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The rare Begonia larorum was rediscovered on Brazil’s Alcatrazes Island after not being seen for more than a century, according to a study.
Oryx
On a small, remote island off the coast of Brazil, scientists have rediscovered a rare flower not seen in over a century.
Begonia larorum was discovered on Alcatrazes Island in 1920 and never recorded again until researchers stumbled upon a single flower in 2024, according to a study published Oct. 16 in Oryx.
Against the odds, the critically endangered species has survived a century of human disturbances and pressure on the island including agriculture, and military operations, according to the study.
In 2004, an artillery exercise caused a large fire that destroyed an area roughly the size of 30 football fields filled with native vegetation, researchers said.
During a field expedition to the island in February 2024, researchers “found a single individual in the forest” understory and propagated it, creating more plants by using cuttings from that one specimen, at the University of Campinas in São Paulo, according to the study.
Seven months later, the team found a small population of 19 plants, 17 of which had the ability to reproduce “in an open area” on the island prone to invasive grasses and fires, researchers said.
This population gave researchers the opportunity to capture the first color photograph of the flower, according to the study.
As these are the “only 17 reproductive individuals of Begonia larorum known to exist,” researchers said they are concerned about “the species’ genetic diversity and long-term viability.”
However, researchers said there may be other individuals in the unreachable areas of Alcatrazes Island’s “steep inaccessible terrain.”
“Given its restricted range and the threats to its survival, we recommend the species be assessed for inclusion on the global IUCN Red List in addition to maintaining its Critically Endangered status at national level on the Red List of Brazilian Flora,” researchers said.
Researchers also recommend conservation efforts focused on protecting populations on the island as well as cloning the species and housing them in “botanical gardens, greenhouses and collections at independent sites.”
The research team included Gabriel Sabino, Vitor Kamimura, Gabriel Marcusso, Ingrid Koch, Gustavo Shimizu and Fabio Pinheiro.
Lauren Liebhaber
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LONDON (Reuters) -Global investors managing over $3 trillion in assets called on governments on Monday to stop and reverse deforestation and ecosystem degradation by 2030, in a statement signed ahead of a U.N. climate conference in Brazil next month.
Around 30 institutional investors including Swiss private bank Pictet Group and Nordic investor DNB Asset Management have so far signed up to the Belém Investor Statement on Rainforests, which is open until November 1.
A report last week found the world is falling far short of the goal of stopping deforestation, with losses of 8.1 million hectares (20 million acres) of forest – an area about the size of England – in 2024 alone, largely driven by agricultural expansion and forest fires.
“As investors, we are increasingly concerned about the material financial risks that tropical deforestation and nature loss pose to our portfolios,” the statement said.
The investors emphasised the need for policies that deliver legal, regulatory, and financial certainty to help protect the forests and safeguard economic stability, said Jan Erik Saugestad, CEO at Nordic firm Storebrand Asset Management.
“Deforestation undermines the natural systems that global markets rely on – from climate regulation to food and water security.”
Earlier this year, the European Union delayed launching its anti-deforestation law by a year after facing opposition from industry and trade partners such as Brazil, Indonesia and the United States, who say complying with the rules would be costly and hurt their exports to Europe.
The role of climate sceptic U.S. President Donald Trump in rolling back support for global environmental efforts was also hampering action, said Ingrid Tungen, head of deforestation-free markets at Rainforest Foundation Norway.
“I think Trump has made it more difficult for investors and managers to take climate and biodiversity into account in such a volatile market,” she said.
“All the investors that we are talking to think there is a huge risk for us not taking diversification and climate change into consideration in the long-term, and not just for their own morals, but because that will harm the markets directly and their profits directly.”
(Reporting by Sharon Kimathi; Editing by Nia Williams)
Copyright 2025 Thomson Reuters.
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NITEROI, Brazil (AP) — Performers twisted and twirled above the sand on a beach across the bay from Rio de Janeiro in an aerial circus show that sought to draw attention to the widespread problem of violence against women in Brazil.
Six women and two men performed the piece titled “Alone we are petals, together we are roses” for the first time on Saturday in Niteroi city with Rio’s famed landmarks — the Christ the Redeemer statue and Sugarloaf Mountain — in the background.
At the beginning, a woman in a pink bodysuit and with an attitude struts around on stilts. The male artists knock her to the ground. But the victim reappropriates her body by exploring its physical strength and gains courage from her connections with other women. At the end she returns on even higher stilts.
“After we go through all of this, we grow even more. We become stronger. Not that this is a good way of learning how to be a woman, but we end up stepping into it,” said Rosa Caitanya Hamilton Azevedo, a 31-year-old artist who plays the victim’s part and who has also suffered from gender-based violence.
Juliana Berti Abduch, who has also been a victim of this form of violence, created the Suspended Circus Acrobatics project in 2020. The group’s first performance in 2023 focused on domestic violence. She said the new piece isn’t a continuation of that show, but a way to keep addressing and fighting violence in its many forms.
Partaking in the project can be healing for the artists who have been subjected to gender-based violence, who arrive fearful and traumatized, according to Berti Abduch.
“From the moment they start the classes, they begin to overcome their limitations. This helps a lot in life in general. I’m certain that the project helped make the women feel much more secure,” Berti Abduch said after her piece’s debut.
Approximately 100 people gathered to watch the performance, some of whom were passing by and stopped, intrigued by the visually striking sight involving aerial hoops, trapezes and silks, on a beach packed with people lifting weights and playing volleyball.
“I found it impactful,” said Fabiane Curione de Medeiros, who was in the audience. “I think the message — that women need to unite and expose the violence — needs to become a reality.”
More than one in three women in Brazil was a victim of sexual or gender-based violence over the course of a year, according to a 2025 report by the think tank Brazilian Forum on Public Safety, the highest number since records began in 2017. All forms of violence against women have increased since then.
An example of the ongoing struggle for women’s rights in Brazil is the legal status of abortion. While it is permitted in three circumstances, including in cases of rape, in practice women often face significant barriers in accessing these services.
During the performance, a series of alarming statistics are blasted from a nearby amplifier, including the fact that a woman was raped every six minutes in Brazil last year, also according to the forum on public safety.
“The show generates a heavy atmosphere, because we talk about the situation. But we also show that there are paths and strategies to fight against it,” said Hamilton Azevedo.
“The performance in itself is a strategy. We wanted to move away from that place of sadness and hold onto hope that the future will be better. And build that future through art, sport and the empowerment of women,” she said.
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WASHINGTON (Reuters) -U.S. and Brazilian officials held trade talks on Thursday that the two sides called positive and agreed to work to schedule a meeting between President Donald Trump and his counterpart Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva “at the earliest possible occasion”.
In a joint statement, the delegations said they would “conduct discussions on multiple fronts in the immediate future and establish a working path forward,” though no timeline was given for the proposed Trump-Lula meeting.
The talks in Washington, which included U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer and Brazilian Foreign Minister Mauro Vieira, marks the latest diplomatic contact between the two countries in recent weeks after months of a frozen relationship.
“This is an auspicious start to a negotiation process in which we will work to normalize and open new paths for bilateral relations,” Vieira told journalists in Washington.
Trump increased tariffs on U.S. imports of most Brazilian goods to 50% from 10% in early August, linking the move to what he called a “witch hunt” against former President Jair Bolsonaro.
Bolsonaro ended up being convicted in September by a Supreme Court panel to more than 27 years in prison for plotting a coup after he lost the 2022 election to Lula.
Last week, Trump and Lula held a phone call, following a brief encounter at the United Nations in September, after which both said they came away with positive impressions.
During the call, they agreed to meet in person, raising hopes for a thaw in bilateral relations that are at their lowest point in decades.
Thursday’s talks were “great”, with a productive tone and focused on technical issues, Vieira said. The meeting lasted about an hour and included a 20-minute one-on-one session with Rubio, he added.
(Reporting by Kanishka Singh and Ismail Shakil in Washington, Lisandra Paraguassu in Brasilia and Andre Romani in Sao Paulo; editing by Costas Pitas and Natalia Siniawski)
Copyright 2025 Thomson Reuters.
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Los Angeles [US], October 16 (ANI): The Golden Globes is set to spotlight Brazilian entertainment with a special celebration in March in Rio de Janeiro. Organised in partnership with Urland Ventures, the event will honour outstanding talent across both film and television.
‘The Golden Globes have a long history of recognising international talent, and Brazil has given the world some of the most extraordinary voices, stories, and artistic vision,’ said Golden Globes president Helen Hoehne.
‘We are excited to celebrate and recognise these incredible Latin American artists.’
The Brazilian celebration is the latest in the Globes’ mission to expand its footprint around the world by hosting events in major international entertainment hubs, celebrating local storytelling and highlighting regional talent on the global stage, as per Variety.
Brazilian actors and creatives have been attracting international attention lately, with this year’s Oscar for international feature film going to Walter Salles’ ‘I’m Still Here,’ which was also nominated for best picture and best actress. ‘I’m Still Here’ was also nominated for a Golden Globe for foreign language film.
The event is produced in partnership with Passage Pictures CEO Uri Singer and entertainment entrepreneur Orlando John. (ANI)
SAO PAULO (Reuters) -Brazil’s Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes ruled on Monday to keep former President Jair Bolsonaro under house arrest, according to a court document seen by Reuters.
“The guarantee of public order and the need to ensure the full application of criminal law justify the maintenance of house arrest and other precautionary measures,” Moraes wrote in the decision.
Bolsonaro was sentenced last month to 27 years and three months in prison for plotting a coup to remain in power after losing the 2022 election. His defense did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
(Reporting by Luciana Magalhaes; Writing by Isabel Teles; Editing by Brendan O’Boyle)
Copyright 2025 Thomson Reuters.
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Flutter Brazil recently opened its new office in São Paulo, Brazil. Set in the heart of Faria Lima Square, Latin America’s leading financial hub, the 731-square-meter area reflects the company’s ambitions for the future of Brazil’s fast-growing betting market. According to Flutter Brazil CEO João Studart, this development symbolizes the company’s continued confidence in the region.
Flutter Brazil was created after global gaming leader Flutter Entertainment acquired NSX Brasil, owner of the local powerhouse Betnacional. Since the merger, the company has grown to over 400 employees, blending global expertise with local knowledge. Flutter Brazil operates via a hybrid model, with offices in São Paulo and Recife, as well as teams working remotely all over the nation.
The newly opened office was designed by Athié Wohnrath, one of Brazil’s most distinguished architectural firms. Its interior emphasizes open collaboration, sustainability, and a robust sporting identity. A football-themed conference room and an arena-like lounge with a bar are among the features that enable employees and visitors to watch live events, fostering a sense of collective experience.
The new office represents our commitment to creating an environment of constant evolution for our teams and the market in which we operate.
João Studart, Flutter Brazil CEO
According to Studart, Brazil’s gambling sector is entering a phase of consolidation. He added that such a development would reward operators who act with integrity and remain consumer-focused. With such values remaining core to Flutter Brazil’s regional ambitions, the company remains perfectly positioned to capitalize on industry trends and retain its leadership position.
Beyond the new office, CEO Studart’s attention remains focused on the broader regulatory and commercial landscape. Brazil’s gambling market officially opened on 1 January 2025, bringing a surge of activity. Government reports reveal that gross gaming revenue reached BRL 17.4 billion ($3.2 billion) in the first six months of the year, generating BRL 3.8 billion in tax revenue.
Despite these positive figures, Studart notes that the rapid expansion has been accompanied by uncertainty. In a recent interview for iGB, he urged caution by regulators as they consider tightening the rules on advertising or introducing a retroactive tax on operators. According to Studart, overly restrictive regulations could push consumers away from the regulated sector.
The progress of regulation has laid the foundation for a more balanced ecosystem. Flutter Brazil sees this new scenario as fertile ground for sustainable growth.
João Studart, Flutter Brazil CEO
While Brazil’s regulated sector faces imminent challenges, Studart remains optimistic. He noted that the future of betting in Brazil will depend on collaboration between policymakers, operators, and consumers. He added that Flutter aims to help the sector mature responsibly, with trust and transparency remaining at the forefront.
Deyan Dimitrov
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BRASILIA (Reuters) -Brazilian Supreme Court Justice Luis Roberto Barroso said on Thursday he is stepping down from the court, well ahead of a deadline for his mandatory retirement in 2033.
Barroso’s decision creates a new vacancy on the Supreme Court, allowing President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva to appoint a third nominee to the country’s 11-member top court during his current term.
“It’s time to move in a new direction. I have no attachment to power and would like to live the rest of my life without the responsibilities of the role,” Barroso said during the court’s session.
Barroso, 67, was appointed to a Supreme Court seat in 2013 by former President Dilma Rousseff, and has served as President of the court for two years until September.
He held the top post when a panel of the court last month sentenced former President Jair Bolsonaro to more than 27 years in prison for plotting a coup to remain in power after losing the 2022 election. Barroso did not vote in the case, as he was not part of the panel that issued the ruling.
(Reporting by Ricardo Brito; Writing by Fernando Cardoso; Editing by Chris Reese and Natalia Siniawski)
Copyright 2025 Thomson Reuters.
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In a world marked by financial crises, geopolitical instability and ecological disasters, the 36th Bienal de São Paulo—the second oldest art biennial in the world—clings to the idea that it is too late to be pessimistic. On view through January 11, 2026, at the Ciccillo Matarazzo Pavilion in Ibirapuera Park, it brings together works by more than 120 artists under the title “Nem todo viandante anda estradas / Da humanidade como prática” (“Not All Travellers Walk Roads / Of Humanity as Practice”).
Curated by Cameroonian Bonaventure Soh Bejeng Ndikung, with a conceptual team that included Alya Sebti, Anna Roberta Goetz, Thiago de Paula Souza, Keyna Eleison and Henriette Gallus, the exhibition is structured in six thematic chapters inspired by a verse by Afro-Brazilian poet Conceição Evaristo. The reference is no coincidence, given the numerous artists who recover the ties between Brazil and the Afro-Atlantic diaspora, although the proposal extends to all participants, blurring geographical and political divisions.
For this edition, the curatorial group set out to abandon the logic of traditional categories such as the nation-state and instead conceive the selection of artists as migratory bird routes. From the red-tailed hawk crossing the Americas to the Arctic tern connecting the poles, birds serve as metaphors for cultural movements that overflow borders. “Like them, we carry memories, languages and experiences,” Ndikung explained at the press conference, describing the methodology.


The pavilion’s façade welcomes visitors with a monumental installation by Theresah Ankomah (Accra, Ghana), made of braided strips of different sizes and colors. Like a community curtain, it completely covers the modernist building designed by Oscar Niemeyer. Inside, the curatorial decision was to build as little as possible, privileging natural light and Niemeyer’s original structures. “The migratory routes of birds freed us from thinking in terms of countries and invited us to explore unexpected connections,” co-curator Anna Roberta Goetz told Observer.
That gesture is also reflected in the materials chosen by many of the artists: plastic bottle caps, computer keyboards, matchboxes, handkerchiefs or scrunchies. “Objects reveal trade routes, ecologies and new forms of colonialism,” Goetz emphasized. An example is the work of Brazilian artist Moisés Patrício, a practitioner of Candomblé, who wraps liturgical objects in hundreds of colorful hair ties. In his Brasilidades series, the piece denounces the symbolic erasure of Black culture from public space and proposes reparation through ancestral knowledge.


On the ground floor, the tour opens with the disturbing garden by Precious Okoyomon (a queer artist of Nigerian origin). Sun of Consciousness. God Blow Thru Me – Love Break Me (2025) is a living landscape of medicinal plants, sugarcane, aromas, sounds and uneven paths, forcing a slower pace and an openness to other rhythms of life. Nearby, Brazilian artist Nádia Taquary presents “Ìrókó: A árvore cósmica,” dedicated to the orisha Ìrókó, who embodies time and ancestry. Bronze female figures stand beside a sacred tree crowned with a white flag, evoking the terreiros of Afro-Brazilian religions.
Wolfgang Tillmans, one of the most celebrated names in this edition, presents a new video installation weaving together fragments of the everyday—mud clinging to a boot, folders in a cabinet, fallen leaves—with a layered soundscape of urban noise, birdsong and electronic beats. The work builds an architecture of images and sounds that unsettles how we consume and share the visual in the digital age.
From Zimbabwe, Moffat Takadiwa transforms post-consumer waste into sculptural textiles critiquing consumerism, racism and environmental collapse. For São Paulo, he created a monumental “textile ark” of discarded plastics and metals, enveloping viewers in a portal to a future rooted in Ubuntu, the African philosophy of redistribution, cooperation and interdependence. Totemic, microorganism-like forms reclaim cast-off materials as symbols of resistance and renewal.
Conceived as a horizontal network of times and geographies, the Bienal insists that the practice of humanity is indispensable in a world marked by migration and inequality. “To be human is to embrace compassion, generosity, resilience and the hospitality of the guest house,” Ndikung said, quoting the Persian poet Rumi.
As visitors leave the Bienal, Chinese artist Song Dong’s Borrow Light (2025) becomes the inevitable selfie spot: a mirrored room, inspired by fairground attractions, that multiplies reflections into infinity. Yet beyond the spectacle, the work gestures toward limitless human connections, reminding us that every encounter is also an act of community. In this playful gesture, visitors find themselves woven into the network of relationships that the Bienal de São Paulo unfolds from beginning to end.


Mercedes Ezquiaga
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Brazilians held protests in all 26 states and the Federal District on Sunday against a possible pardon for former President Jair Bolsonaro and his allies, who were convicted of attempting a coup.
Calls for demonstrations grew after the lower house on Tuesday passed a constitutional amendment that would make it harder to arrest or launch criminal proceedings against lawmakers. The measure now heads to the Senate.
The following day, the lower house voted to fast-track a bill backed by right-wing opposition lawmakers that could grant amnesty to Bolsonaro, his closest allies and hundreds of supporters convicted for their roles in the January 2023 uprising.
Eraldo Peres / AP
The coup plot included a plan to poison his successor and current President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and kill a Supreme Court judge.
Bolsonaro was sentenced to 27 years and three months in prison on Sept. 11 for attempting to stay in power after losing a 2022 reelection bid. He is the first former president convicted of trying to overturn an election in Latin America’s largest economy. Bolsonaro denied any wrongdoing.
Some of Brazil’s most prominent artists helped organize and promote Sunday’s demonstrations.
Music legends Caetano Veloso, Chico Buarque and Gilberto Gil — who defied censorship during the military dictatorship of the 1960s — reunited in Rio de Janeiro’s Copacabana neighborhood to protest.
“I was outraged by the news that many deputies voted in favor of a shielding law for themselves and their colleagues,” Veloso told Brazilian news outlet UOL in an interview published Saturday. “This, along with a proposal for amnesty for the coup plotters. I think I identified with the majority of the Brazilian population, who do not want these things to go through.”
Eraldo Peres / AP
Anitta, a superstar born in Rio de Janeiro, also criticized the proposal in a video shared on Instagram. “The people are the ones who shape the country’s politics. We have the right and the duty to hold politicians accountable, after all, we vote and they work for the good of the population,” she said.
Dulce Oliveira, a 53-year-old teacher who attended the demonstration in Brasilia, echoed Anitta’s indignation. “This protest is important because the people need to show them what we want, because they are there to represent our needs, not their own,” she said.
Brazilian actor Wagner Moura attended the protest in Salvador, Bahia. Speaking to the crowd from the top of a truck, he said he was not willing to talk about the legislative proposals. Instead, he emphasized “this extraordinary moment in Brazilian democracy, which serves as an example to the entire world.”
Sunday’s protests were organized by artists and left-wing groups that have struggled to mobilize large crowds compared with the right. On Sept. 7, ahead of Bolsonaro’s Supreme Court trial, thousands of his supporters rallied in his defense.
Polls show the country remains deeply divided over Bolsonaro.
A majority supports his conviction and imprisonment, but a significant share of the population still backs him. According to a Datafolha poll released Sept. 16, 50% of respondents said Bolsonaro should be jailed, while 43% disagreed and 7% declined to answer. The survey interviewed 2,005 people nationwide and had a margin of error of 2 percentage points.
Brazil’s Supreme Court on Thursday found former President Jair Bolsonaro guilty of conspiracies related to his failed 2022 reelection bid. The court found that Bolsonaro tried to instigate a military coup and to poison his opponent, current President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Bolsonaro, the former president of Latin America’s largest democracy and its wealthiest country, was sentenced to more than 27 years in prison and is barred from ever seeking public office again.
Bolsonaro is one among two dozen elected presidents and prime ministers in recent history around the world who used their time in office to undermine their countries’ democratic institutions. In addition to undermining confidence in elections, the Brazilian leader weakened public and scientific institutions by defunding them. Bolsonaro’s family and political associates faced repeated scandals. As a consequence, the president governed in constant fear of impeachment — a fate that had ended the careers of two prior Brazilian presidents since the country’s return to democracy in 1998. To avoid this outcome, Bolsonaro forged alliances with an array of legislative parties and strange bedfellows. Brazilian political scientists describe the implicit agreement: “The deal is simple: you protect me and I let you run the Country and extract rents from it as you wish.”
Curiously, the decision is also a setback for President Trump here in the United States. Trump views Bolsonaro as an ally who, like him, has been persecuted by leftists and subjected to retribution by courts. The American president tried hard to stop the Brazilian court from ruling against Bolsonaro. In August, Trump sent a letter to Lula, Bolsonaro’s nemesis. Trump threatened to hike most tariffs on Brazilian exports to the U.S. to 50% should his friend remain in legal peril.
Trump’s empathy reflects the two presidents’ parallel paths. Bolsonaro, like Trump, used his time in office to test democratic norms, weaken independent public institutions and vilify his opponents. Both men express a taste for political violence. Where Trump has often mused about beating up hecklers and shooting protesters in the knees, Bolsonaro was nostalgic for military rule in his country. On the campaign trail in 2018, he asserted that Brazil would only change for the better “on the day that we break out in civil war here and do the job that the military regime didn’t do: killing 30,000.”
Both Trump and Bolsonaro tried to cling to power after losing their reelection bids. Heeding their presidents’ claims of electoral fraud, Trump’s supporters rioted in Washington on Jan. 6, 2021, as did Bolsonaro’s in Brasilia, the Brazilian capital, on Jan. 8, 2023. Bolsonaro’s involvement in these post-election acts was the basis of the legal peril that has consumed him.
Trump depicts the Brazilian judge most responsible for Bolsonaro’s prosecution, Chief Justice Alexandre de Moraes, with disdain. Trump describes the case against Bolsonaro as a “witch hunt” in support of a Lula government, describing the current president as a “radical leftist.”
In fact there is little love lost between Lula and De Moraes. Lula is the leader of the social-democratic Workers’ Party; De Moraes is closely associated with the center-right PSDB and is known for his tough-on-crime stances. De Moraes’ activism dates back to the Bolsonaro presidency, when Brazil’s attorney general, appointed by Bolsonaro, was less than energetic in upholding the rule of law. To transpose the Brazilian situation and De Moraes’ activism to the U.S. context, imagine that, viewing the Justice Department’s lack of vigor in prosecuting Trump, Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. had roused himself to encourage legal action against the president.
Many Americans will view Brazil and the Bolsonaro story with a certain envy. Here is a president who dealt with electoral loss by claiming fraud and by instigating his military and civilian supporters to violence, and who has been held decisively to account.
Accountability of public servants is at the heart of democracy. Voters can hold incumbents accountable in elections — political scientists call this “vertical accountability” — as can coequal branches of government, which we call “horizontal accountability.” Would-be autocratic leaders such as Bolsonaro try to escape both kinds of accountability, staying in office even when they lose (the end of vertical accountability) and undermining independent courts, agencies, central banks and whistle-blowers (there goes the horizontal version). In the end, Bolsonaro was held to account both by voters and by the courts.
Trump’s self-insertion into the Bolsonaro prosecution calls attention to another form of accountability, or at least presidential constraint, which has gone missing from our own governing administration. That is the constraint that presidents experience when advisors keep them from acting on instincts that are unwise.
If such advisors were to be found in today’s White House, they might have counseled the president not to threaten Brazil with high tariffs. Doing so risks exacerbating inflation of the prices of key consumer goods (coffee, orange juice), something that is politically dangerous because controlling inflation was an issue at the heart of Trump’s 2024 reelection campaign. The use of tariff threats as a cudgel to try to save an ally from legal peril also gives lie to the purported rationale behind tariffs: protecting U.S. manufacturers or correcting trade imbalances.
Gone, then, are the days when Americans might have served as a model of democratic governance. For all of its own problems, of which there are many, the second-largest country in our hemisphere is schooling us in what democratic accountability looks like.
Susan Stokes is a professor of political science at the University of Chicago and faculty director of the Chicago Center on Democracy. She is the author, most recently, of “The Backsliders: Why Leaders Undermine Their Own Democracies.”
Susan Stokes
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The majority of a panel of Brazilian Supreme Court justices on Thursday voted to convict former President Jair Bolsonaro of attempting a coup to remain in office despite his 2022 electoral defeat, in a ruling that will deepen political divisions and likely prompt a backlash from the U.S. government.
The far-right politician who governed Brazil between 2019 and 2022 was found guilty on five counts by three members of a five-justice panel. The latest to rule was Cármen Lúcia on Thursday, a day after another justice, Luiz Fux, disagreed and voted to acquit the ex-president of all charges.
There is one justice left to vote but with three justices having voted to convict there is the needed majority. Once all five justices have voted, the panel will decide on Bolsonaro’s sentence, which could amount to decades in prison.
SERGIO LIMA/AFP via Getty Images
President Trump said hours later that he was “very unhappy” with the conviction. Speaking to reporters as he departed the White House, he said he always found Bolsonaro to be “outstanding.”
The conviction, he added, is “very bad for Brazil.”
Lawyers for Bolsonaro have said they will appeal the verdict to the full Supreme Court of 11 justices.
The 70-year-old former president, who has denied any wrongdoing, is currently under house arrest.
Bolsonaro is the first former Brazilian president to be convicted of attempting a coup. He has not attended the court proceedings, and on Thursday morning he was seen at his house’s garage but didn’t speak to reporters.
Justice Lúcia said she was convinced by the evidence the Attorney General’s Office presented against the former president.
“He is the instigator, the leader of an organization that orchestrated every possible move to maintain or seize power,” she said.
The trial has been followed by a divided society, with people backing the process against the former president, while others still support him. Some have taken to the streets to back the far-right leader who contends he is being politically persecuted.
Bolsonaro’s trial got renewed attention after Mr. Trump linked a 50% tariff on imported Brazilian goods to his ally’s legal situation, calling it a ” witch hunt.” Observers say the U.S. might announce new sanctions against Brazil after the trial, further straining their fragile diplomatic relations.
Justice Alexandre de Moraes, who is overseeing the case, said Tuesday that Bolsonaro was the leader of a coup plot and of a criminal organization, and voted in favor of convicting him.
Lawmaker Eduardo Bolsonaro, one of the former president’s sons, on Thursday talk about his father on his social media platforms. But instead of mentioning his father’s conviction, he pushed for his amnesty, which he is seeking through Congress.
“It is time to do nothing less than what is correct, just,” he said.
Fux, in his dissenting opinion on Wednesday, disagreed with de Moraes and the other two justices.
“No one can be punished for cogitation,” Fux said. “A coup d’état does not result from isolated acts or individual demonstrations lacking coordination, but rather from the actions of organized groups, equipped with resources and strategic capacity to confront and replace the incumbent power.”
Earlier Thursday, Lúcia also voted to convict Bolsonaro of organized crime in connection with the alleged coup attempt.
Lúcia allowed de Moraes to interrupt her vote and play several videos that showed Bolsonaro in front of thousands of supporters between 2021 and 2023 urging him to leave the Supreme Court. De Moraes also showed footage of some destruction inside the court’s headquarters after the riots on Jan. 8, 2023.
Bolsonaro faced accusations he attempted to illegally hang onto power after his 2022 electoral defeat to current President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva.
Prosecutors charged Bolsonaro with counts including attempting to stage a coup, being part of an armed criminal organization, attempted violent abolition of the democratic rule of law, as well as being implicated in violence and posing a serious threat to the state’s assets and listed heritage.
“Bolsonaro attempted a coup in this country, and there is hundreds of pieces of evidence,” Lula said early Thursday in an interview with local TV Band, ahead of the trial.
Despite his legal woes, Bolsonaro remains a powerful political player in Brazil.
The far-right politician had been previously banned from running for office until 2030 in a separate case. He is expected to choose an heir who is likely to challenge Lula next year.
The ruling may push Bolsonaro’s allied lawmakers to seek some amnesty for him through Congress.
A full debate on sentencing is expected for Friday. After that, the embattled former leader could face increased pressure to pick a political heir to likely challenge Lula in the general elections next year.
“There is a God in heaven who sees everything, who loves justice and hates iniquity,” former first lady Michelle Bolsonaro wrote on social media.
She was adopted as a child from an orphanage and was subjected to years of abuse when she arrived to the U.S. in Maryland. Decades later, ICE deported her back to Brazil.
It sounded like freedom, like a world of possibility beyond the orphanage walls.
Maria Pires was getting adopted. At 11 years old, she saw herself escaping the chaos and violence of the Sao Paulo orphanage, where she’d been sexually assaulted by a staff member. She saw herself leaving Brazil for America, trading abandonment for belonging.
A single man in his 40s, Floyd Sykes III, came to Sao Paulo to meet her. He signed some paperwork and brought Maria home.
She arrived in the suburbs of Baltimore in the summer of 1989, a little girl with a tousle of dark hair, a nervous smile and barely a dozen words of English. The sprawling subdivision looked idyllic, with rows of modest brick townhouses and a yard where she could play soccer.
She was, she believed, officially an American.
But what happened in that house would come to haunt her, marking the start of a long descent into violence, crime and mental illness.
“My father — my adopted father — he was supposed to save me,” Pires said. Instead, he tortured and sexually abused her.
After nearly three years of abuse, Sykes was arrested. The state placed Pires in foster care.
By then, she was consumed with fury. In the worst years, she beat a teenager at a roller rink, leaving him in a coma. She attacked a prison guard and stabbed her cellmate with a sharpened toothbrush.
In prison, she discovered that no one had ever bothered to complete her immigration paperwork. Not Sykes. Not Maryland social service agencies.
That oversight would leave her without a country. She wasn’t American, it turned out, and she’d lost her Brazilian citizenship when she was adopted by Sykes, who died several years ago. But immigration officials, including those under President Donald Trump’s first administration, let her stay in the country.
After her release from prison in 2017, Pires stayed out of trouble and sought help to control her anger. She checked in once a year with Immigration and Customs Enforcement and paid for an annual work permit.
But in the second Trump administration — with its promise of mass deportations, a slew of executive orders and a crackdown targeting those the president deemed “the worst of the worst” — everything changed. Trump’s unyielding approach to immigration enforcement has swept up tens of thousands of immigrants, including many like Pires who came to the U.S. as children and know little, if any, life outside America. They have been apprehended during ICE raids, on college campuses, or elsewhere in their communities, and their detentions often draw the loudest backlash.
In Pires’ case, she was detained during a routine check-in, sent to one immigration jail after another, and ultimately deported to a land she barely remembers. The Associated Press conducted hours of interviews with Pires and people who know her and reviewed Maryland court records, internal ICE communications, and adoption and immigration paperwork to tell her story.
U.S. immigration officials say Pires is a dangerous serial criminal who’s no longer welcome in the country. Her case, they say, is cut and dried.
Pires, now 47, doesn’t deny her criminal past.
But little about her story is straightforward.
Pires has no clear memories from before she entered the orphanage. All she knows is that her mother spent time in a mental institution.
The organization that facilitated her adoption was later investigated by Brazilian authorities over allegations it charged exorbitant fees and used videos to market available children, according to a Sao Paulo newspaper. Organization leaders denied wrongdoing.
Pires remembers a crew filming a TV commercial. She believes that’s how Sykes found her.
In his custody, the abuse escalated over time. When Sykes went to work, he sometimes left her locked in a room, chained to a radiator with only a bucket as a toilet. He gave her beer and overpowered her when she fought back. She started cutting herself.
Sykes ordered her to keep quiet, but she spoke almost no English then anyway. On one occasion, he forced a battery into her ear as punishment, causing permanent hearing loss.
In September 1992, someone alerted authorities. Sykes was arrested. Child welfare officials took custody of Maria, then 14.
Maryland Department of Human Services spokesperson Lilly Price said the agency couldn’t comment on specific cases because of confidentiality laws but noted in a statement that adoptive parents are responsible for applying for U.S. citizenship for children adopted from other countries.
Court documents show Sykes admitted sexually assaulting Maria multiple times but he claimed the assaults stopped in June 1990.
He was later convicted of child abuse. Though he had no prior criminal record, court officials acknowledged a history of similar behavior, records show.
Between credit for time served and a suspended prison sentence, Sykes spent about two months in jail.
Sykes’ younger sister Leslie Parrish said she’s often wondered what happened to Maria.
“He ruined her life,” she said, weeping. “There’s a special place in hell for people like that.”
Parrish said she wanted to believe her brother had good intentions; he seemed committed to becoming a father and joined a social group for adoptive parents of foreign kids. She even accompanied him to Brazil.
But in hindsight, she sees it differently. She believes sinister motives lurked “in the back of his sick mind.”
At family gatherings, Maria didn’t show obvious signs of distress, though the language barrier made communication difficult. Other behavior was explained away as the result of her troubled childhood in the orphanage, Parrish said.
“But behind closed doors, I don’t know what happened.”
Pires’ teenage years were hard. She drank too much and got kicked out of school for fighting. She ran away from foster homes, including places where people cared for her deeply.
“If ever there was a child who was cheated out of life, it was Maria,” one foster mother wrote in later court filings. “She is a beautiful person, but she has had a hard life for someone so young.”
She struggled to provide for herself, sometimes ending up homeless. “My trauma was real bad,” she said. “I was on my own.”
She became angry and violent. She would fight anyone who crossed her.
At 18, she pleaded guilty to aggravated assault for the roller rink attack. She served two years in prison, where she finally learned basic reading and writing skills. It was then that authorities — and Pires herself — discovered she wasn’t a U.S. citizen.
Her criminal record meant it would be extremely difficult to gain citizenship. Suddenly, she faced deportation.
Pires said she hadn’t realized the potential consequences when accepting her plea deal.
“If l had any idea that I could be deported because of this, I would not have agreed to it,” she wrote, according to court records. “Going to jail was one thing, but I will lose everything if I am deported back to Brazil.”
A team of volunteer lawyers and advocates argued she shouldn’t be punished for something beyond her control.
“Maria has absolutely no one and nothing in Brazil. She would be completely lost there,” an attorney wrote in a 1999 letter to immigration officials.
Ultimately, the American judicial system agreed: Pires would be allowed to remain in the United States if she checked in annually with ICE, a fairly common process until Trump’s second term.
Pires didn’t immediately take advantage of her second chance.
She was arrested for cocaine distribution in 2004 and for check fraud in 2007. While incarcerated, she picked up charges for stabbing her cellmate in the eye, burning an inmate with a flat iron and throwing hot water on a correctional officer. Her sentence was extended.
Pires said she spent several years in solitary confinement, exacerbating her mental health challenges.
Her release in 2017 marked a new beginning. Through therapy and other support services, she learned to manage her anger and stay out of trouble. She gave up drinking. She started working long days in construction. She checked in every year with immigration agents.
But in 2023, work dried up and she fell behind on rent. She felt her mental health slipping. She applied for a women’s transitional housing program in Baltimore.
Pires thrived there. With no high school diploma and only second-grade reading skills, she qualified for a state-run job training course to polish and refinish floors. Photos show her smiling broadly in a blue graduation gown.
Friends say Pires may have a tough exterior, but she’s known for thinking of others first. She often greets people with a cheerful question: “How’s your mental?” It’s her way of acknowledging that everyone carries some sort of burden.
“This is a person who just yearns for family,” said Britney Jones, Pires’ former roommate. “She handles things with so much forgiveness and grace.”
The two were living together when Pires went to downtown Baltimore on March 6 for her annual immigration check-in. She never returned.
When President Donald Trump campaigned for a second term, he doubled down on promises to carry out mass deportations. Within hours of taking office, he signed a series of executive orders, targeting what he called “the worst of the worst” — murderers, rapists, gang members. The goal, officials have said, is 1 million deportations a year.
In March, Pires showed up at the immigration office with paperwork listing all her check-ins over the past eight years. This time, instead of receiving another compliance report, she was immediately handcuffed and detained.
“The government failed her,” attorney Jim Merklinger said. “They allowed this to happen.”
Given that she was adopted into the country as a child, she shouldn’t be punished for something that was out of her hands from the start, he said.
Her March arrest sparked a journey across America’s immigration detention system. From Baltimore, she was sent to New Jersey and Louisiana before landing at Eloy Detention Center in Arizona.
She tried to stay positive. Although Trump’s anti-immigrant rhetoric made her nervous, Pires reminded herself that the system granted her leniency in the past. She told her friends back home not to worry.
On June 2, in an email exchange obtained by AP, an ICE agent asked to have Pires prioritized for a deportation flight to Brazil leaving in four days.
“I would like to keep her as low profile as possible,” the agent wrote.
Her lawyer tried to stop the deportation, calling Maryland politicians, ICE officials and Brazilian diplomats.
“This is a woman who followed all the rules,” Merklinger said. “This should not be happening.”
He received terrified calls from Pires, who was suddenly transferred to a detention facility near Alexandria, Louisiana, a common waypoint for deportation flights.
Finally, Pires said, she was handcuffed, shackled, put on a bus with dozens of other detainees, driven to the Alexandria airport and loaded onto an airplane. There was a large group of Brazilians on the flight, which was a relief, though she spoke hardly any Portuguese after so many years in the U.S.
“I was just praying to God,” she said. “Maybe this is his plan.”
After two stops to drop off other deportees, they arrived in the Brazilian port city of Fortaleza.
Brazilian authorities later took Pires to a women’s shelter in an inland city in the eastern part of the country.
She has spent months there trying to get Brazilian identification documents. She began relearning Portuguese — listening to conversations around her and watching TV.
Most of her belongings are in a Baltimore storage unit, including DJ equipment and a tripod she used for recording videos — two of her passions.
In Brazil, she has almost nothing. She depends on the shelter for necessities such as soap and toothpaste. But she maintains a degree of hope.
“I’ve survived all these years,” Pires said. “I can survive again.”
She can’t stop thinking about her birth family. Years ago, she got a tattoo of her mother’s middle name. Now more than ever, she wants to know where she came from. “I still have that hole in my heart,” she said.
Above all, she hopes to return to America. Her attorney recently filed an application for citizenship. But federal officials say that’s not happening.
“She was an enforcement priority because of her serial criminal record,” Department of Homeland Security Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin said in an email. “Criminals are not welcome in the U.S.”
Every morning, Pires wakes up and keeps trying to build a new life. She’s applied for Brazilian work authorization, but getting a job will probably be difficult until her Portuguese improves. She’s been researching language classes and using her limited vocabulary to communicate with other shelter residents.
In moments of optimism, she imagines herself working as a translator, earning a decent salary and renting a nice apartment.
She wonders if God’s plan will ever become clear.
_____
Mauricio Savarese contributed from Sao Paulo, Brazil.
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© 2025 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, written or redistributed.
WTOP Staff
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Over the years, the Bolsonaro family and the Trumps have met up many times. In one of the more absurd sideshows of Trump’s first term, Bolsonaro brought an entourage to dinner at Mar-a-Lago, and nearly two dozen members of the group subsequently came down with COVID. (Bolsonaro evaded the virus, but it caught up to him a few months after he returned to Brazil. Held in quarantine at the Presidential palace, he was bitten by an emu-like bird that lived on the grounds.)
Even with Bolsonaro out of office, the two men’s trajectories seem unusually linked. As Trump works toward an increasingly militarized U.S., Bolsonaro has often spoken nostalgically of the military dictatorship that ruled Brazil from 1964 to 1985. Although the regime killed hundreds of citizens and tortured tens of thousands more, Bolsonaro, a former paratrooper who served as an officer during those years, has said that the only mistake it made was “not to kill” enough. As he plotted his coup against Lula, he had support from a large sector of the military; many observers worry about how the armed forces will react if he is found guilty.
Many of Bolsonaro’s supporters seem fundamentally unpersuadable. Like Trump, he has gained favor from evangelical Christians, even though he seems to limit his religious observance to occasional, performative acts of piety. In Brazil, Christianity is a significant and growing political force; more than thirty per cent of residents are Pentecostalists, up from thirteen per cent a decade ago.
This phenomenon is fascinatingly illuminated by the Brazilian filmmaker Petra Costa in a newly released documentary called “Apocalypse in the Tropics.” (Her previous film, “The Edge of Democracy,” which charted Brazil’s slide toward autocracy and Bolsonaro’s victory, was nominated for an Academy Award, in 2020.) Costa seeks a deeper understanding of the wave of Pentecostalism that is reshaping the country—and particularly of the relationship between Bolsonaro and his spiritual kingmaker, a sixty-six-year-old pastor named Silas Malafaia.
Using footage that spans much of the past decade, Costa shows how the two men have worked to combine spiritual influence and populist politics. In private and at the pulpit, Malafaia has railed against “cultural Marxism” and “political correctness,” calling to depose the “left-wing nuts”—a reference to Lula’s popular Workers’ Party. On the campaign trail, Bolsonaro promised that every citizen could have a gun at home, and that “there won’t be an inch of land for Indigenous people,” a reference to Brazil’s constitutional obligation to demarcate land for the country’s disenfranchised Indigenous peoples.
Some critics have said that Costa exaggerates Malafaia’s influence. But, when I talked to her recently, she pointed to a fiery speech that Bolsonaro gave, in 2021, in which he vowed not to abide by de Moraes’s rulings and declared that his crusade to regain power could have only three outcomes: victory, prison, or death. As he spoke, Costa saw Malafaia whispering along. “Seeing that scene, I asked myself if it was not Malafaia who wrote that speech,” she said.
Her film shows Malafaia onstage with Bolsonaro in church, and at his side after a nearly lethal stabbing on the campaign trail; we see them sharing a laugh about Bolsonaro’s wedding, at which Malafaia officiated. Throughout, in interviews with Costa, Malafaia justifies his political aspiration with Biblical parables. During a hilariously chaotic drive through Rio de Janeiro, Malafaia succumbs to road rage, then excuses his behavior by saying, “Jesus cracked a whip at the people messing around in the temple.”
A few weeks ago, Malafaia was placed under investigation, after messages found on Bolsonaro’s cellphone revealed that he was advising the former President on dealing with the charges against him; at one point, Malafaia suggests that Bolsonaro record a message for Trump, providing talking points to use against Lula’s government. Bolsonaro tells Malafaia that he’ll try, but that he’s distracted by a fit of hiccups.
After the messages became public, Malafaia shared an unrepentant social-media post: “When Billy Graham counselled American Presidents, we celebrated his courage as proof that the Gospel can reach the highest echelons of power. But when a Brazilian pastor is called to counsel a politician, he is immediately labelled ‘corrupt,’ as if Heaven changes its mind depending on the nationality of the person preaching. When Martin Luther King, Jr., raised his voice against racism, he was killed as a martyr and remembered as a prophet of justice.”
As the Supreme Court prepares to announce its verdict in Bolsonaro’s case, it is difficult to know how many Brazilians will put their faith in Malafaia’s version of politicized religion and how many will adhere to de Moraes’s uncompromising view of justice. In a striking scene from Costa’s film, she accompanies recently elected evangelical legislators to a gathering in the parliament building, where they pray ecstatically, weeping and begging God to enter the chamber. In a subsequent voice-over, Costa muses that, although she is from the same country as the Pentecostals, her basically secular milieu seems like a world apart: “I knew what the Russian Revolution was, and the formula for oxygen, but nothing about the apostle Paul.” She felt that she was witnessing religion being molded into “an unprecedented political force”—a triumph of faith over reason, and over the democratic tenets that underpin modern Brazil.
Yet Costa told me that Bolsonaro’s trial represented a historical reckoning of its own. “Brazil never tried the military for what they did during their dictatorship,” she said. “They were never punished for their crimes. Bolsonaro was elected President celebrating those crimes, so, if he is convicted, this will be a civilizational threshold for Brazil. In a country shaped by coups, this will be the first time someone has been sent to prison for promoting one.” She went on, “It’s interesting to see that we are changing places with the United States, somehow. The United States promoted the Brazilian military coup [of 1964], but now Brazil is the first nation to actually defeat this wave of new fascism, while the United States has shown itself unable to do anything about its own coup attempt and has even elected Donald Trump again.”
I asked Costa what might happen if Bolsonaro is convicted. Would Malafaia’s army of believers take to the streets? Would Bolsonaro’s followers storm the capitol again? She acknowledged that the situation remained “fragile,” and that the risk of insurrection seemed dangerously real. “Many of us are afraid of a return to 1964,” she said. At the same time, Trump’s efforts to impose his will had backfired; in at least some parts of Brazilian society, the tariffs and the bullying rhetoric had made people more insistent that the country seek justice on its own terms. Almost anything could happen, Costa said: “Let’s see what the dramaturgy of Brazilian life has in store for us.” ♦
Jon Lee Anderson
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Travis Kelce’s first game of the NFL season went down in front of thousands of fans in Brazil on Friday, but who wasn’t in the stands cheering him on? His new fiancée, Taylor Swift!
Sources claimed this week the pop star would make the long journey to watch the Kansas City Chiefs take on the Los Angeles Chargers. She possibly was even skipping the VMAs to support Travis! However, Tay actually didn’t show up! Wow! Although shocking and disappointing to many Swifties who hoped to catch a glimpse of her during the game, she had a good reason for missing it!
According to Dailymail.com on Friday night, between the cost and security risk, it just wasn’t practical for the Evermore singer to travel all that way for only a couple of hours! An insider explained:
“The travel and the cost and most importantly the security, which goes along with the aforementioned travel and cost are all the reasons Taylor didn’t go to the game to see Travis play. She would have wanted her security team there a few days ahead to make sure everything was OK. So, with all of that combined, it would have been a tremendous cost for only a few hours to be in the city.”
Related: Taylor Swift & Travis Kelce ‘Bring Out the Best In Each Other,’ Say Friends!
It makes sense! She doesn’t even normally attend games outside of Arrowhead Stadium. Fans also know that Taylor has dealt with some really scary situations in the past, including a foiled terror plot, and she is now more than ever overly cautious! She wants to keep not only herself safe but others, so it sounds like she wasn’t going to risk it for one abroad game!
Just because she wasn’t in the stands doesn’t mean she didn’t watch it, though! The source went on to say that “she is enjoying watching the game on her own time.” Oh boy, that means she saw that slap to the helmet Travis took — and the Chiefs’ loss! Yikes!
And don’t worry, fans! Taylor will be at future games! The source continued:
“This isn’t a tour stop or anything, or the Super Bowl. It is week one and she will be at enough games this season, especially in Kansas City where her security team is familiar with the stadium, she can be with her crew and then stay at Travis’s house before and afterward. It ended up being the smart thing to do, it was easier not to move mountains to watch one game.”
The “smart thing,” yes! But the Chiefs really needed their good luck charm for that game! Oof!
Reactions, Perezcious readers? Are you excited to see Taylor at games this season? Let us know in the comments!
[Image via MEGA/WENN]
Perez Hilton
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Aw! Travis Kelce isn’t done talking about his engagement!
The football star is in Brazil as he prepares for his team, the Kansas City Chiefs, to face off against the Los Angeles Chargers in São Paulo on Friday, kicking off the regular NFL season.
During his first press conference since announcing his engagement to Taylor Swift on Thursday, a reporter asked the 35-year-old how his “life has changed” and if he’s had any “difficulty to focus” on the field since he started “dating” the pop star. Definitely a loaded question considering the singer’s been blamed for pulling his focus from the game, and the athlete has also been candid about how his standards “slipped a little bit” last season while he pursued other opportunities, resulting in a disappointing Super Bowl loss.
Related: Why Jason ‘Never Lost Hope’ Travis Would Find True Love Before Taylor Swift
But before getting to even address the question, his teammate, Patrick Mahomes, who was beside him, hilariously chimed in to make sure they all got it right:
“Engaged!”
Hah! That’s right, not just dating anymore! And how could everyone forget that detail?? It’s practically all anyone’s been talking about — including Trav and his family!
Everyone laughed at the correction as Travis smiled and replied:
“There we go. Exactly. I got one more ring from it. Well, two if we’re counting the first Super Bowl.”
LOLz!
The New Heights podcast host then got serious for a moment, expressing:
“I would say, ever since I’ve been dating Taylor, life has been fun, you know. It’s been exciting. Obviously, a lot more eyes and I accept that, but it’s just… I’m living life. Living on a high, I guess.”
Patrick added:
“It’s a dream, dude.”
So sweet!
We love to hear him gush about her!
Ch-ch-check out the full presser (below) with the Taylor chatter happening about 23 minutes in:
Travis really seems so happy as a fiancé! We hope this positive energy secures them a win in the upcoming game. That would be an epic way to start the season!
Reactions, Perezcious readers? Share ’em (below)!
[Image via Kansas City Chiefs/YouTube & Taylor Swift/Instagram]
Perez Hilton
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A Mesa County sheriff’s deputy resigned Tuesday, almost three months after he was accused of violating state law by sharing information with federal officials that led to a Utah college student’s immigration arrest, according to court records.
Colorado Attorney General Phil Weiser on Thursday dropped the lawsuit he filed against Investigator Alexander Zwinck over the incident because of the deputy’s resignation, according to court records. Weiser agreed to dismiss the case because the law no longer applies to Zwinck after his resignation, according to a motion filed last week.
A larger investigation into whether other state law enforcement officers in the region collaborated with federal officials in a Signal group chat for the purposes of federal immigration enforcement will continue, said Lawrence Pacheco, spokesman for the attorney general’s office.
“Because the laws he is accused of violating apply only to state and local employees, the attorney general’s office is dismissing the lawsuit against Mr. Zwinck but retaining the right to re-file the case if Mr. Zwinck becomes a state or local employee in the future,” Pacheco said.
Weiser alleged in the lawsuit that Zwinck knowingly assisted in federal immigration enforcement by sharing information about 19-year-old Caroline Dias Goncalves in the Signal group chat during a June 5 traffic stop on Interstate 70 near Loma.
Colorado law prohibits local law enforcement officers from carrying out civil immigration enforcement and largely blocks local police agencies from working with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
The deputy purposely stalled Dias Goncalves so federal immigration officers could get into position to arrest her, and passed on details about the make and model of her car, her license plate, and her direction and timing of travel to the federal officers, knowing it would be used for immigration enforcement, Weiser said.
Zwinck pulled Dias Goncalves over because she was following a semitrailer too closely. At about 1:40 p.m., he shared a picture of her driver’s license in the Signal group chat so that federal agents could run her information through a number of databases that are only accessible to them, Weiser alleged in the lawsuit.
Zwinck questioned Dias Goncalves about her accent and where she was from — she said she was born in Brazil. He shared his location with the federal agents, who responded that they were en route. He kept Dias Goncalves for about 15 minutes, then let her go with a warning at about 1:55 p.m.
The federal agents then arrested her on immigration grounds. Dias Goncalves, who attends the University of Utah, came to the U.S. from Brazil with her family when she was 7 and overstayed a tourist visa. She has a pending asylum application, according to the Salt Lake Tribune.
The Signal group chat included a mix of local and federal officers and was used for regional drug-smuggling enforcement, according to the Mesa County Sheriff’s Office.
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Shelly Bradbury
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German car manufacturer Volkswagen (VW) has been handed a massive fine in Brazil over allegations of modern slavery on an Amazonian farm during the country’s military dictatorship.
The Redenção labour court, in the Amazonian state of Pará, on Friday ordered VW’s Brazilian subsidiary to pay compensation of 165 million reais ($30.4 million) over the illegal exploitation of workers in the 1970s and 1980s, the Brazilian public prosecutor’s office for labour said.
According to the office, the fine is the highest ever imposed in Brazil for modern slave labour.
The VW subsidiary has announced it will appeal the decision.
“With a 72-year tradition, the company consistently upholds the principles of human dignity and strictly adheres to all applicable labour laws and regulations,” said Volkswagen do Brasil.
The allegations relate to conditions at the Fazenda Vale do Rio Cristalino farm, which belonged to a subsidiary of Volkswagen do Brasil.
The cattle farm was founded with the support of the military dictatorship as part of a national strategy to develop and colonize the Amazon region.
The investigation began in 2019 after priest Ricardo Rezende, then regional coordinator of the Rural Pastoral Commission, documented the case.
An out-of-court settlement failed in 2023. As a result, the company was finally sued in December 2024.
According to the allegations, hundreds of temporary workers at the farm, also known as Fazenda Volkswagen, were subjected to long working days and degrading working conditions.
Armed guards and a system of debt bondage prevented the workers from leaving the farm, investigators said.