said Sue Powers, senior director of strategic initiatives at the Aroostook County Action Program in the rural, northernmost tip of Maine. “No one’s checking in. When you’re operating in a program that is literally in crisis, and you need [regional staff] and do not have them, it’s more than alarming.”
Contact staff writer Jackie Mader at 212-678-3562 or mader@hechingerreport.org.
This story about Head Start was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Hechinger newsletter.
The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.
Jenny Leiva, a prekindergarten teacher at Arco Iris Bilingual Children’s Center in Prince George’s County, waits for Jairo Council, 3, to come out of the play equipment at the center on Friday. (Photo by William J. Ford/Maryland Matters)
When state officials froze enrollment in the child care scholarships program in May, to deal with the overwhelming number of families applying for spaces, they said they hoped to have applications reopened by September.
But as September rolls toward October, the program is still frozen and the Maryland State Department of Education has not been able to say when children might start being accepted again, leaving parents and child care providers in the lurch.
That’s a concern for providers such as Carolina Reyes, director of Arco Iris Bilingual Children’s Center in Prince George’s County. Reyes said Thursday that more than half of the 30 children at the center receive a scholarship. For children in Head Start, that runs from 8:30 a.m. to 3 p.m., the money helps pay for before- and after-school care.
With fewer children — her center has a capacity of 47 children — and a limited budget, Reyes said she has been forced to cut hours for two teacher aides, and her staff will decrease from eight to seven this week when a prekindergarten teacher moves to Charles County.
“Me and my assistant director will have to go back in the classroom,” Reyes said. “I don’t think that I have been in a situation like this … that’s not a pandemic. I am hopeful things will change.”
Carolina Reyes, director of Arco Iris Bilingual Children’s Center, talks about the flowers planted on the center’s property in Prince George’s County. (Photo by William J. Ford/Maryland Matters)
Reyes and other providers received an update during a town hall Wednesday night from state officials, but they were not able to say when the enrollment freeze would melt away.
“That is something that we are not prepared to determine,” said Sarah Neville-Morgan, assistant state superintendent in the state Department of Education’s Division of Early Childhood.
“We will be working with the governor’s office, Department of Budget and Management and the General Assembly and need to walk through some of the data with all of them and make sure that we’re all in agreement as we look at that surge and the other data,” Neville-Morgan said.
When they froze enrollment in May, state officials said the goal was to lower the number of scholarship from 45,000 to 40,000, but the number of children enrolled has not budged.
While enrollment has been capped, people have been allowed to apply and been put on a waiting list. At least 2,000 people are currently on that list.
There are exceptions based on certain income guidelines and other eligibility requirements, such as families receiving temporary cash assistance (TCA), supplemental security income (SSI) or having a sibling already enrolled in the program.
Enrollment ballooned after the state expanded income eligibility for the program. As a result, spending on child care scholarships rose from $295 million in fiscal 2023 to $414 million the following year, and continued climbing to $539 million in fiscal 2025.
The number of child care providers has also increased, from 2,500 in July 2022 to more than 3,700 in July of this year.
“While our federal dollars have decreased now that we don’t have all of the COVID relief dollars anymore, we are seeing our state not just maintain what they put in, but have grown through significant historic increases,” Neville-Morgan said.
Chris Peusch praised the state for its investments in the child care scholarship program, but said more is needed.
“Obviously there’s a need and it’s not enough,” said Peusch, executive director of the Maryland State Child Care Association. “What do we do about it? What do we do this legislative session? What are our innovative solutions to making sure parents can go to work?
“Child care and early childhood [are] connected to the economy. We have to remember that,” Peusch said.
Brittany Thorp, who handles administrative duties for three family-owned child care centers in Montgomery County, said none are full right now. In order to help sustain one of the two Dee Dee’s Place Child Care Center’s in the county, Thorp said parents can enroll their infant children on a part-time schedule.
“We historically have told people to take a full-time schedule, but we just need spots filled,” she said. “It’s an interesting time that we’re in.”
Thorp and Reyes said during this time of year, when school resumes, children will enter kindergarten, decreasing the enrollment of children at some centers that offer kindergarten. But without the child care scholarships for parents to utilize and fill the slots left behind by children who don’t return, there’s a fear that could cause some centers to close their doors.
“Could definitely shut down,” Reyes said. “Families need the child care scholarship not only for their children to receive a high-quality education, but also to work. The scholarship is a benefit that helps everyone.”
Another child care information virtual session is scheduled for Sept. 25.In the meantime, State Superintendent Carey Wright had a message Wednesday night for providers.
“Your feedback is critical to this. It’s critical to our decision making. We want your voice to continue to remain central as we refine these processes,” she said. “Because together, we can strengthen Maryland’s early child care system so that every child has the opportunity to thrive and every provider has the stability and support that they deserve.”
Unionized physicians, physician assistants and nurse practitioners picketed outside Allina’s Coon Rapids clinic on June 3, 2025. (Photo by Max Nesterak/Minnesota Reformer)
Minnesota is a good place to be a worker, with higher wages and union density than the nation along with lower unemployment. But there are growing challenges. Housing costs are rapidly increasing, child care is among the most expensive in the country, and an aging workforce threatens economic growth while straining taxpayers tasked with caring for those who need it.
Here are five charts on the state of labor in Minnesota.
Wages are higher in Minnesota than most other states
Minnesotans earn the highest average hourly wages in the Midwest — and the 8th highest in the country — while enjoying a relatively low cost of living compared to the coasts.
The average Minnesota worker earned $37.58 per hour in 2024, compared to $32.66 nationally, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. For most, that’s more than enough to meet the basic cost of living — housing, food, transportation and health care — with money left over to go out to dinner, save for retirement and take a vacation.
According to the state Department of Employment and Economic Development’s cost of living calculator, a single person with no kids needs to earn around $18 an hour while a family of four with one working parent needs to earn around $33 per hour to afford the basics.
Wages have generally matched or outpaced inflation over the past several decades. Although high inflation coming out of the pandemic eroded many workers’ buying power, wage growth has since caught up. Low-wage workers — particularly those in nursing homes and food service — benefited the most from a tight labor market, which has pushed wages up much more quickly than inflation in recent years.
Even so, rising costs for housing and child care are stretching family budgets and souring many workers’ view of the economy. The median income is enough to afford the median-priced home in the state, but rents and home prices have been rising faster than incomes.
Child care is also more expensive in Minnesota than most other states, according to research by the Economic Policy Institute. On average, infant care in Minnesota costs $22,000 per year — about 20% of the median household income.
Minnesotans are working and finding jobs
Minnesotans are working — or looking for work — at some of the highest rates in the country with a labor force participation rate of 68.2% compared to 62% nationally. Unemployment — the share of people looking for work — is also lower than the national average.
The share of adults working rose steadily through the 1970s, ’80s and ’90s, as more and more women entered the workforce. Women in Minnesota work at some of the highest rates in the country, though the price of child care and persistent gender pay gap means women are more likely than men to stay at home to care for children or other family members.
The labor force participation rate has not returned to pre-pandemic levels of around 70%, in large part because many older workers retired in the pandemic and never reentered the workforce.
The continual aging of the population foreshadows difficulties in the labor market ahead. Employers will have to raise wages, but they will also need to lean into automation and hope the state can attract more out-of-state migrants or immigrants.
Union membership is high compared to the rest of the country
Minnesota consistently has among the highest rates of union representation in the country owing to its pro-labor tradition and relatively favorable organizing laws. The higher unionization rate contributes to the state’s relatively high median wages.
High union membership doesn’t just benefit union workers. Research shows that as union membership increases in a given industry, so do nonunion wages because of increased pressure on employers to raise pay.
Still, the story of unionization in Minnesota and the nation as a whole has been one of steady decline over the past half century. More than 20% of Minnesota workers were represented by a union in 1990 compared to less than 15% today.
Union leaders blame the decline on federal laws hostile to organizing and a lack of meaningful enforcement against unfair labor practices. While unions have been enjoying a surge in popularity since the pandemic, enthusiasm alone has yet to change the long-term decline of union membership.
Income inequality persists
By some measures, income inequality got worse in the pandemic years, with the top 10% of earners taking home 37% of Minnesota’s total income in 2023, up from 35% in 2020. Meanwhile, the bottom 10% of earners take home a meager 1.9% of the state’s income, a figure that has stayed more or less the same for the past decade.
Minnesota’s Gini coefficient — a metric of inequality that ranges from 0, representing exact equality, to 1, representing one person making all the money — has also gotten slightly higher in recent years but remains the same or lower than our neighboring states.
The Bureau of Economic Analysis has yet to publish state-level data on income distribution for 2024 and 2025, so we’ll have to wait to see whether high wage growth for lower-income workers will help address inequality in Minnesota.
Education, health services and construction jobs are growing
Despite a slowdown in jobs recently — with over four thousand jobs lost in July — Minnesota has seen a 1.1% increase in jobs over the past year, a little more than the nationwide 0.9%.
The highest job growth is in education, health services and construction. Elementary and secondary school employment growth is especially strong, with an 8% increase in jobs since last year. Meanwhile, the financial and information sectors have seen a loss in jobs, with the state’s telecommunications sector losing nearly 5% of its jobs, in line with national trends of layoffs at telecom companies from organizational restructuring and possibly AI automation.
“We may now be seeing results of mass federal layoffs and funding interruptions, erratic tariffs and shrinking immigration,” said Matt Varilek, the Commissioner of Minnesota’s Department of Employment and Economic Development, in a recent press release.
Alberta’s government has announced a pause on new for-profit childcare spaces receiving affordability funding as the province nears its federal cap.
CALGARY, Alberta, August 29, 2025 (Newswire.com)
– Alberta’s childcare sector is entering a critical transition under the Canada-Wide Early Learning and Child Care (CWELCC) program. Following the release of the Cost Control Framework and For-Profit Expansion Plan in January 2023, Alberta families were allocated access to up to 26,200 new for-profit spaces eligible for affordability funding. Alberta’s government estimates the cap may be fully reached by the end of summer 2025, possibly sooner, depending on the pace of licensing applications.
As of May 15, 2025, new for-profit centres licensed in Alberta will no longer be eligible for the $15/day Affordability Grant, creating a significant competitive challenge as the Alberta government continues to negotiate with the federal government for a more equitable funding model.
What this means for operators and families: For the time being, only families in new not-for-profit programs will receive affordability funding-until those spaces also meet their federal cap.
Educators in new centres, regardless of model type, will continue to have access to wage top-ups and professional development grants under Alberta’s early learning workforce initiatives. However, without affordability funding, new for-profit programs will be at a competitive disadvantage, as families are likely to choose programs offering the $15/day rate.
Considerations for new childcare operators:
Evaluate whether shifting to a not-for-profit model is feasible and sustainable.
Restructure operations to be viable without grant funding, including exploring alternative tuition models.
Develop value-added services or program features that justify a higher market rate.
For prospective operators, timing and adaptability will be critical. The policy landscape could look very different by spring 2026, and those entering the sector must balance today’s funding realities with the possibility of a new, more inclusive model in the near future, should the province be successful in its negotiations with the Carney Liberals..
For-Profit vs. Not-for-Profit Models
Both for-profit and not-for-profit programs are subject to the same quality regulations under Alberta Child Care Licensing and must follow provincial rules on maximum fees for full-time and part-time care. The primary difference is governance: not-for-profits are operated by a board, while for-profits are privately owned by an individual or group of owners.
To learn more about these models, key considerations for operators, and current industry trends, ChildFriendly Pro hosts biweekly webinars featuring expert-led discussions on a wide range of topics. A recent session explored this issue in depth, and a recording is available for those interested in understanding the differences between for-profit and not-for-profit models, and the impact of the new funding pause.
ChildFriendly Pro is a childcare management platform founded by an experienced childcare operator. The company is dedicated to providing operators with the tools and resources they need to navigate the evolving early learning sector, including expert-led webinars and industry insights.
Since the outset of President Donald Trump’s mass deportation campaign, Carolina Reyes, the director of the Arco Iris Bilingual Children’s Center in Maryland, had to start having conversations with parents about whom she should contact in case they disappear in an ICE raid.
“I had to say, ‘You need to have a plan. I know it’s difficult, but you need to have a plan,’” Reyes told Salon. “I know it’s difficult, but you need to have a plan. And then they were like, ‘No, I don’t want to talk about it.’ I was like, ‘I understand, but you have to because, unfortunately, you don’t know if you go to work and something happens, who’s going to take care of your child? What is going to happen? What do I have to do?”
According to Reyes, this is only one of many difficult conversations she has had since the beginning of the Republican mass deportation campaign earlier this year.
“We had a meeting with my teachers where we need to prepare if ICE comes. As a school, we are not allowing anybody to come into our school. We close the door and we lock down a little bit, if that’s the case. We are not going to release anybody, not to, particularly ICE or anything like that. We call parents too. We talk about it, and if we see ICE or any situation where we feel uncomfortable, parents will be notified,” Reyes said.
From 2011 until the beginning of Trump’s second term, child care facilities had been off limits for ICE raids. Trump ended the protection afforded to child care facilities and other sensitive locations in January, telling immigration officers to “balance a variety of interests” when conducting operations in or around such locations.
While it’s not clear whether ICE has conducted any raids on early childhood education centers yet, the rule change earlier this year and the administration’s readiness to detain children and families have left providers across the country in a state of anxiety with organizations advising that providers prepare for potential raids.
The potential for direct raids on facilities isn’t the only issue impacting parents and children since the beginning of the GOP mass deportation campaign. For many of the families Reyes has worked with, parents are afraid to go to work because they’re worried that they, or one of their family members, might be targeted by ICE. At the same time, Reyes said, ICE had targeted those seeking food assistance at places like local churches, which left families of mixed immigration status with nowhere to turn.
“Here in Maryland, ICE was going to those places too, to arrest people, so we started our own food program a little bit here, asking our own families to donate food so that families didn’t have to go to those places,” Reyes said.
And the fear in the community goes beyond just noncitizen residents.
“I did have some families who were concerned and worried, even though they had legal status in the United States, you know. But they’re immigrants, so we look like immigrants and Latinos, and some of them were concerned about that too,” Reyes said.
Reyes’ experience is only a keyhole view into the dramatic effect that Trump and the GOP’s policies are having on the child care industry and the families that rely on it in the United States.
The child care and early childhood education industry is among those most impacted by Trump’s immigration policies. According to the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at Berkeley, around 500,000 workers in the industry are immigrants, accounting for about 21% of the industry’s workforce nationwide.
The percentage of child care workers born outside the United States varies widely by state as well. In Florida, for example, 38% of early childhood educators were born outside the United States, while in a state like Vermont, the number is closer to just 3%.
Beyond statistics, there are some communities in which immigrants maintain a critical role in terms of child care. The 19th detailed in a report this year the detention of Orozco Forero, a worker who cared for children with Autism and was the only provider who would take some children in her community.
One child care provider located near Columbus, Ohio, who wished to be identified only as Ann, told Salon that since Trump’s mass deportation campaign began, they’ve been having a hard time finding new workers.
“I have two who, in the middle of the hiring process, disappeared, or they no-showed. And then I found out from other trusted sources who know them that they are involved in immigration proceedings,” Ann said. “Even today, there’s one woman who was supposed to start with us — I don’t know the correct immigration or political term — she’s got clearance to be in the US. She’s originally from Mexico. Her father’s here, but they were able to get her immigration status made legit, if I can say it that way. But she’s disappeared for two weeks, and then I found out today that she’s had to travel to Cleveland for a court proceeding. I said to the other person who knows her, I just asked her, ‘is she okay?’”
Ann said that the new problems haven’t been limited to hiring workers either. She told Salon that immigrant families have recently had problems getting financial benefits through Ohio’s Publicly Funded Child Care program for their children, who are American citizens.
“Now what’s happening is I have immigrant families who have immigrant children, and U.S.-born children, we are having a hard time getting the families care and benefits for their entire family, including the U.S.-born child, and that’s when I start losing all hope in this,” Ann said.
In the past, Ann said, she would be able to appeal the decision made by the county government to the state government with a high success rate. Now, however, she says families are increasingly being denied at the state level, too.
According to Arabella Bloom, a researcher at the center, the mass deportation campaign, which impacts parents, children and the people who staff child care centers, is hitting a system that was struggling to begin with.
“I think something important to note about childcare is that the system that we currently have right now — it’s kind of generous to call it a system,” Bloom said. “It’s very patchwork. Programs are happening in public schools, but programs are also happening in people’s homes. And so there’s not like a cohesive early childhood system. It’s a lot of programs kind of operating on their own. You know, many early childhood programs are for-profit, but they’re barely making ends meet.”
Bloom said that, even for those workers who are not immigrants, there is a “real fear about interacting with immigration,” especially among Hispanic workers and other people of color.
The pressure from Trump’s mass deportation campaign comes in addition to more direct attacks on immigrants’ access to early childhood education from his administration and the Republicans in Congress.
The Trump administration announced in July, for example, that it would be making undocumented immigrants, who are already largely ineligible for federal benefits, ineligible for Head Start and that administrators for Head Start would be checking for eligibility based on immigration status.
“This decision undermines the fundamental commitment that the country has made to children and disregards decades of evidence that Head Start is essential to our collective future,” Yasmina Vinci, executive director of the National Head Start Association, told the Associated Press at the time.
Bloom explained that some changes in the recent GOP budget also stood to have an outsized impact on the workers in the early childhood education industry, especially cuts to SNAP and Medicaid.
“We know that roughly 43% of early educators rely on public benefits to make ends meet because pay is so low, so it’s kind of just a like a perfect storm of at the same time that immigration efforts are ramping up, and that’s obviously going to be very impactful for the one in five early educators who are immigrants,” Bloom said.
The GOP attacks on public benefits and immigration policy “threaten the supply of care that’s already hard to find,” Rachel Wilensky, a senior analyst on child care and early education at the Center for Law and Social Policy, told Salon.
Wilensky cited a CLASP study from 2018, which found that immigration actions like those being carried out by the Trump administration this year, and those that were conducted in the first administration, left a lasting impact on the physical, social and emotional development of young children.
“Good nutrition, regular health care, a stable and healthy living environment, and nurturing care are necessities for children to grow and learn and ultimately do well in school, in their jobs, and throughout their lives,” Wilensky said. “When children don’t have their basic needs met—or when they experience hardship and distress—it undercuts their growth and development and can have enduring effects. Immigrants have been central throughout our nation’s history, and their experiences matter for our future. The success of the United States is tied to the health and well-being of immigrants, as well as their success in school and later careers.”
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Caring for children during their first few years is a complex and critical job: A child’s brain develops more in the first five years than at any other point in life. Yet in America, individuals engaged in this crucial role are paid less than animal caretakers and dressing room attendants.
That’s a major finding of one of two new reports on the dismal treatment of child care workers. Together, the reports offer a distressing picture of how child care staff are faring economically, including the troubling changes low wages have caused to the workforce.
Early childhood workers nationally earn a median wage of $13.07 per hour, resulting in poverty-level earnings for 13 percent of such educators, according to the first report, the Early Childhood Workforce Index 2024. Released earlier this month by the Center for the Study of Child Care Employment at the University of California, Berkeley, the annual report also found:
43 percent of families of early educators rely on public assistance like food stamps and Medicaid.
Pay inequity exists within these low wages: Black early childhood educators earn about $8,000 less per year than their white peers. The same pay gap exists between early educators who work with infants and toddlers and those who work with preschoolers, who have more opportunities to work in school districts that pay higher wages.
Wages for early educators are rising more slowly than wages in other industries, including fast food and retail.
In part due to these conditions, the industry is losing some of its highest-educated workers, according to a second new report, by Chris M. Herbst, a professor at Arizona State University’s School of Public Affairs. That study compares the pay of child care workers with that of workers in other lower-income professions, including cooks and retail workers; it finds child care workers are the tenth lowest-paid occupation out of around 750 in the economy. The report also looks at the ‘relative quality’ of child care staff, as defined by math and literacy scores and education level. Higher-educated workers, Herbst suggests, are being siphoned off by higher-paying jobs.
JOBS THAT PAY MORE THAN CHILD CARE
That’s led to a “bit of a death spiral” in terms of how child care work is perceived, and contributes to the persistent low wages, he said in an interview. Some additional findings from Herbst’s study:
Higher-educated women increasingly find employment in the child care industry to be less attractive. The share of workers in the child care industry with a bachelor’s degree barely budged over the past few decades, increasing by only 0.3 percent. In contrast, the share of those in the industry who have 12 years of schooling but no high school degree, quadrupled.
Median numeracy and literacy scores for female child care workers (who are the majority of the industry staff) fall at the 35th and 36th percentiles respectively, compared to all female workers. Improving these scores is important, Herbst says, considering the importance of education in the early years, when children experience rapid brain development.
This doesn’t mean child care staff with lower education levels can’t be good early educators. Patience, communication skills and a commitment to working with young children also matter greatly, Herbst writes. However, higher education levels may mean staff have a stronger background not only in English and math but also in topics like behavior modification and special education, which are sometimes left out of certification programs for child care teachers.
You can read Herbst’s full report here, and the 2024 workforce index here.
This story about child care wages was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Hechinger newsletter.
The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn't mean it's free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.
Imagine sending your 4-year-old to preschool knowing they will spend nearly all day happily traipsing through the woods, climbing trees and resting in hammocks. Imagine that they also take part in what most of us would view as risky activities for a preschooler, like building fires and using knives to whittle figures out of sticks. For children growing up in Norway, this is a daily reality in the country’s “barnehagen”: child care programs designed for children ages 1 through 6.
In Norway, childhood is seen as a time of innate value that must be joyful and respected. Early learning — especially involving outdoor play — is part of that. The country has enshrined the right to child care into law and demands that early learning programs be rooted in “tolerance and respect” and teach values like empathy, charity and “a belief in human worth.”
The country is so committed to early childhood education, it covers the vast majority of operating costs and subsidizes care for parents, who pay the equivalent of about $190 per month for the first child in care, and less for additional children in care. Children are guaranteed a spot in child care at age 1.
Sounds idyllic, right? In April, as a Spencer Education Journalism Fellow at Columbia University, I traveled to Oslo to see it for myself. Over the course of a week, I spent time in nine different kindergartens to learn more about how Norwegians view the early years, how the country’s approach to early learning contends with a changing social demographic, and what the rest of us can learn from Norway. I returned hopeful and rejuvenated, but also with a greater sense of urgency about America’s need to address our own approach to child care. You can read the story, which was published in partnership with The Christian Science Monitor, by clicking the link below.
This story about Norwegian children was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Hechinger newsletter.
The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.
OSLO — It was a July afternoon in 2011 when a car bomb exploded just a few blocks from Robert Ullmann’s office. Because it was the summer, only two employees from Kanvas, his nonprofit that manages 64 child care programs around Norway, were at their desks on the third floor of a narrow, nondescript building in central Oslo. Although the floor-to-ceiling glass windows shattered when the bomb exploded at 3:25 in the afternoon, both members of his team were unhurt.
When I arrived at Ullmann’s office a few months ago to interview him about Kanvas, he led me to one of the windows that looks out over Møllergata street. Just past the rusty roof of the building across the road, we could see the top of Regjeringskvartalet, a cluster of government offices, the target of that car bomb. “That’s our ‘Capitol Hill,’” Ullmann explained. The complex never reopened after the blast, which killed eight and injured more than 200. A few hours later, the far-right extremist behind the bombing opened fire at a youth summer camp on an island 24 miles from central Oslo, killing 69 people, most of them teenagers and young adults affiliated with the youth wing of the country’s Labor Party.
The violent attack, extraordinarily rare for Norway, affected Ullmann deeply.
“I started some reflection,” he said as we stood by the window. “How can a young guy come up here and become a terrorist?” In the context of his work with young children, the goal became very clear. “What’s important is that everyone feel they’re included,” he said.
Paula García Tadeo, a teacher at the Turi Sletners child care program in northwest Oslo, helps children as they play in the snow. Children at Turi Sletners spend hours outside each day and learn how to make fires and safely use knives starting at age five. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report
Ullmann’s conclusion embodies one of Norway’s goals for its citizens: to build a nation of thriving adults by providing childhoods that are joyful, secure and inclusive. Perhaps nowhere is this belief manifested more clearly than in the nation’s approach to early child care. (In Norway, all education for children 5 and under is referred to as “barnehagen,” the local translation of “kindergarten.”) To an American, the Norwegian philosophy, both in policy and in practice, could feel alien. The government’s view isn’t that child care is a place to put children so parents can work, or even to prepare children for the rigors of elementary school. It’s about protecting childhood.
“A really important pillar of Norway’s early ed philosophy is the value of childhood in itself,” said Henrik D. Zachrisson, a professor at the Centre for Research on Equality in Education at the University of Oslo. “Early ed is supposed to be a place where children can be children and have the best childhood possible.”
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A playground for children at a Kanvas child care program in south Oslo. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report
On a drizzly Thursday morning this spring in south Oslo, at Preståsen Kanvas-barnehage, one of Kanvas’ child care programs, children roamed around an expansive play yard, building sandcastles under a large evergreen tree and zooming down a hill on bikes. On an adjacent playground, children shrieked as they splashed through a large puddle. As more children were drawn to the water, rather than caution them about getting wet, a teacher handed them buckets to have at it.
There was a clear focus on inclusion: Children with disabilities, who would often be segregated in American child care programs, were included in activities, at times with the help of a city-funded aide. Posters on some kindergarten walls showed pictures of common items or requests so children who were still learning to speak Norwegian could point to what they needed. Children were learning about the Muslim holiday Eid al-Fitr. A rack of free clothes and boots was parked inside the front lobby, with instructions for parents to take what they needed.
“Kindergarten is so important to level out social inequities,” said Ullmann as we drove to a second site run by Kanvas. “In Norway, we think it’s democratic that everyone can have the same opportunities and move out of being poor. Social differences are something Norway does not accept.”
I traveled to Norway in April, disillusioned after nine years of reporting on child care in the U.S., where parents often pay exorbitant sums for care that comes with no guarantee of quality and relies on underpaid workers. I was eager to see a country that prioritizes child care and generously subsidizes that system, two things that feel wholly out of reach in the United States.
A toddler plays outside at the Turi Sletners child care program in north Oslo. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report
Norway’s model comes from a deep-seated belief that creating productive, contributing members of society starts at birth. The country offers robust social support for residents, making occurrences like the 2011 attacks that much more shocking. Investing in early childhood is seen “both as an investment for the society and an investment for the child,” said Kristin Aasta Morken, program leader of the city of Oslo’s initiative for upbringing and education. Unlike in America, no attempts have been made to lower age requirements for kindergarten teachers or increase student-teacher ratios and group sizes, and there have been few debates over whether child care is ruining children or families. Ironically, Norway’s policies have been inspired in part by American studies that found language gaps between higher- and lower-income children, as well as a high return on investment for early childhood programs.
“The argument I’ve heard is that if you don’t send your children to kindergarten, then you steal some possible experiences from them,” said Adrian Kristinsønn Jacobsen, a doctoral candidate at Norway’s University of Stavanger who studies nature-based early childhood science education and is a parent of two young children. “You sort of don’t give them the chance to play with other children so much, for instance, or get to know other adults.”
At a time when the U.S. has yet to meaningfully invest in widespread, high-quality child care for all, especially for infants and toddlers — and federal child care spending, provided to states through block grants, reaches only 13 percent of eligible American children — Norway provides an example of what affordable, universal, child-centric early care can look like.
Posters about dinosaurs hang on the wall at Jarbakken, a child care program in northwest Oslo. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report
To be sure, there are important contexts behind each country’s approach. Norway, a democracy with a figurehead monarchy, is home to about 5.5 million people, about 82 percent of whom are of Norwegian ancestry, across a space roughly the size of Montana. The U.S. has 62 times the number of residents and a far more diverse population. Norway is a top producer of oil which helped generate a per capita household income that was over $104,000 in 2022, according to the International Monetary Fund. In 2022, per capita household income in the U.S. was about $77,000.
The countries’ priorities are different as well. Each year, nearly 1.4 percent of Norway’s GDP is spent on early childhood programs, compared with less than 0.4 percent in America. Public funding covers 85 percent of operating costs for child care programs. The tuition parents pay has been capped at 2,000 kroner (about $190) a month for the first child, with a 30 percent discount for the second. Tuition for a third child is free. This applies to both public and private programs, including in-home centers, giving parents some choice. Programs receive funding based on the number of children served, with sites drawing double the amount of money for each child under 3 to account for lower student-teacher ratios.
A teacher at a child care program run by Kanvas, a Norwegian nonprofit, sets out a packet created to help children learning Norwegian communicate with staff members. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report
Norwegian children are guaranteed a spot in a kindergarten after they turn 1, around the time many parents’ paid leave ends. All kindergartens are governed by the same framework and requirements, designed to protect the sanctity of the early years. If parents don’t send their children to child care, they receive financial assistance to keep them at home.
Norwegians are so serious about the right to child-centric early care, they wrote it into law. The country’s Kindergarten Act, which took effect in 2006, states that child care programs must acknowledge “the intrinsic value” of childhood. Programs must be rooted in values including forgiveness, equality, solidarity and respect for human worth. Through kindergartens, children are meant to learn to take care of each other and develop friendships. Programs are ordered to respect children, “counteract all forms of discrimination” and contribute to a child’s well-being and joy. They must be designed around the interests of children and provide activities that allow children to develop their “creative zest, sense of wonder and need to investigate.”
That doesn’t mean kids run free all day, though at times it can look like that. “If you’re standing outside a Norwegian kindergarten or just passing through, I would think you are looking at chaos,” said Anne Karin Frivik, head of kindergartens in the Bjerke borough of north Oslo. “But for us on the inside, it’s organized chaos. The autonomy of the child, the child’s own ability to choose and to learn and to interact, it’s very, very highly appreciated.”
Sylvia Lorentzen, director of two child care programs in north Oslo, talks to children as they prepare to leave for a hike in a nearby forest. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report
About 7 miles north of Oslo, Sylvia Lorentzen’s two child care programs straddle a narrow, winding road amid the lush forests that encircle part of the city, offering limitless opportunities for children to immerse themselves in nature. Throughout the year, those in Lorentzen’s care ski, sled, swim, canoe, climb rocks and rest in hammocks. Around age 4, they learn how to safely use a knife. Then they huddle together outside, whittling wooden figures out of sticks to practice. At 5, they are cutting logs with a saw and building fires.
By 11 on a Tuesday morning this spring, it was barely above freezing, but toddlers at one of Lorentzen’s programs, Turi Sletners Barnehave, had yet to set foot inside. Bundled up in colorful snowsuits and boots, they crunched through several inches of snow blanketing their picturesque play yard, splashed through muddy puddles and giggled as they chased Lorentzen’s petite, playful dog around the yard.
“Children should feel more like it’s a second home,” said Lorentzen. “We take the kids into our heart and we take good care of them.”
A toddler leaves a tent to play in the snow at the Turi Sletners child care program in northwest Oslo. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report
As the morning wore on, the five toddlers made their way up a gentle slope and stepped inside a large tent, modeled after one commonly used by the Indigenous Sami people of Northern Europe. There, the children crowded around a metal firepit and peered at the remnants of their last bonfire.
“What did you find?” their teacher, Paula García Tadeo, asked in Norwegian as a child held up some charcoal remnants. García looked closely and nodded, before instructing the child to put it back.
Another child reached into the remnants and started to taste an ashy piece of wood.
“Don’t eat it,” Garcia said calmly.
“In the kindergarten in Norway, the children find their own food!” Lorentzen joked to me, laughing. “Don’t write that!”
After a bit more exploring and singing some nursery rhymes, the toddlers set off across the play yard. Some wandered over to watch a rushing stream a few feet away, and others stumbled through the snow before sitting down to rest. The more confident walkers among them marched ahead, toward the warm meal that awaited them inside.
For Lorentzen and many other early educators here, this sort of laid-back morning, marked by child-led outdoor exploration, signifies how childhood and child care should look. Nature and outdoor play are staples of Norwegian culture. There’s even a word for it: “friluftsliv,” which translates to “outdoor life.” Norwegians are so protective of this outdoor time, they have a saying, “There is no bad weather, just bad clothes.” It’s standard for Norwegian kindergartens to have rows of cubbies just inside the door to the play area to store layers of spare clothes, rain and snow gear, boots and mittens.
A child plays in a puddle on the playground of a child care program run by the Norwegian nonprofit Kanvas. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report
Some of this outdoor focus is baked into the country’s 63-page kindergarten framework, based on the national law, which dictates the content that must be covered, staff responsibilities and kindergartens’ general goals. The framework focuses heavily on play, a word that is repeated 56 times in the English version of the document. Programs are required to facilitate a good childhood, with “well-being, friendships and play.” Learning about nature and the environment is one of the framework’s seven learning goals for children, and programs are instructed to “use nature as an arena for play.” Much of the other content, like health and movement, communication and art, is taught while children are playing, either inside chaotic-looking classrooms or while traipsing through forests.
In rain, snow or wind, children at Turi Sletners, and in programs across the country, spend their days climbing trees and getting muddy. Toddlers nap outside, bundled inside puffy, miniature sleeping bags affixed to their strollers. During the summer, Norwegian children in kindergartens spend, on average, 70 percent of their time outside. In winter about a third of the time is outside. The country’s embrace of nature is likely a factor in its high international happiness ratings, given that research has found spending time in nature can decrease anxiety and improve cognition.
Researchers have found that Norway’s kindergartens have positive effects on academic success and the adult labor force. “Putting all the pieces together, it’s a pretty consistent set of evidence that there are fairly long-term effects” of Norway’s early childhood programs, said the University of Oslo’s Zachrisson. “Which is funny, because what they do the first year is walking around in the woods eating sand and hugging trees, and [it] is super interesting to try to think of what causes them to do much better on the math test in fifth grade.”
It may be because play is the main way children learn, and Norwegian kindergarten days are overflowing with just that.
Children at Blindern Barnestuer, a child care center, or “kindergarten” in Oslo, watch a tractor drive by their play yard. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report
At Blindern Barnestuer, a child care program run out of four wooden houses across the street from the University of Oslo, children roam for hours, playing in a magical, expansive play yard while their parents research and teach at the university. On an April afternoon, a group of children crowded around a teacher sitting at a bench outside as he painted various insects on their faces on request.
Other kids chased each other up gentle hills as a nearby pirate flag, suspended from the branches of a knobby tree, waved. A group of preschoolers traversed an obstacle course constructed of wooden pallets and boards, clutching each other’s coats for stability. Some climbed trees and dangled from branches.
As Anne Gro Stumberg, one of the kindergarten’s lead teachers, known as a “pedagogical leader” in Norway, showed me around the outdoor play space, I commented on how Norwegians seemed to have a much higher risk tolerance for children’s play. In addition to the fire and knives that I had seen at other programs, preschoolers chased each other with brooms, fell several feet from tree limbs and stood on swings, things that gave me, a cautious American, pause. Nary a Norwegian looking on, however, batted an eye.
“We allow them to experience, and if they fall down, so what?” Stumberg said.
I asked if she’s had many injuries among the children.
She thought for a moment. “I can’t remember having one injury, not a serious injury,” she said.
Children play with a broom at Blindern Barnestuer. Teachers at the child care program, called “kindergartens” in Norway, emphasize free, outdoor play in the early years. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report
Stumberg sees endless lessons for children through play. At Blindern, teachers purposefully avoid teaching formal academics, like letters and numbers, unless a child is expressly interested in them. “We think that’s what they’re going to learn in school,” she said. “I don’t think it’s necessary to try to learn [reading] before school. There are so many other things that are very important, like all of the social skills, and how to move and do things on your own and to be able to have your own limits.”
This can only happen, Norway believes, with trained, qualified staff. The national framework instructs staff to behave as “role models,” and Norway’s law is strict about student-teacher ratios and qualifications. Programs are required to have one pedagogical leader, someone with a multiyear college degree or comparable education, per seven children under the age of 3, and one per 14 children older than that. Each leader is supported by two other teachers, who often have less education. For children under age 3, there may be no more than three children for each staff member, and there is a maximum of six children per staff for older children. In America, by contrast, no state has a ratio that low for toddlers. In some states, as many as 12 2-year-olds are assigned to one teacher, who is subject to far fewer training requirements than a peer in Norway.
Mailinn Daljord, director of the Jarbakken child care program in Oslo, looks at seedlings children are growing in one of the program’s rooms. Daljord emphasizes inclusion in her program and regularly meets with teachers to make sure children are forming connections with peers and teachers. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report
At Jarbakken Barnehage, in northwest Oslo, director Mailinn Daljord said qualified teachers are vital, as they have a challenging job. One of the most critical lessons is teaching children emotional regulation, a skill that is imperative as children grow. “I want [children] to like being in kindergarten,” she said, as we sat in her office, surrounded by rows of early childhood pedagogy books and a pile of donated, toddler-sized skis. “But I also want them to feel disappointment, sadness and disagreement with others, because here we have grownups that will help them with their emotions, so they will learn to handle those situations on their own when they get older.”
Like Ullmann, one thing Daljord does not want children to experience is bullying or exclusion. As we spoke, she went on her computer to pull up Jarbakken’s annual plan, something every kindergarten must create to explain how it will meet the requirements of the law. This year, Daljord is especially focused on interactions and inclusion. Teachers gather small groups of children during play to provide support with interactions and give them ample opportunity to form connections with peers. During the year, Daljord’s teachers meet to evaluate how much they interact with individual children, a practice Ullmann spoke of as well. Daljord uses a scale: Green means frequent interaction with a child, yellow occasional, red infrequent. Then the kindergarten zeroes in on those getting less interaction. Often, those are the most challenging children, Daljord said.
“You need to do something to make sure all the kids are getting the same, and that they are seen and acknowledged for the person they are,” she said.
Later in our visit, as Daljord walked me through the bright kindergarten, housed in a boxy, modern building surrounded by outdoor play spaces, I was struck by the freedom children had. They could move from room to room and play with other groups of children, as long as they stayed in the area designated for their age group. As we toured, Daljord pointed out what children were learning about: dinosaurs, insects and the life cycle of plants. All around us, children scurried in and out of play areas — the word “classroom” is not used in Norwegian child care settings — laughing and chasing friends. While teachers engaged small groups of children in spontaneous activity at times, for the most part, the emphasis was on child-led play.
Daljord agreed that children in Norway have “way more” freedom — and responsibility — than in America. She told me a story that, to her, demonstrated the former. Nearly a decade ago, while visiting a park in the United States with her then almost 3-year-old daughter, she was approached by an American parent who chastised her for sitting on a bench while her daughter ran free. “Child abuse,” Daljord recalled the woman telling her. She said Daljord “needed to watch her, and stay close.”
Daljord seemed amused by the whole interaction. “Different culture,” she said, as she recalled the story.
Strollers sit outside Grønland Torg, a child care program in Oslo. Teachers in Norwegian child care programs often place infants and young toddlers outside in strollers to sleep during nap time. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report
Norway’s early childhood policies are indeed part of a distinctly different culture. In 2020, UNICEF ranked Norway No. 1 among 41 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development and European Union countries for conditions that support child well-being. Norway spends 3.3 percent of its GDP on family benefits, one of the highest rates among OECD nations, and about three times what the United States spends. In 2020, the medical journal The Lancet ranked Norway first out of 180 countries in a “child flourishing index.” That same year, UNICEF ranked Norway third among 41 wealthy countries in child well-being, as measured by mental well-being, physical health and academic and social skills. The United States, by comparison, ranked 36th. Norway also ranks highly in work-life balance, meaning even if children attend kindergarten, parents still spend hours with them each day, parents and educators told me.
Perhaps in part thanks to these circumstances, children and their families fare well in Norway. Child mortality and poverty rates in Norway are low, and most children report good family relationships. International test scores from before the pandemic showed Norwegian teenagers performing at or above international averages in science, math and reading, though scores have fluctuated over recent years, with the arrival of more immigrants, who tend to score lower on such tests. Nearly 86 percent of Norwegians graduate from high school, and 55 percent earn a college degree. College tuition is free for Norwegian and European Union residents at the country’s public universities.
Many of the Norwegians I interviewed spoke of a strong cultural expectation that adults contribute to Norway’s economy. More than 72 percent of the country’s labor force works, 10 percentage points higher than in America. Norway’s child care policy has supported this.
Many of Norway’s values are uniquely Scandinavian and deep-rooted. But as my visit went on, I began to wonder if part of Norway’s no-nonsense, easy-breezy approach was because many of the things that keep American parents up at night, like school shootings, mass shootings — pretty much shootings of any kind — aren’t things Norwegian parents told me they regularly, if ever, think about. Norway has one of the lowest crime rates in the world. Maybe in America, the strict, highly regulated approach we continue to take when it comes to child care is an attempt to control what we can for our children in a life where so many things feel very much out of our control.
Artwork hangs in an Oslo child care program. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report
I ran this theory by Ullmann as we drove to one of his kindergartens. I told him some of the things I worry about with my own children: If I hear sirens near my child’s school, is it America’s next school shooting? If I’m at a concert or mall, where will I hide my child if someone opens fire? Do Norwegians ever worry about those things?
Ullmann was so horrified, he missed the exit on the freeway. “That’s really very sad,” he said sympathetically, glancing at me as he took the next exit, crossed over the highway and headed back in the opposite direction.
To be sure, aspects of Norway’s kindergarten system are still being developed, and the country must adapt as its population becomes more diverse. Its first step was expanding access, experts told me. Between 2003 and 2018, the percentage of children ages 1 to 5 attending kindergarten increased from 69 percent to 92 percent. Now, the country is focusing on improving quality and targeting children who are behind in language development.
When it comes to kindergartens, “we’ve known for some time that the quality varies,” said Veslemøy Rydland, a professor at the University of Oslo and one of the lead researchers for the Oslo Early Education Study, a research project into multiethnic early childhood programs that was launched in 2021. Despite standardized requirements, finding staff for lower-income kindergartens, where turnover rates are higher, can be difficult.
Food sits in the kitchen of Jarbakken, a child care program in northwest Oslo. Director Mailinn Daljord prioritizes inclusion and buys a variety of food so children with dietary restrictions feel included during meal time. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report
As kindergartens have developed a stronger footing, the country is contending with a changing demographic and growing social inequality, testing its devotion to equity and progressive social values. Kindergartens are seeing this firsthand. Over the past decade, the number of “minority-language” children, kids with two parents who speak a language that is not native to the Scandinavian countries or English, has nearly doubled. Almost 20 percent of children in kindergarten primarily speak a language other than Norwegian, and in some cities as many as 35 percent of children are minority-language speakers. During the past decade, child poverty rates rose.
Part of my goal in visiting Norway was to see how, and if, the country’s system and approach to child care has been able to meet the growing needs of more diverse children. Not all of Norway’s early childhood researchers are convinced that the country’s informal approach to learning works as its demographics evolve.
“This pedagogy has been doing a great job in protecting childhoods … and giving children the opportunity to explore,” said Rydland, At the same time, Rydland said when children have that much freedom, they may not be exposed to activities that could be beneficial, like whole-group reading, simply because they aren’t interested in them. “That might be the same children that are not exposed to shared reading at home,” Rydland said. “That’s the challenge with this pedagogy … I think it works better in a more homogenous society than what we have now, with much more social differences.”
The Norwegian version of “The Very Hungry Caterpillar” sits on the shelf inside a child care program in Oslo. Early learning programs in Norway emphasize play more than formal academic learning. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report
There have been efforts to find a middle ground between the playful freedom inherent to Norwegian kindergartens and a more structured setting.
In Oslo, Rydland leads Språksterk, an initiative run by the University of Oslo, kindergartens in five Oslo districts and officials with the city of Oslo. The project, which roughly translates to “strong language skills” in English, is funded by the city and the Research Council of Norway and is aimed at improving adult interactions with children and ultimately enhancing language development. It’s one of several special projects and interventions in Oslo targeting children and families who are the most in need.
Like many Norwegian initiatives, Språksterk aims to “try to make the social inequalities less,” said Helene Holbæk, who develops projects for children in the Bjerke borough.
Grønland Torg is one of 80 kindergartens participating in Språksterk to help a growing number of immigrant children master the Norwegian language. Fifty-nine children attend Grønland Torg, and they altogether speak 40 different languages.
Hilde Sandnes, a teacher at the Grønland Torg child care program in Oslo, teaches a child the names of birds using felt animals. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report
On a spring afternoon, teacher Hilde Sandnes sat on the floor of her room for 1-year-olds, next to a small cardboard box shaped like a birdhouse, as 11 children lumbered around the room, some playing alone while others interacted with the room’s two other teachers. Sandnes invited a toddler near her to come look at a collection of small, felt stuffed animals shaped like birds stacked inside the cardboard birdhouse, which had been sewn by her mother for the bird unit the children were embarking on. A child reached inside and pulled out a duck, proudly naming it in Norwegian.
Sandes repeated it and pulled out another bird, waiting to see if the child could identify it.
“Stork!” he proclaimed, a word that is the same in both English and Norwegian.
The child looked back over at the duck and excitedly proclaimed something in Norwegian.
“He told me the duck is taking a bath,” Sandnes said.
Hilde Sandnes, a teacher at the Grønland Torg child care program in Oslo, wipes the face of a toddler. Grønland Torg serves 59 children ages 10 months to 6 years who speak a total of 40 different languages. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report
While kindergartens like Grønland Torg are attempting to adapt for immigrants, educators say not all newcomers are sold on the Norwegian model. Children who have immigrated to Norway are eligible to attend kindergarten soon after arriving, and their parents pay the same low rate, or lower, based on income. Educators said families new to Norway who enroll their children often struggle to accept the Norwegian approach to child care, expecting more academics or structure.
Many families choose not to enroll their children at all, an unintended consequence of a generous but divisive social policy in Norway: cash-for-care, which pays parents who stay home with their children. The idea is to support parents who wish to keep their children home longer — toddler enrollment in Norway’s kindergartens is lower than for older age groups — or sustain families if a child can’t get a spot in a kindergarten. Norwegian educators say children new to Norway are the ones who could benefit the most from child care and exposure to Norwegian language, yet are less likely to enroll before the subsidy expires when children turn 3.
At the same time, kindergartens are reckoning with how to support a steady rise in children with disabilities. Seventy percent of the country’s programs enroll children who qualify for special education support.
As these needs have grown, Oslo has responded with sufficient funding, educators told me. For students with disabilities, the city pays for and sends in specialists for added support. While these services are required for children under Norwegian law, national experts said the quality and extent of services can vary by city.
Lene Simonsen Larsen, director of the Grønland Torg child care program in Oslo, peeks in the window of a toddler room. Credit: Jackie Mader/The Hechinger Report
In America, the quality of publicly funded early learning programs is often scrutinized, especially in the pre-K years. I wondered how the Norwegian government makes sure all this public money is in fact leading to high-quality kindergartens that are adequately serving children.
While there is copious federal tracking of staffing numbers as well as quality and parent satisfaction metrics, Norwegians are skeptical of monitoring and measuring children’s development and do not focus much on the cost-benefit argument around early education. Norwegians largely see early childhood programs as a good that “leads to more equal and happy childhoods,” said Zachrisson from the University of Oslo. “This is what the public discourse is about,” he added. The value of Norway’s early childhood services is not contingent on long-term effects.
Elise Kristin Hagen Steffensen, director of Barnebo Barnehage in north Oslo, described a system based on trust. Programs report issues to their municipality as small as forgetting to lock a window or as big as teacher mistreatment of children. Hagen Steffensen regularly writes reports for the city to explain how her school is meeting various parts of the law’s requirements, and officials may visit, especially if they’ve heard a kindergarten is struggling. There is also copious federal tracking of staffing numbers as well as quality and parent satisfaction metrics. Programs failing to meet regulations face no fines, however; educators were somewhat confused when I asked about penalties for failing to meet regulations, as can be the norm in America. Instead, they told me, local kindergarten officials help programs improve.
“That approach is just the Norwegian model,” said Hagen Steffensen. “I like that very much.”
This sense of trust seemed so inherent to Norwegians that they were baffled that I was asking questions about it. One afternoon, as Frivik, head of kindergartens in Bjerke borough, walked me to a bus stop, she pointed out how fences are few and far between in Norway. The country’s “right to roam” law allows individuals to freely and responsibly enjoy “uncultivated” areas, regardless of who owns them. I mentioned that fit right in with the level of trust I discovered, both by the government toward residents and residents toward the government.
“Nobody regularly checks or scans my Metro ticket to make sure I paid,” I pointed out.
“Why wouldn’t you pay?” Frivik asked me.
Looking forward, Norway’s early educators and experts aren’t quite ready to declare success in building their system, especially as demographics change. They want to see higher quality across kindergartens and more teachers in the classroom to reduce student-teacher ratios, which are already low by American standards.
Ullmann, too, thinks there is still room for improvement. “If you take the money and the structural quality that we offer in Norway, yeah, compared to every other country in the world, these are more or less the most expensive kindergartens in the world,” Ullmann said. “It’s fantastic when you compare it to every other country.” But, he added, even that may not be enough when it comes to the youngest of children, on whom the future rests.
This story about Norwegian children was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education, with support from the Spencer Fellowship at Columbia Journalism School. Sign up for the Hechinger newsletter.
The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.
CHARLESTON, W.Va. (AP) — Bills aimed to reduce West Virginians’ income tax burden are headed to the desk of Gov. Jim Justice.
One would reduce the state personal income tax by 2%. Another would provide a tax credit to help families pay for child care. The Republican governor is expected to sign both proposals, after they passed final legislative hurdles Tuesday during a special legislative session called by Justice.
Cuts to the state personal income tax have been a priority for Justice, who is nearing the end of his second term as governor and running for the U.S. Senate. He signed a 21.25% tax cut into effect last year, and the tax is scheduled to drop by another 4% in the new year, per a trigger in the 2023 law that allows for further tax cuts if the state meets higher-than-anticipated revenue collections.
Justice had initially been pushing the Legislature to consider cutting the tax a further 5% but amended that proposal to a more conservative 2% cut Monday.
A 2% cut in personal income tax rates would take effect on the first day of the new year and return approximately $46 million to taxpayers. Del. Vernon Criss, the House Finance Committee chair, said he would have preferred a 5% tax cut, but an agreement couldn’t be made with the Senate to support that.
“I still think we are moving in the right direction,” he said. “That’s what we all want.”
The money to pay for the tax cut is coming from an expiring revenue bond and $27 million in savings the Justice administration said came from dissolving the former Department of Health and Human Resources into three new state agencies earlier this year.
Several Democrats spoke against the proposal, expressing concern that the Justice administration had not provided details about where the savings were coming from and how the cut could effect state programs. West Virginia has the highest per capita rate of children in foster care in the nation.
Democrat Del. Kayla Young said she’s never voted against a tax cut proposal during her time in the legislature, but the source of funding for this cut concerned her.
“I don’t feel comfortable not knowing where this money is coming from,” she said.
House Minority Leader Sean Hornbuckle said the tax cut won’t make a meaningful impact on most working-class West Virginians’ budgets — 40 cents a week, or just under $21 a year. He said the trigger system included in the 2023 income tax bill is a more responsible approach, and questioned why the governor was pushing a further tax cut “outside the scope of that in the 25th hour before the election.”
“The policy of it is it’s taking money away from children,” he said. “And if we’re going to do a tax cut, I would submit to this body that we — all of us — do a little bit more work and make sure that money is not going to affect children.”
Republican Del. Larry Kump of Berkeley County said he disagreed that a 2% cut wouldn’t be meaningful to families. He said he both grew up and lives in a working poor neighborhood, and has neighbors that have to make decisions between food and heat.
“Even a little bit is meaningful. A gallon of milk helps with a family,” he said. “Anything we can do to reduce the tax burden on our taxpayers is a good thing.”
A child and dependent tax credit passed by the state Legislature would allow people to receive a non-refundable credit of around $225 to apply to their taxes if they receive the federal child care tax credit, which is around $450 a year. Around 16,000 West Virginia families receive the federal child care tax credit.
The credit is expected to return around $4.2 million to state taxpayers.
A quarter of the children in the U.S. are Hispanic, according to the U.S. Census, yet 60 percent of Hispanic families live in child care deserts, areas with an undersupply of child care.
Culturally appropriate and accessible Spanish-language child care is tailored to the needs of Hispanic and Latino families, where Spanish is often the primary language. The Hechinger Report has covered the growing demand for Spanish-language care around the country, and has heard from readers and sources about the barriers many communities face in developing it, including challenges with licensing would-be providers.
Have a question about Spanish-language child care or how communities are working to provide it? Send us an email at editor@hechingerreport.org.
Here is a guide for understanding the federal policies that contribute financing and training to providers of Spanish-language child care around the country.
Related: Our biweekly Early Childhood newsletter highlights innovative solutions to the obstacles facing the youngest students. Subscribe for free.
Federal funding for child care
Child Care and Development Block Grants (CCDBG)
With an appropriation of $8.7 billion in fiscal 2024, CCDBG is the primary federal program that supports child care access. Every three years, each state submits a Child Care and Development Fund Plan detailing current care programs, including services available to providers and families with limited English proficiency.
State child care agencies must include families and providers with limited English proficiency in their support plans, but the process isn’t always monitored, according to the Migration Policy Institute. Agency outreach is often recorded only through yearly reports and complaints filed against the agencies.
Head Start
More than 800,000 children and families are enrolled in Head Start, a federal program that provides child care to low-income families. Nearly one-third of enrolled students are dual language learners.
Over a quarter of the program’s teachers speak Spanish, and Head Start offers apprenticeship programs to recruit the parents of English learners and their community members. These apprentices teach classes in their home languages, outside of standard working hours. Head Start works with community colleges and other educational institutions to help apprentices complete the requirements to become licensed child care providers.
Preschool Development Grant Birth through 5
Preschool development grants for children up to age 5 are competitive federal grants that states can apply for with proposals to expand upon existing federal, state and local investments in child care. These grants support early child care, and the majority (40 of the 42 proposals from 2023) mention English learners.
The BUILD Initiative analyzed the approved proposals from 2023 and identified seven distinct strategies to support English learners at the state level: culturally appropriate translation of resources, training to support language development, workforce degree or credential programs, worker recruitment and retention initiatives, standardizing a process to identify English learners and, in tribal communities, immersion and engagement.
Maternal, Infant and Early Childhood Home Visiting Program (MIECHV)
The MIECHV program provides federal funding to pair pregnant people and parents of young children with trained home visitors, including nurses, educators and social workers. Home visitors are required to communicate in their partner family’s home language or provide an interpreter. They are also required to use research-based strategies and activities that support bilingual children.
However, MIECHV regulations for supporting English learners and their families are not as specific as other federal programs. Funding has also stagnated since 2013, and experts estimate that only 140,000 families, about 3 to 5 percent of those eligible, are actually receiving services.
How states are using federal funds
Colorado
Providers Advancing School Outcomes (PASO) is a 120-hour intensive course that trains informal caregivers to become early childhood educators. The program is targeted at Hispanic families, and offers courses in Spanish.
Developed by the Colorado Statewide Parent Coalition in 2006, PASO has advocated for a handful of bills within Colorado state legislature, including property tax exemptions for child care centers, a stipend for early childhood educators in training and work-based learning programs.
California
Creciendo Juntos, launched by the Mexican American Opportunity Foundation, supports the “holistic development of Latino families in California” and helps aspiring providers in Los Angeles County by reimbursing them for medical training and certification fees. The organization, whose name means “growing together,” also provides centers with bedding, toys and other early child care fundamentals.
State-level plans for preschool development grants
Five states plan to spend preschool development grant funding on recruiting and retaining multilingual child care providers and educators, according to the BUILD Initiative.
Idaho plans to recruit and support Spanish-speaking providers to start, expand and maintain home-based child care programs in rural areas with a high population of Latino families. The state also plans to pair this initiative with the local Child Care Resource and Referral agencies, increasing support of current home-based providers through training and networking opportunities.
Illinois will implement a standardized process to identify English learners via a home language survey and screening. It also proposed increasing compensation for bilingual early childhood educators.
Mississippi will grant bonuses for programs that employ educators who are fluent in languages other than English and pay for monthly bonuses to providers serving families with limited English proficiency.
Ohio plans to support informal and unlicensed home-based child care programs through the ESCALERAS program, which, as of October 2022, was helping 36 providers receive their license. Ohio projects the program will expand to serve 63 providers by June 2025.
Virginia will expand its Fast Track program, which recruits and trains emerging early childhood educators, to offer training materials in Spanish.
This story about daycare in Spanish was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for our Early Childhood newsletter.
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The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.
Decades of research have shown that children who are born into low-income households have less access to opportunities like high-quality child care and afterschool activities. Now, a 26-year longitudinal study has quantified the severity of this opportunity gap for the first time, as well as the sizable impact this has on children as they grow into young adults.
The new study, published by the American Educational Research Association, followed 814 children from low-, middle- and high-income families from birth through age 26, scrutinizing access to a spectrum of opportunities in childhood and adolescent years, including such factors as the instructional quality of classrooms, neighborhood income and participation in after-school activities like sports, music lessons and clubs.
Researchers found that while most high-income children experience six or more “opportunities” between birth and high school, nearly two-thirds of children from low-income households have zero or only one opportunity.
The size of that gap over the course of the childhood and adolescent years is striking, researchers said. “I wasn’t super surprised that the wealthiest kids were having seven, eight, nine, 10 opportunities, but that the poor children were getting one or no chances,” said co-author of the report, Eric Dearing, a professor at Boston College and executive director of the Mary E. Walsh Center for Thriving Children.
In their report, the authors say this opportunity gap appears to be a more powerful predictor of future educational attainment and earnings than childhood poverty alone. Children from low-income households who benefited from even a few of these opportunities had better outcomes as young adults. When children from low-income households moved from zero to four opportunities, for example, their odds of graduating from a four-year college jumped from 10 to 50 percent, and their annual salaries by age 26 increased by around $10,000.
Between birth and high school, “even one additional opportunity was very meaningful,” said Dearing. The study suggests there could be great societal payoffs from investing in diverse programs and opportunities for children. The outsized impact of opportunities could be attributed to the benefits that come from a range of positive experiences, Dearing noted. Those experiences and opportunities seem to be particularly valuable for brain growth and learning. “The more chances you get … the greater the likelihood that you will find that setting, that activity, that place in life that aligns with your strengths and your talents and your abilities,” Dearing said.
Such opportunities also offer a beneficial “time substitution” for children, said co-author Henrik D. Zachrisson, a developmental psychologist and professor at the University of Oslo. These opportunities essentially replace what could be a non-enriching experience, like being in a stressful home environment, with an activity that is more enriching and beneficial, he added.
While the study showed that more opportunities were correlated with better academic outcomes and higher income, it did not prove that the opportunities caused the outcomes. However, even the fact that there is correlation indicates the potential “serious consequences” for children who do not receive a bevy of opportunities, the authors wrote.
The findings underscore the need to invest more in expanding the number of opportunities low-income children access across the childhood and adolescent years, said Dearing. This includes enrolling more eligible children in programs like federally-funded Early Head Start and Head Start, and investing more in “community school” models, which provide broad support and enrichment opportunities for students.
The research also suggests that while focusing efforts on expanding just one opportunity for children, like after school clubs or early learning programs, may be helpful, it could be short-sighted. Instead, policymakers should consider solutions that tackle as many environments in a child’s life as possible. “What I hope we’re making clear,” Zachrisson said,” is that the idea of a single solution to alleviating negative consequences of poverty is just nonsensical.”
The Hechinger Report provides in-depth, fact-based, unbiased reporting on education that is free to all readers. But that doesn’t mean it’s free to produce. Our work keeps educators and the public informed about pressing issues at schools and on campuses throughout the country. We tell the whole story, even when the details are inconvenient. Help us keep doing that.
SALEM — The city’s schools recently announced several projects focused on improving energy efficiency, expanding access to pre-K education and ensuring students are arriving safely to and from school.
A $250,000 Green Communities grant from the state Department of Energy Resources will help fund energy efficiency projects at Saltonstall and Carlton schools. The work at Saltonstall includes the implementation of LED lighting controls and walk-in refrigeration controls. The Carlton projects include a new integrated Building Management System, which will allow for more accurate control and monitoring of the school’s mechanical systems.
The combined projects should realize a $33,000 energy cost savings each year and reduce the city’s CO2 emissions by 73 tons annually, according to Mayor Dominick Pangallo.
Salem Public Schools was also recently awarded the Commonwealth Preschool Partnership Initiative (CPPI) grant, for $1 million, which will be used to improve and broaden the district’s preschool and pre-K education, according to Superintendent Dr. Stephen Zrike.
The district will now be able to add two Salem-based preschool programs: Angela’s Preschool and Daycare and the Pathways for Children Head Start Program, to its partner cohort. Such programs will serve as additional child care options for families alongside Salem’s own Early Childcare Center, the YMCA, Salem Community Child Care, and Ashley’s Preschool and Daycare.
Also, the grant will cover boosting salaries in partner programs and hiring behavioral and support staff, professional development, materials, and tuition relief for families.
“We are so grateful,” said Kate Carbone, deputy superintendent at Salem Public Schools. “(The grant) will provide extraordinary resources to accelerate our vision of universal free, quality pre-K education for Salem children.
“We’ve been trying to work across the city of Salem to improve access to quality pre-K education. Part of that is expanding seats and improving the quality of seats.”
Earlier this month, the state also announced that Salem Public Schools will receive $30,000 through federal McKinney-Vento Homeless Education grants designed to expand the school support and resources for students experiencing homelessness, with more staff training, family engagement, English language services, tutoring, school supplies, and other needs.
The district’s transportation department has launched three separate safety initiatives for the start of the school year to both protect students and enhance a district-wide effort to improve absenteeism rates.
One initiative is the Stopfinder mobile app that enables parents and caregivers to track their child’s bus in real-time. The app includes features such as the ability to set ETA alerts and geo-alerts for when the bus passes a certain location. Families are also able to communicate directly with school transportation staff through the app.
Another app called Wayfinder enables transportation staff to record the time and location from which students board and exit their buses by scanning a tracking card powered by in-vehicle radio frequency identification technology. Additionally, Wayfinder records the exact number of riders on each bus.
The district also recently implemented Bus Patrol cameras that are attached to the side of school buses to record drivers illegally passing during the pickup and drop off of students.
Salem equipped its entire fleet of buses with the technology, and is one the first two cities in Massachusetts, with Peabody, to launch Bus Patrol in a pilot program. Data logged from illegal passing will help the district’s transportation department and the Salem police identify which parts of the city are seeing the most violations.
“Students are at risk every day,” Transportation Coordinator Vanessa Fagundes said. “Our bus drivers do the best they can, honking, waving, but some motorists continue to ignore the stop arm.”
BOSTON — Backers of the state’s “millionaires tax” are accusing the Healey administration of defying the will of voters by tapping into proceeds from the tax to close out the previous fiscal year budget.
A supplemental budget filed by Gov. Maura Healey aimed at closing out the previous fiscal year budget calls for spending $225 million in “millionaires tax” proceeds to cover costs for grants to child care programs, universal free school meals, transportation service expansions and other items.
But the Massachusetts Teachers Association, a chief proponent of the tax, is blasting the proposal to use the money this way, saying the funding needs should have been covered by other revenue sources.
“Fair Share funds must be used to build upon the existing spending for public education and transportation, and not become dollars lost on balance sheets,” MTA President Max Page said in a statement. “Gov. Healey’s supplemental budget proposal defies the will of the voters and the spirit of Fair Share, which is raising money to grow our public education and transportation systems.”
Voters approved the so-called Fair Share proposal in the 2022 elections, setting a new 4% surtax on people with incomes above $1 million a year. The state collected more than $2.1 billion from the tax in the previous year, exceeding projections by budget writers.
A spokesman for the state’s Executive Office of Administration and Finance defended the governor’s proposal, saying the spending is in line with the intent of the voter-approved tax and the state budget.
“Our administration has consistently demonstrated our commitment to fulfilling the will of the voters who approved the Fair Share surtax to support our education and transportation systems,” the agency said in a statement. “The supplemental budget filed by the Governor maintains that commitment by proposing to use a limited amount of surplus surtax for education and transportation programs like universal school meals and child care provider grants.”
The approach, the agency said, “aligns with how surtax revenue was budgeted in Fiscal Year 2025 and is necessary to close Fiscal Year 2024 in balance.”
Healey’s $714 million supplemental spending plan, which requires legislative approval, seeks to close funding gaps for public health, substance use treatment and education, and fund collective bargaining agreements with labor unions.
It also calls for overhauling how Massachusetts approves renewable energy infrastructure projects, which has also drawn criticism from lawmakers who view it as an end-run around a stalled clean energy bill.
The issue of how billions of dollars in proceeds from the tax will be spent by the state government was a key issue in the debate over the proposal.
A chief criticism was claims by tax proponents that the money will be devoted exclusively to transportation and education spending were misleading.
A 2022 report by Tufts University’s Center for State Policy Analysis ahead of the tax’s approval by voters warned that while the plan clearly stated the money must be devoted to education and transportation, not all the surtax revenue is likely to be spent in those areas.
“The problem is fungibility, or the ease with which lawmakers can shift money between programs,” the report’s authors wrote. “There is nothing illegal or untoward about this approach; it’s a common part of legislative horse-trading.”
The report estimates that for every dollar raised by the surtax, spending on the stated earmarks is likely to increase by 30 cents to 70 cents, with the remainder being “diverted to other areas of the budget,” they wrote.
It also noted that revenue from the tax would be “highly volatile” and is likely to rise or fall sharply, depending on the economic conditions. The number of people paying the tax will increase gradually over time, the report noted.
Supporters say taxing the rich means more money to improve neglected public schools, expand child care options, and fix potholed roads and crumbling bridges.
Opponents argue the tax is hurting businesses and driving away corporate investment and job creators, while putting a drag on the state’s economy as it recovers from residual impacts of the pandemic.
Christian M. Wade covers the Massachusetts Statehouse for North of Boston Media Group’s newspapers and websites. Email him at cwade@cnhinews.com.
BOSTON — Rising labor costs and a stagnant workforce are threatening Massachusetts’ status as a leader in innovation and economic growth, according to a new report from an independent tax watchdog group.
The Massachusetts Taxpayers Foundation new Competitiveness Index, released earlier in the week, found that while the state benefits from the “symbiotic relationship” between a highly educated workforce and key economic sectors such as health care and higher education, it also faces significant challenges related to cost and demographic shifts.
Those include the state’s high cost of energy, housing, and childcare, as well as a declining labor force, aging population, and increasing rates of outmigration, the report’s authors said.
“Massachusetts has long been a leader in innovation and economic productivity, but our ability to maintain this status is under threat,” said Doug Howgate, the foundation’s president.
The foundation ranked the state’s competitiveness standing on a broad set of 26 key metrics, ranging from economic health, population and labor force trends to business, employment, and investment factors as well as resident’s quality of life.
Among the key findings: Massachusetts’ talent and innovation are its biggest strength, with the state ranked first nationally in terms of adult residents with a bachelor’s degree, and first and second in performance among public school students in reading and math, respectively.
But the state’s high cost of living and cost of doing business is a “major competitive disadvantage,” according to the report, with energy, unemployment insurance and taxes near the bottom of national rankings, the report authors said.
Child care and housing costs, as well as commute times, also make Massachusetts a challenging place to raise a family, according to the report.
The authors said the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated preexisting demographic challenges and pointed out the state has seen a 2.4% decrease in its labor force since 2018, a trend they said is a “serious risk” to the state’s long-term economic growth.
The state also ranks 45th in the nation for domestic outmigration, with many residents relocating to lower-cost states such as New Hampshire, the report noted.
Gov. Maura Healey and legislative leaders have focused on boosting the state’s competitiveness in response to previous reports showing an exodus of people from the state in recent years. Healey argues that a lack of housing, among other factors, is impacting the state’s ability to attract and maintain businesses and families.
But an economic development bill that would set aside hundreds of millions of dollars in bonding and tax credits and reauthorize the state’s life sciences initiative to boost competitiveness has been stuck in a six-member committee since the July 31 end of formal legislative sessions.
The bill, a key plank of Healey’s first term agenda, was approved by the House and Senate but differences between the two bills still need to be worked out.
The MTA’s new index, created with the Massachusetts Competitive Partnership and the University of Massachusetts at Amherst’s Donahue Institute, will be updated yearly to give policymakers, business leaders, and the public “a clear, data-driven understanding of how Massachusetts measures up against other states.”
“If Massachusetts is going to be serious about improving our competitiveness and enhancing what our state offers to residents and employers, we need to start with shared understanding of where we stand and where we want to go,” Howgate said.
Jay Ash, president and CEO of the Massachusetts Competitive Partnership, said the MTA report “provides a roadmap for the policies and strategies that can help us reverse these trends and build a stronger, more resilient economy.”
“Massachusetts is a great state, but to maintain our competitive edge, we need to address the fundamental issues driving up costs and driving out talent,” he said.
Christian M. Wade covers the Massachusetts Statehouse for North of Boston Media Group’s newspapers and websites. Email him at cwade@cnhinews.com
MISSOULA, Mont. — From the outside, the building that was once Cold Springs Elementary School in Missoula, Montana, looks abandoned. Beige paint peels from its cinder-block facade. A blue banner proclaiming “graduation matters” hangs tattered and bleached by the sun. But inside, past a vacant office and around a dimly lit corner, there’s a stack of brand new cots, shoe racks with tiny sandals and the telltale smell of graham crackers.
Five independent child care centers opened here in the spring, the first participants in a unique network called Missoula Child Care Advantage, or MCCA. A sixth center plans to open its doors at Cold Springs in September. When the programs reach full capacity, they’ll serve a combined total of up to 90 kids, infant through pre-school.
Like many communities across the country, Missoula County has a desperate shortage of affordable child care. But Missoulians have found one part of the solution hiding in plain sight: unused public buildings, such as schools closed to accommodate changing enrollments. Cold Springs Elementary was bursting at its nearly 90-year-old seams when it shut its doors in late 2018 and its students moved to a new facility.
Across the country, shuttered schools like Cold Springs Elementary in Missoula, Montana, are being remodeled and repurposed as centers for early child care. Credit: Leah Fabel for The Hechinger Report
Cold Springs Elementary closed in 2018, opening up space for the launch of Missoula Child Care Advantage in 2024. But artifacts from the building’s former life serving older kids remain. Credit: Leah Fabel for The Hechinger Report
The modular classrooms that house the six child care centers were set up in the town of Colstrip, Montana, in the 1960s before being moved to Cold Springs Elementary in the 1980s. They required significant upgrades to meet current child care regulations. Credit: Leah Fabel for The Hechinger Report
As the retrofit projects proceed, new ways of doing the business of child care are emerging, too.
The details of the child care crisis vary by community, but the big picture is the same: Parents are scrambling. More than half of American children under the age of 5 live in a “child care desert,” defined as any census tract where the number of children under 5 is at least triple the number of licensed child care slots. In Montana, the number of slots available meets only 44 percent of total demand, according to the state’s Department of Labor and Industry. For infants, that percentage drops to 32 percent.
Parents Adam Rasmussen and Meredith Repke, who secured one of the initial 42 spots at Cold Springs, are among the lucky ones. For a decade, Missoula offered the couple their ideal lifestyle: mountains within minutes to bike, hike, run, and climb. In late 2022, they welcomed a daughter, Hope. But when it came time for Hope to start in child care a year later, they couldn’t find a single provider with an open slot. At the time, they had been spending a lot of time in Whitefish, a town about 130 miles to the north, due to an illness in the family. When they couldn’t find a child care opening in Missoula, they opted to stay in Whitefish while they continued the search.
MCCA’s opening felt too good to be true, Repke said. Hope enrolled at Montessori Plus International, whose founder saw the Cold Springs location as a way to expand her popular day care to a second site. Repke and Rasmussen moved back to Missoula, into a new house a short bike ride away from the school. “It allowed us to resume our lives,” Repke said.
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Inside Cold Springs, each of the six MCCA classrooms has been transformed into a unique day care. Through one door, a nature-themed space with fluorescent ceiling lights covered in fabric replicates staring up into a stand of birch trees; through another is Hope’s Montessori-inspired program where children learn to speak in Mandarin.
There are a few hang-ups with the space, said Sally Henkel, who coordinates MCCA under the auspices of the United Way of Missoula County. Due to licensing guidelines written before the network’s inception, children in different child care programs are required to stay strictly apart. This ensures clear accountability if anything goes wrong, said Henkel, who works closely with the county licensor.
Longtime early childhood educator River Yang enjoys her proximity to colleagues at other child care centers in Cold Springs. “There’s a sense of community here,” she said. Credit: Leah Fabel for The Hechinger Report
For most providers in the area, it’s never an issue because they operate alone. But for the co-located providers at Cold Springs, it makes for a strange dance. And for kids who see other kids but aren’t allowed to interact with them, it’s just confusing. “Outdoor time is awkward,” Henkel said.
Still, the space at Cold Springs is a win. Communities need infrastructure devoted to child care much as they need schools, roads, and bridges. But “there’s no dedicated federal funding source to support that,” said Bevin Parker-Cerkez, who leads early childhood work nationwide for the Local Initiatives Support Corporation (LISC), a community development financial institution. As a result, small-scale child care providers often are on their own when it comes to planning for, maintaining, and upgrading facilities, Parker-Cerkez said. And with barely-there profit margins, upgrades typically aren’t in the budget.
“These are spaces for zero-to-five year olds — they’re getting beat up with wear and tear,” Parker-Cerkez said. “People don’t recognize how much [space] affects the quality of programming. Not just for kids, but for employees, too.”
After a long search for child care, Adam Rasmussen, pictured here with Hope, now lives a quick bike ride away from MCCA. Credit: Leah Fabel for The Hechinger Report
Several years of brainstorming and a quick sprint to secure a state grant led to the opening of Missoula Child Care Advantage, in a school that was closed several years ago. Montana Mama is one of six child care providers to use the space. Credit: Leah Fabel for The Hechinger Report
At Cold Springs, some maintenance costs are built into providers’ $900 per month rent. For small providers who might otherwise operate out of a residence, that’s a steal. The median rent for a two-bedroom house in Missoula is twice that, and housing prices have more than doubled in the past decade.
Missoula County Public Schools’ involvement is a part of what makes MCCA work, said Grace Decker, who spearheaded the network’s formation in her role as the coordinator of Zero to Five Missoula, under the United Way’s umbrella. The district has offered a 5-year lease and cut-rate rent.
But space is only part of the solution to an enormously complex problem. “It’s the pot, but it’s not the soup,” said Decker, who started a new job in March coordinating Montana Advocates for Children, a statewide coalition.
In 2019, Decker began meeting with a group of Missoulians with an interest in the future of child care, including providers, school district officials, and representatives from local businesses and health care. The child care providers painted a bleak picture of their balance sheets. For example, unexpected vacancies — as when a child is pulled out of a center on short notice — can cost them thousands of dollars and threaten their financial survival.
Decker and her collaborators brainstormed ways to alleviate costs. They came up with a plan for a new kind of child care network, open to any licensed provider in Missoula County, in which local businesses could purchase a membership. While the providers would offer child care to all families, employees at member businesses would have waitlist priority. The membership fees paid by the businesses would fund shared access, network-wide, to critical money- and time-saving services like waitlist management, telehealth, and payroll. “That’s where we start to actually stabilize the sector,” Decker said.
Adel Staggs’s struggle to find child care for her daughter, Addie (pictured), led to her opening her own center at Cold Springs as part of Missoula Child Care Advantage. Credit: Leah Fabel for The Hechinger Report
Today, Cold Springs school serves as a pilot site for the network. MCCA used a $414,000 state grant and raised about $200,000 more to reconstruct the classrooms as care centers. Two businesses are signed on as charter members. The hope is that the network’s success at Cold Springs will help to drive its growth countywide.
Henkel, whose position is funded by the city, came on as MCCA’s coordinator in January 2023, several months after she was hired. The hold-up? She couldn’t find child care for her 8-month-old son.
On a recent walk through Cold Springs, Henkel and project architect Adam Jones pointed out the changes made to each room to make them child-care ready. Bathrooms were built, electrical sockets were brought up to code, too-porous countertops were replaced.
Asbestos abatement set the project back $12,000. “That could’ve been a lot worse,” said Jones. And rumors of a long-neglected septic tank onsite turned out to be false. “We thought we’d have to tap into brownfield funding,” Henkel said. “That would’ve set us back at least a year.”
Sally Henkel’s background working at start-ups honed the jack-of-all-trades skill set she needs to run Missoula Child Care Advantage. When providers needed a space to store outdoor supplies, she called on her husband and father-in-law to help her build it. Credit: Leah Fabel for The Hechinger Report
Missoula Child Care Advantage coordinator Sally Henkel spends part of each week at Cold Springs checking in with providers and addressing needs that pop up, like maintenance and licensing concerns. Credit: Leah Fabel for The Hechinger Report
Since MCCA’s opening last March, Henkel has fielded calls from child care advocates from other parts of Montana, as well as from Connecticut, Idaho, West Virginia and Wyoming, all looking to learn more about how the network works. A project based directly on MCCA will launch in the fall in Ravalli County, just south of Missoula.
Missoula is not alone in its approach to expanding child care. Other areas around the country faced with the child care space conundrum have looked at using closed school buildings.
In upstate New York, the 2023 closure of a parochial school led to the creation of the Ticonderoga Community Early Learning Center, set to open in September to 50 children, age 5 and under. In Texas, the United Way of Greater Austin expects to invest more than $18 million over at least two years to transform the shuttered Pease Elementary into a child care center for more than 100 children, ages 6 months to 5 years, as well as community spaces to be used for events like parent classes and continuing education for early childhood educators.
And in Portland, Indiana, 95 miles northeast of Indianapolis, crews are completing renovations on the former Judge Haynes Elementary School, which will reopen in September as the Jay County Early Learning Center, serving 150 kids, ages 6 months to 5 years.
For years, the community has been clamoring for more child care options, said Doug Inman, executive director of the Portland Foundation. Well over half of the county’s young children in need of care are not enrolled in a known program, and only 9 percent of those in need of care are in a program deemed high quality, based on a 2018 survey. Providers named “building renovations” as one of the top barriers keeping them from seeking a higher rating.
Child care provider Katy Slagell plays outdoors with a student at Cold Springs Elementary, home to the second of her two Bumblebee Academy child care centers. Credit: Leah Fabel for The Hechinger Report
The Judge Haynes project faced a setback in 2021 when county leaders opted not to provide funding, citing concerns about concentrating child care slots in the county seat rather than scattering them throughout the region. But the foundation’s board pushed ahead, Inman said. They purchased Judge Haynes from the local school district for $35,000 and brought on a seasoned provider with three other Indiana locations to run the center. They ultimately secured about $4 million, mostly from state and philanthropic grants, but also from community members like a Portland retiree who showed up at the foundation offices to pledge $2,500.
Today, the Jay County Early Learning Center has a new roof, floors, lighting, and bathrooms, a kitchen, a lactation room, and a gym. A toddler-friendly playground will be installed in late August, cleared of “all that equipment that would cause you to get a tetanus shot,” Inman said.
“We knew going into this that we were taking a big bite, but this is a generational project,” he said. “If we can be a model for any small community to see that a community of 20,000 people can do this, we’d love to be a place that others can learn from.”
This story about child care buildings was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Hechinger newsletter.
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By now, most of us who pay attention to politics have grown accustomed to tuning out the word-salad responses that former President Donald Trump frequently offers when asked a specific, policy-oriented question.
But even by Trump’s standards, the answer he gave on Thursday when asked to explain how he’d propose to lower child care costs was a doozy.
“It’s a very important issue. But I think when you talk about the kind of numbers that I’m talking about—that, because, look, child care is child care—you know, there’s something you have to have it in this country. You have to have it,” Trump began. “But when you talk about those numbers, compared to the kind of numbers that I’m talking about by taxing foreign nations at levels that they’re not used to—but they’ll get used to it very quickly—and it’s not going to stop them from doing business with us.”
It goes on from there. Read the whole thing here or watch it here.
If you’re being very generous to Trump, you might conclude that he’s proposing to use tariff revenue to cover child care costs—though it’s not clear how much he’d spend or what the mechanism for redistributing that money would be. In short, what it seems Trump is promising here is a huge expansion of taxes on Americans to somehow pay for child care costs: growing government on the revenue side to pay for an expansion of government on the spending side.
Of course, it’s hard to tell exactly what he was saying there, so let’s not get bogged down in the specifics. Trump certainty isn’t.
It may be tempting to simply write this off as “Trump being Trump” and move on. But the Republican presidential nominee’s consistent inattention to the details of policymaking does matter—even if it has no bearing on the election—and the child care issue is a perfect example of why.
This sort of issue is a liability for Trump because he can’t just bluster or pander his way through it. Trump excels when he can turn complex policies into simple, partisan us-vs.-them arguments that allow him to avoid any attention on the specifics. On issues like taxes and immigration, this technique works because one party broadly wants the policy to shift in one direction, so Trump can simply promise to do the opposite—never mind the details.
But no one wants higher child care costs. Both sides want to reduce them. The argument, then, must turn on which side can offer the better plan for accomplishing that goal. As Thursday’s answer makes obvious, Trump has no such plan.
That’s a problem because Vice President Kamala Harris can offer at least the semblance of a plan—and it’s a bad one. Harris has “signaled that she plans to build on the ambitions of outgoing President Joe Biden’s administration, which sought to pour billions in taxpayer dollars into making child care and home care for elderly and disabled adults more affordable,” the Associated Press summarized last month.
Harris has not offered sufficient policy details to say exactly what she supports, but Biden’s plan mostly involved throwing more money at child care providers. In a supplemental budget request last year, for example, Biden asked Congress to approve $16 billion in additional subsidies for child care. Both Biden and Harris also support an expansion of the child tax credit—which many parents would presumably use to pay for rising child care costs.
There are a number of alternatives that a conservative presidential candidate could discuss—even if many of them depend on state and local policymakers. Ease zoning laws to allow more child care facilities to open. Eliminate foolish barriers to entry like occupational licensing laws or requirements that child care providers have college degrees. Loosen rules that require certain staff-to-child ratios. The goal of those proposals is to increase the supply of child care, which is what the country actually needs.
At the very least, a more capable candidate would explain why subsidizing demand—by redistributing more money into parents’ pockets or having taxpayers prop up providers—is a terrible way to reduce costs. Just look at what decades of similar federal subsidies have done to the cost of college! Why would you want to repeat that mistake?
But the Republican Party does not have a candidate capable of or interested in making that argument. And if the Republican presidential candidate can’t articulate supply-side alternatives and a rhetorical counterweight to costly, counterproductive Democratic proposals, then what good is he?
Again, Trump’s inability to discuss child care policy in a serious way may not affect the outcome of the election. Certainly, his lack of policy specifics did not hinder him from winning in 2016.
In the bigger picture, however, this matters. Millions of Americans are worried about soaring child care costs. For the next two months, they will hear lots of bad ideas from Harris’ campaign about how to allegedly fix those problems. Many won’t seek out alternatives, and they will come away from this election cycle with the idea that more subsidies and more spending are the only things that can be done, and the question is which party will be more effective at delivering those things.
As a result, child care costs will continue to rise, the government will get more expensive, and the efforts to solve both those problems will face a steeper climb.