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Tag: Car Wash

  • This L.A. car wash depends on immigrant labor. Can it survive Trump?

    The car wash hadn’t yet opened for the day, but its owner was already on edge.

    He scanned the street for law enforcement vehicles and hit refresh on a crowdsourced map that showed recent immigration sweeps.

    “They were busy in our area yesterday,” he warned his employees. “Be careful.”

    But except for staying home, there were few precautions that the workers, mostly men from Mexico, could take.

    The business is located along one of L.A.’s busiest thoroughfares. Workers are exposed to the street as they scrub, wax and buff the parade of vehicles that streams in between 7 a.m. and 4 p.m., seven days a week.

    Immigration agents descended on the business multiple times this summer as part of a broader campaign against L.A. car washes. Masked men hauled away around a dozen workers, most of whom were swiftly deported. The Times is not identifying the business, the owner or the workers.

    The raids had spooked remaining employees — and many had stopped showing up to work. The replacements the owner hired were mostly other immigrants who showed him Social Security cards that he hoped were legitimate.

    Still, it was an open secret that the car wash industry, which paid low wages for back-breaking labor, largely attracted people without legal status.

    “Americans don’t want to do this work,” the owner said.

    After the raids, he had been forced to close for stretches during the typically lucrative summer months. He was now operating normally again, but sales were down, he had maxed out his credit cards and he was unsure whether his business would survive. Clients — frightened by the raids — were staying away.

    “My target is to pay the rent, pay the insurance and pay the guys,” the owner told his manager as they sipped coffee in the early morning November chill and waited for their first customer. “That’s it.”

    The manager, also an immigrant from Mexico, nodded. He was juggling his boss’ concerns with personal ones. He and his team had all seen friends, relatives and co-workers vanish in immigration raids. He left home each morning wondering whether he would return in the evening.

    The mood at the car wash had once been lighthearted, with employees joking as they sprayed down cars and polished windows. Now everybody, the manager included, kept one eye on the street as they worked. “We say we’re OK,” he said. “But we’re all scared.”

    A few minutes before 7 a.m., a BMW sedan pulled in for a wash. The manager flipped on the vacuum and said a prayer.

    “Protect me. Protect my colleagues. And protect the place I work.”

    The owner was born abroad but moved to Los Angeles after winning the U.S. green card lottery.

    He used his life savings to buy the car wash, which at the time seemed like a sound investment. There are some 36 million vehicles in California. And in Los Angeles, at least for most of the year, people can’t rely on rainfall to keep them clean.

    His business already took a major financial hit this year during the L.A. wildfires, which filled the air with smoke and ash. Customers didn’t bother to clean cars that they knew would get dirty again.

    Then came President Trump, who promised to deport record numbers of migrants.

    I’m not brave. I need the work

    — Car wash employee

    Previous administrations had focused on expelling immigrants who had committed crimes. But federal agents, under pressure to meet arrest quotas, have vastly widened their net, targeting public-facing workplaces that pay low wages.

    Car wash employees — along with street vendors, day laborers, farmworkers and gardeners — have become low-hanging fruit. At least 340 people have been detained in raids on 100 car washes across Southern California since June, according to the CLEAN Car Wash Worker Center, which advocates for workers in the industry.

    The owner was shocked when agents toting rifles and dressed in bulletproof vests first stormed his business, blocking exits with their vehicles and handcuffing employees without ever showing a search warrant.

    “It was a kidnapping,” he said. “It felt like we were in Afghanistan or Iraq, not in the middle of Los Angeles.”

    Some of the men that the agents dragged away in that raid and subsequent ones had been living in the U.S. for decades. Many were fathers of American children.

    The manager was racked with survivor’s guilt. He was from the same small town in Mexico as one of the men who was detained and later deported. Another worker taken by agents had been hired the same morning as the raid.

    That’s when many employees stopped showing up. One stayed home for almost a month straight, surviving on groceries his friends and family brought to his apartment.

    But eventually that employee — and his brother — returned to the car wash. “I’m not brave,” the brother said. “I need the work.”

    The brother had been in the country for nearly 25 years and had three U.S.-born children, one of whom had served as a Marine.

    He had toiled at car washes the whole time — crouching to scrub tires, stretching to dry roofs and returning home each night with aching heels and knots in his neck. Less punishing industries weren’t an option for somebody without valid work documents, he said, especially in the Trump era.

    He had been at the car wash during one of the raids, and had avoided being detained only when the owner stepped in front of him and demanded agents speak to him first.

    The man said he had made peace with the idea that his time in the U.S. might come to an end. “At least my children are grown,” he said.

    The two brothers were working this brisk November day, hand-drying Audis, Mercedes and a classic Porsche. They earned a little over minimum wage, and got to keep most of their tips.

    Their bosses had told them that if immigration agents returned, the workers should consider locking themselves inside the cars that they were cleaning. “Don’t run,” the manager said. “They’ll only chase.”

    At the cash register, the cashier watched a website that tracked Immigration and Customs Enforcement actions around the region. So far, there was no activity nearby.

    She had been present during the immigration sweeps, and was still mad at herself for not doing more to stop agents from taking her co-workers. “You think you’re gonna stand up to them, but it’s different when it happens,” she said. “I was like a deer in the headlights.”

    As workers cleaned his Toyota Camry, a retired history professor waited on a bench, reading a biography of Ulysses S. Grant. The ICE raids had scared some clients away, but had prompted others to express their support. He said he had made a point to patronize the business because he was angry at the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown.

    “They’re not getting the worst of the worst, they’re getting the easiest,” he said.

    He noted that a friend of his — a Latino born in the U.S. — now carried a copy of his birth certificate. Just in case.

    “That’s not the America I grew up in,” the customer said.

    The owner of the car wash, too, was trying to square the promise of the United States with the reality that he was living.

    “I thought Trump was a businessman,” he said. “But he’s really terrorizing businesses.”

    The owner had paid taxes on his employee’s earnings, he said. So had they. “They were pushing the economy, paying rent, paying insurance, buying things.”

    “Fine, take the criminals, take the bad guys,” he continued. “But these are hard workers. Criminals aren’t working at a car wash or waiting in front of a Home Depot.”

    The owner had recently obtained American citizenship. But he was disillusioned — by the raids, L.A.’s homelessness crisis, high healthcare costs. He said his wife longed to leave the U.S. and return home.

    “This is not the American dream,” he said. “This is an American nightmare.”

    As the sun began to sink on the horizon, the last car of the day pulled out of the car wash — a sparkling clean Tesla.

    The manager turned off the vacuum, recoiled hoses and exhaled with relief. He and his staff had survived another day. Tonight — at least — they would be going home to their families.

    Kate Linthicum

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  • An ICE raid breaks a family — and prompts a wrenching decision

    On a hot June night Jesús Cruz at last returned to Kini, the small town in Mexico’s Yucatán Peninsula where he spent the first 17 years of his life.

    His sister greeted him with tearful hugs. The next morning she took him to see their infirm mother, who whispered in his ear: “I didn’t think you’d ever come back.”

    After decades away, Cruz was finally home.

    Yet he was not home.

    So much of what he loved was 3,000 miles away in Southern California, where he resided for 33 years until immigration agents swarmed the car wash where he worked and hauled him away in handcuffs.

    Cruz missed his friends and Booka, his little white dog. His missed his house, his car, his job.

    But most of all, he missed his wife, Noemi Ciau, and their four children. Ciau worked nights, so Cruz was in charge of getting the kids fed, clothed and to and from school and music lessons, a chaotic routine that he relished because he knew he was helping them get ahead.

    “I want them to have a better life,” he said. “Not the one I had.”

    Now that he was back in Mexico, living alone in an empty house that belonged to his in-laws, he and Ciau, who is a U.S. permanent resident, faced an impossible decision.

    Should she and the children join Cruz in Mexico?

    Or stay in Inglewood?

    Cruz and Ciau both had families that had been broken by the border, and they didn’t want that for their kids. In the months since Cruz had been detained, his eldest daughter, 16-year-old Dhelainy, had barely slept and had stopped playing her beloved piano, and his youngest son, 5-year-old Gabriel, had started acting out. Esther, 14, and Angel, 10, were hurting, too.

    But bringing four American kids to Mexico didn’t seem fair, either. None of them spoke Spanish, and the schools in Kini didn’t compare with those in the U.S. Dhelainy was a few years from graduating high school, and she dreamed of attending the University of California and then Harvard Law.

    There was also the question of money. At the car wash, Cruz earned $220 a day. But the day rate for laborers in Kini is just $8. Ciau had a good job at Los Angeles International Airport, selling cargo space for an international airline. It seemed crazy to give that up.

    Ciau wanted to hug her husband again. She wanted to know what it would feel like to have the whole family in Mexico. So in early August she packed up the kids and surprised Cruz with a visit.

    The Cruz family — from left, Dhelainy, Angel, Esther, Jesús, Gabriel and Noemi — head to the vaqueria, a traditional Yucatecan festival in Kini.

    (Juan Pablo Ampudia / For The Times)

    Kini lies an hour outside of Merida in a dense tropical forest. Like many people here, Cruz grew up speaking Spanish and a dialect of Maya and lived in a one-room, thatched-roof house. He, his parents and his five brothers and sisters slept in hammocks crisscrossed from the rafters.

    His parents were too poor to buy shoes for their children, so when he was a boy Cruz left school to work alongside his father, caring for cows and crops. At 17 he joined a wave of young men leaving Kini to work in the United States.

    He arrived in Inglewood, where a cousin lived, in 1992, just as Los Angeles was erupting in protest over the police beating of Rodney King.

    Cruz, soft-spoken and hardworking, was overwhelmed by the big city but found refuge in a green stucco apartment complex that had become a home away from home for migrants from Kini, who cooked and played soccer together in the evenings.

    Eventually he fell for a young woman living there: Ciau, whose parents had brought her from Kini as a young girl, and who obtained legal status under an amnesty extended by President Reagan. They married when she turned 18.

    As their family grew, they developed rituals. When one of the kids made honor roll, they’d celebrate at Dave & Buster’s. Each summer they’d visit Disneyland. And every weekend they’d dine at Casa Gambino, a classic Mexican restaurant with vinyl booths, piña coladas and a bison head mounted on the wall. On Fridays, Cruz and Ciau left the kids with her parents and went on a date.

    As the father of four Americans, Cruz was eligible for a green card. But the attorneys he consulted warned that he would have to apply from Mexico and that the wait could last years.

    Cruz didn’t want to leave his children. So he stayed. When President Trump was reelected last fall on a vow to carry out mass deportations, he tried not to worry. The government, he knew, usually targeted immigrants who had committed crimes, and his record was spotless. But the Trump administration took a different approach.

    On June 8, masked federal agents swarmed Westchester Hand Wash. Cruz said they slammed him into the back of a patrol car with such force and shackled his wrists so tightly that he was left with bruises across his body and a serious shoulder injury.

    Ciau, who was helping Esther buy a dress for a middle school honors ceremony, heard about the raid and raced over. She had been at the car wash just hours earlier, bringing lunch to her husband and his colleagues. Now it was eerily empty.

    An employee of the Westchester Hand Wash tells a customer that they are closed

    At the Westchester Hand Wash last June, an employee tells a customer that they are closed due to a recent immigration raid. (Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times)

    Noemi shows a photo of her husband Jesus Cruz who was taken into custody

    At a news conference in June at Culver City Express Hand Car Wash and Detail, Noemi shows a photo of her husband, Jesús, who was taken into custody by immigration agents that month at a car wash.
    (Genaro Molina/Los Angeles Times)

    Cruz was transferred to a jail in El Paso, where he says he was denied requests to speak to a lawyer or call his family.

    One day, an agent handed him a document and told him to sign. The agent said that if Cruz fought his case, he would remain in detention for up to a year and be deported anyway. Signing the document — which said he would voluntarily return to Mexico — meant he could avoid a deportation order, giving him a better shot at fixing his papers in the future.

    Cruz couldn’t read the text without his glasses. He didn’t know that he very likely would have been eligible for release on bond because of his family ties to the U.S. But he was in pain and afraid and so he signed.

    Returning to Kini after decades away was surreal.

    Sprawling new homes with columns, tile roofs and other architectural flourishes imported by people who had lived in the U.S. rose from what had once been fields. There were new faces, too, including a cohort of young men who appraised Cruz with curiosity and suspicion. With his polo shirts and running shoes, he stood out in a town where most wore flip-flops and as few clothes as possible in the oppressive heat.

    Cruz found work on a small ranch. Before dawn, he would pedal out there on an old bicycle, clearing weeds and feeding cows, the world silent except for the rustle of palm leaves. In all his years in the big city, he had missed the tranquility of these lands.

    He had missed his mother, too. She has multiple sclerosis and uses a wheelchair. Some days, she could speak, and would ask about his family and whether Cruz was eating enough. Other days, they would sit in silence, him occasionally leaning over to kiss her forehead.

    He always kept his phone near, in case Ciau or one of the kids called. He tried his best to parent from afar, mediating arguments and reminding the kids to be kind to their mother. He tracked his daughters via GPS when they left the neighborhood, and phoned before bed to make sure everyone had brushed their teeth.

    He worried about them, especially Dhelainy, a talented musician who liked to serenade him on the piano while he cooked dinner. The burden of caring for the younger siblings had fallen on her. Since Cruz had been taken, she hadn’t touched the piano once.

    During one conversation, Dhelainy let it slip that they were coming to Mexico. Cruz surged with joy, then shuddered at the thought of having to say goodbye again. He picked them up at the airport.

    That first evening, they shared pizza and laughed and cried. Gabriel, the only family member who had never been to Mexico, was intrigued by the thick forest and the climate, playing outside in the monsoon rain. For the first time in months, Dhelainy slept through the night.

    “We finally felt like a happy family again,” Ciau said. But as soon as she and the kids arrived, they started counting the hours to when they’d have to go back.

    Noemi Ciau is comforted by her cousin Rocio after becoming emotional.

    Noemi Ciau is comforted by her cousin Rocio after listening to her talk about her husband’s time in immigrant detention.

    (Juan Pablo Ampudia / For The Times)

    During the heat of the day, the family hid inside, lounging in hammocks. They were also dodging unwanted attention. It seemed everywhere they went, someone asked Cruz to relive his arrest, and he would oblige, describing cold nights in detention with nothing to keep warm but a plastic blanket.

    But at night, after the sky opened up, and then cleared, they went out.

    It was fair time in Kini, part of an annual celebration to honor the Virgin Mary. A small circus had been erected and a bull ring constructed of wooden posts and leaves. A bright moon rose as the family took their seats and the animal charged out of its pen, agitated, and barreled toward the matador’s pink cape.

    Cruz turned to his kids. When he was growing up, he told them, the matador killed the bull, whose body was cut up and sold to spectators. Now the fights ended without violence — with the bull lassoed and returned to pasture.

    It was one of the ways that Mexico had modernized, he felt. He felt pride at how far Mexico had come, recently electing its first female president.

    The bull ran by, close enough for the family to hear his snorts and see his body heave with breath.

    “Are you scared?” Esther asked Gabriel.

    Wide-eyed, the boy shook his head no. But he reached out to touch his father’s hand.

    Later, as the kids slept, Cruz and Ciau stayed up, dancing cumbia deep into the night.

    The day before Ciau and the kids were scheduled to leave, the family went to the beach. Two of Ciau’s nieces came. It was the first time Gabriel had met a cousin. The girls spoke little English, but they played well with Gabriel, showing him games on their phones. (For days after, he would giddily ask his mother when he could next see them.)

    Two people hold hands.

    Seperated for months, Jesús Cruz and Noemi Ciau share a moment at her parents’ home in Kini.

    (Juan Pablo Ampudia / For The Times)

    That evening, the air was heavy with moisture.

    The kids went into the bedroom to rest. Cruz and Ciau sat at the kitchen table, holding hands and wiping away tears.

    They had heard of a U.S. employer who, having lost so many workers to immigration raids, was offering to pay a smuggler to bring people across the border. Cruz and Ciau agreed that was too risky.

    They had just paid a lawyer to file a lawsuit saying Cruz had been coerced into accepting voluntary departure and asking a judge to order his return to the U.S. so that he could apply for relief from removal. The first hearing was scheduled for mid-September.

    Cruz wanted to return to the U.S. But he was increasingly convinced that the family could make it work in Mexico. “We were poor before,” he told Ciau. “We can be poor again.”

    Ciau wasn’t sure. Her children had big — and expensive — ambitions.

    Dhelainy had proposed staying in the U.S. with her grandparents if the rest of the family moved back. Cruz and Ciau talked about the logistics of that, and Ciau vowed to explore whether the younger kids could remain enrolled in U.S. schools, but switch to online classes.

    When the rain began, Cruz got up and closed the door.

    The next morning, Cruz would not accompany his family to the airport. It would be too hard, he thought, “like when somebody gives you something you’ve always wanted, and then suddenly takes it away.”

    Jesus Cruz comforts his son Angel

    Jesús comforts his son Angel as they walk to the car to leave for the airport. (Juan Pablo Ampudia/For The Times)

    Jesus Cruz hugs his son Gabriel as they say goodbye

    Jesús hugs his son Gabriel as they say goodbye. (Juan Pablo Ampudia/For The Times)

    Gabriel wrapped his arms around his father’s waist, his small body convulsed with tears: “I love you.”

    “It’s OK, baby,” Cruz said. “I love you, too.”

    “Thank you for coming,” he said to Ciau. He kissed her. And then they were gone.

    That afternoon, he walked the streets of Kini. The fair was wrapping up. Workers sweating in the heat were dismantling the circus rides and packing them onto the backs of trucks.

    He thought back to a few evenings earlier, when they had celebrated Dhelainy’s birthday.

    The family had planned to host a joint sweet 16 and quinceñera party for her and Esther in July. They had rented an event hall, hired a band and sent out invitations. After Cruz was detained, they called the party off.

    They celebrated Dhelainy’s Aug. 8 birthday at the house in Kini instead. A mariachi band played the Juan Gabriel classic, “Amor Eterno.”

    “You are my sun and my calm,” the mariachis sang as Cruz swayed with his daughter. “You are my life / My eternal love.”

    Kate Linthicum

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  • The Supreme Court could give immigration agents broad power to stop and question Latinos

    This year’s most far-reaching immigration case is likely to decide if immigration agents in Los Angeles are free to stop, question and arrest Latinos they suspect are here illegally.

    President Trump promised the “largest mass deportation operation” in American history, and he chose to begin aggressive street sweeps in Los Angeles in early June.

    The Greater Los Angeles area is “ground zero for the effects of the border crisis,” his lawyers told the Supreme Court this month. “Nearly 2 million illegal aliens — out of an area population of 20 million — are there unlawfully, encouraged by sanctuary-city policies and local officials’ avowed aim to thwart federal enforcement efforts.”

    The “vast majority of illegal aliens in the [Central] District [of California] come from Mexico or Central America and many only speak Spanish,” they added.

    Their fast-track appeal urged the justices to confirm that immigration agents have “reasonable suspicion” to stop and question Latinos who work in businesses or occupations that draw many undocumented workers.

    No one questions that U.S. immigration agents may arrest migrants with criminal records or a final order of removal. But Trump administration lawyers say agents also have the authority to stop and question — and sometimes handcuff and arrest — otherwise law-abiding Latinos who have lived and worked here for years.

    They could do so based not on evidence that the particular person lacks legal status but on the assumption that they look and work like others who are here illegally.

    “Reasonable suspicion is a low bar — well below probable cause,” administration lawyers said. “Apparent ethnicity can be a factor supporting reasonable suspicion,” they added, noting that this standard assumes “lawful stops of innocent people may occur.”

    If the court rules for Trump, it “could be enormously consequential” in Los Angeles and nationwide, said UCLA law professor Ahilan Arulanantham, co-director of the Center for Immigration Law & Policy. “The government would read this as giving immigration enforcement agents a license to interrogate and detain people without individualized suspicion. It would likely set a pattern that could be used in other parts of the country.”

    In their response to the appeal, immigrant rights advocates said the court should not “bless a regime that could ensnare in an immigration dragnet the millions of people … who are U.S. citizens or otherwise legally entitled to be in this country and are Latino, speak Spanish” and work in construction, food services or agriculture and can be seen at bus stops, car washes or retail parking lots.

    The case now before the high court began June 18 when Pedro Vasquez Perdomo and two other Pasadena residents were arrested at a bus stop where they were waiting to be picked up for a job. They said heavily armed men wearing masks grabbed them, handcuffed them and put them in a car and drove to a detention center.

    If “felt like a kidnapping,” Vasquez Perdomo said.

    The plaintiffs include people who were handcuffed, arrested and taken to holding facilities even though they were U.S. citizens.

    They joined a lawsuit with unions and immigrants rights groups as well as others who said they were confronted with masked agents who shouted commands and, in some instances, pushed them to the ground.

    However, the suit quickly focused not on the aggressive and sometimes violent manner of the detentions, but on the legality of the stops.

    U.S. District Judge Maame Ewusi-Mensah Frimpong said the detentions appeared to violate the 4th Amendment’s ban on unreasonable searches and seizures.

    It is “illegal to conduct roving patrols which identify people based on race alone, aggressively question them, and then detain them without a warrant, without their consent, and without reasonable suspicion that they are without status,” she said on July 11.

    The crucial phrase is “reasonable suspicion.”

    For decades, the Supreme Court has said police officers and federal agents may stop and briefly question persons if they see something that gives them reason to suspect a violation of the law. This is why, for example, an officer may pull over a motorist whose car has swerved on the highway.

    But it was not clear that U.S. immigration agents can claim they have reasonable suspicion to stop and question persons based on their appearance if they are sitting at a bus stop in Pasadena, working at a car wash or standing with others outside a Home Depot.

    Frimpong did not forbid agents from stopping and questioning persons who may be here illegally, but she put limits on their authority.

    She said agents may not stop persons based “solely” on four factors: their race or apparent ethnicity, the fact they speak Spanish, the type of work they do, or their location such as a day labor pickup site or a car wash.

    On Aug. 1, the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals refused to lift the judge’s temporary restraining order. The four factors “describe only a broad profile that does not supply the reasonable suspicion to justify a detentive stop,” the judges said by a 3-0 vote.

    The district judge’s order applies in the Central District of California, which includes Los Angeles and Orange counties as well as Riverside, San Bernardino, Ventura, Santa Barbara and San Luis Obispo.

    The 9th Circuit said those seven counties have an estimated population of 19,233,598, of whom 47% or 9,096,334 identify as “Hispanic or Latino.”

    Like Frimpong, the three appellate judges were Democratic appointees.

    A week later, Trump administration lawyers sent an emergency appeal to the Supreme Court in Noem vs. Perdomo. They said the judge’s order was impeding the president’s effort to enforce the immigration laws.

    They urged the court to set aside the judge’s order and to clear the way for agents to make stops if they suspect the person may be in the country illegally.

    Agents do not need evidence of a legal violation, they said. Moreover, the demographics of Los Angeles alone supplies them with reasonable suspicion.

    “All of this reflects common sense: the reasonable-suspicion threshold is low, and the number of people who are illegally present and subject to detention and removal under the immigration laws in the (the seven-county area of Southern California) is extraordinarily high,” wrote Solicitor Gen. D. John Sauer. “The high prevalence of illegal aliens should enable agents to stop a relatively broad range of individuals.”

    He said the government is not “extolling racial profiling,” but “apparent ethnicity can be relevant to reasonable suspicion, especially in immigration enforcement.”

    In the past, the court has said police can make stops based on the “totality of the circumstances” or the full picture. That should help the administration because agents can point to the large number of undocumented workers at certain businesses.

    But past decisions have also said officers need some reason to suspect a specific individual may be violating the law.

    The Supreme Court could act at any time, but it may also be several weeks before an order is issued. The decision may come with little or no explanation.

    In recent weeks, the court’s conservatives have regularly sided with Trump and against federal district judges who have stood in his way. The terse decisions have been often followed by an angry and lengthy dissent from the three liberals.

    Immigration rights advocates said the court should not uphold “an extraordinarily expansive dragnet, placing millions of law-abiding people at imminent risk of detention by federal agents.”

    They said the daily patrols “have cast a pall over the district, where millions meet the government’s broad demographic profile and therefore reasonably fear that they may be caught up in the government’s dragnet, and perhaps spirited away from their families on a long-term basis, any time they venture outside their own homes.”

    David G. Savage

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  • Man fatally shot following fight at Woodbridge car wash – WTOP News

    Man fatally shot following fight at Woodbridge car wash – WTOP News

    A man is dead after being shot at a car wash in Woodbridge, Virginia, on Saturday afternoon, police say.

    A man is dead after being shot at a car wash in Woodbridge, Virginia, on Saturday afternoon, police say.

    Prince William County police said Earl Duwan Miller, 54, was involved in a “verbal altercation” outside of the Sonic Soft Car Wash on Richmond Highway shortly before 4 p.m. when it turned “physical.”

    Miller was shot in the “upper body.” Police said that Jermaine Antwoine Lewis, 25, of Springfield, shot the man and Vinisha Lanisa Neville, 29, of Woodbridge, “brandished a firearm.” An exterior wall of the building was also struck by gunfire, police said.

    Miller was transported to a hospital where he died of his injuries, police said.

    Lewis and Neville fled in their vehicle following the shooting and were apprehended by Virginia State Police on Interstate 95 in Fairfax County “a short time later,” Prince William County police said. They were both arrested

    Lewis is charged with second-degree murder, use of a firearm in commission of a felony and shooting from an occupied vehicle, and is being held without bond. Neville is charged with brandishing of a firearm, according to police.

    See a map of the car wash location where the shooting took place below.

    (Courtesy Google Maps)

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    Valerie Bonk

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  • Boca Raton Car Wash Has Tunnel Vision

    Boca Raton Car Wash Has Tunnel Vision

    Press Release



    updated: Nov 6, 2017

    On Saturday, October 28, Rubber Ducky Car Wash unveiled its brand new state of the art car spa tunnel. Located on Federal Highway just north of Glades Road, Rubber Ducky is looking to make a splash with their local customers. Boca Raton as a community continues to push the envelope on luxury service and Rubber Ducky Car Wash looks to continue that effort. In additional to a brand new tunnel with best in class services, Rubber Ducky is also remodeling their lobby and waiting area to maximize the customer experience. You’ll now be able to experience “Tunnel Vision” as you watch your vehicle, through 50 feet of new viewing windows, move from luxury station to luxury station receiving the highest end car wash found in Boca Raton.

    This upgrade comes as a serious investment for the for the family owned car wash. When the owner, Paolo Weston, was asked what made him commit to such a large capital cost his answer may come as a surprise, “I’ve grown up in South Florida and as I see the community work together to make strives to improve, I believe it falls on the small business owners to spearhead that change.”

    I’ve grown up in South Florida and as I see the community work together to make strives to improve, I believe it falls on the small business owners to spearhead that change.

    Paolo Weston, Owner

    This overhaul looks to help separate Rubber Ducky Car Wash from the rest of the pack. The car wash space in Boca Raton continues to be incredibly competitive with over a dozen different options throughout the city. The competition will certainly need to take notice as Rubber Ducky looks to become the primary destination for luxury car washing and detailing. Simply walk into the new lobby and you’ll be able to watch your vehicle receive a spa quality treatment, including everything from Armor All Shine Wax to RainX car protection.

    In a world of first of impressions, Rubber Ducky looks to leave both cars and their owners with a shining experience. Whether you’re looking for a deep inside out cleaning for your daily driver or a bubble bath for your weekend hot rod, Rubber Ducky has the service for you. Either way, you can relax and enjoy the tunnel vision of watching your car get the Lucky Ducky treatment.

    Media Contact: 
    Ryan Teason
    Phone: 561.417.7224
    Email: info@rubberduckypalmbeach.com​

    Source: Rubber Ducky Car Wash

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