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Tag: Black people

  • Phoenix’s long simmering heat poised to break records for relentless high temperatures

    Phoenix’s long simmering heat poised to break records for relentless high temperatures

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    PHOENIX — A relentless streak of temperatures hitting 110 degrees Fahrenheit (43.3 C) or more in Phoenix is poised to smash a record for major U.S. cities, showing that Earth’s ongoing summer swelter is as persistent as it is hot. The stretch of dangerous heat tied the record Monday and is set to reach 19 days on Tuesday.

    Nighttime has offered little relief from the brutal temperatures. Phoenix’s low of 95 F (35 C) on Monday was its highest overnight low ever, smashing the previous record of 93 F (33.8 C) set in 2009. It was the eighth straight day of temperatures not falling below 90 F (32.2 C), another record.

    It’s “pretty miserable when you don’t have any recovery overnight,” said National Weather Service meteorologist Matt Salerno.

    The length of Phoenix’s heat wave is notable even during a summer in which much of the southern United States and the world as a whole has been cooking in record temperatures, something scientists say is stoked by climate change.

    What’s going on in city at the heart of a region known as the Valley of the Sun is far worse than a short spike in the thermometer, experts said, and it poses a health danger to many.

    “Long-term exposure to heat is more difficult to withstand than single hot days, especially if it is not cooling off at night enough to sleep well,” said Katharine Jacobs, director of the Center for Climate Adaptation Science and Solutions at the University of Arizona.

    “This will likely be one of the most notable periods in our health record in terms of deaths and illness,” said David Hondula, chief heat officer for the City of Phoenix. “Our goal is for that not to be the case.”

    The last time Phoenix didn’t reach 110 F (43.3 C) was June 29, when it hit 108 (42.2 C). The record of 18 days above 110 that was tied Monday was first set in 1974, and it appeared destined to be shattered with temperatures forecast above that through the end of the week.

    “This is very persistent,” said National Weather Service meteorologist Isaac Smith. “We’re just going to see this streak continue it looks like.”

    No other major U.S. city has had a streak of 110 degree days or 90 degree nights longer than Phoenix, said weather historian Christopher Burt of the Weather Company.

    NOAA climate data scientists Russ Vose and Ken Kunkel found no large cities with that run of heat, but smaller places such as Death Valley and Needles in California and Casa Grande in Arizona have had longer streaks. Death Valley has had an 84-day streak of 110-degree temperatures and a 47-day streak of nighttime temperatures not going below 90, Vose said.

    Phoenix’s heat wave has both long and short-term causes, said Arizona State University’s Randy Cerveny, who coordinates weather record verification for the World Meteorological Organization.

    “The long-term is the continuation of increasing temperatures in recent decades due to human influence on climate, while the short-term cause is the persistence over the last few weeks of a very strong upper level ridge of high pressure over the western United States,” he said.

    That high pressure, also known as a heat dome, has been around the Southwest cooking it for weeks, and when it moved, it moved to be even more centered on Phoenix than ever, Smith said.

    All of the southern U.S. has been under a heat dome with temperature records shattered from California to Florida and the globe itself is the hottest its been on record for much of the summer.

    The high pressure in the Southwest also prevents cooling rain and clouds from bringing relief, Smith said. Normally, the Southwest’s monsoon season kicks in around mid-June with rain and clouds. But Phoenix has not had measurable rain since mid-March.

    “Although it is always hot in the summer in Phoenix, this heat wave is intense and unrelenting,” Jacobs said. “Unfortunately, it is a harbinger of things to come given that the most reliable projected impacts of climate change are those that are directly related to the increase in global temperatures. ”

    Since 1983, Phoenix’s average daily summer temperature has increased 3.6 degrees (2 degrees Celsius), it’s daily high temperature has gone up 3.2 degrees (1.8 degrees Celsius) and it’s nighttime low has gone up 4.4 degrees (2.4 degrees Celsius), according to NOAA.

    “The changing climate along with urban heating are certainly exacerbating the warmer temperatures and making them more frequent,” Smith said.

    And that’s dangerous for many groups.

    “Heat waves are deadly, especially for the homeless, for people who work outdoors or for those who have inadequate air conditioning,” Jacobs said. “It is especially hard for older people and those with underlying health conditions to stay hydrated.”

    Such heat can hit Indian Country particularly hard. Jacobs said about 30% of the population of the Hopi and Navajo reservations lack running water and air conditioning and aren’t near cooling centers. That’s especially unfair because “tribal members have contributed very little to greenhouse gas concentrations,” she said.

    Another aspect of heat waves that disproportionately affects certain communities is the urban heat island effect, where cities are warming because of buildings and lack of trees and greenspace, said Dr. Jonathan Patz, a professor of health and the environment at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.

    A study published two years ago in the journal Nature Communications found that people of color face more extreme temperatures compared to non-Hispanic white people, and poor people must deal with hotter temperatures than rich people.

    Phoenix’s majority Hispanic neighborhoods tend to have less tree canopy than other parts of the city.

    And one of the hottest neighborhoods in the city is Edison-Eastlake, a historically Black neighborhood east of downtown that has become majority Latino, where in past years temperatures have reached as much as 10 degrees higher than other parts of the city.

    Arizona State University researchers are conducting a heat study of the neighborhood, which is home to the largest collection of public housing in Arizona, to gauge whether temperatures ease as it undergoes redevelopment aimed at better protecting residents from extreme heat. Any conclusions so far have not been made public.

    Hondula, the Phoenix heat officer, was involved in that study several years ago as a researcher at the university.

    “It’s very clear that heat has disproportionate impacts on some communities,” he said. “That’s where we can and should work.”

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    Follow AP’s climate and environment coverage at https://apnews.com/hub/climate-and-environment

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    Borenstein reported from Washington. Follow Seth Borenstein and Anita Snow on Twitter at @borenbears and @asnowreports

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    Associated Press climate and environmental coverage receives support from several private foundations. See more about AP’s climate initiative here. The AP is solely responsible for all content.

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  • Lawsuit by Buffalo supermarket shooting victims pins blame on Facebook, Amazon and other tech giants

    Lawsuit by Buffalo supermarket shooting victims pins blame on Facebook, Amazon and other tech giants

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    BUFFALO, N.Y. — Tech and social media giants like Facebook, Amazon and Google bear responsibility for radicalizing the Buffalo supermarket shooter, who was fueled by racist conspiracy theories he encountered online, the victim’s relatives said in a lawsuit filed Wednesday.

    “They were the conspirators, even if they don’t want to admit it,” civil rights attorney Ben Crump said at a news conference announcing a 171-page lawsuit, which seeks unspecified financial damages as well as changes in how the companies operate.

    The suit names several online platforms including Facebook’s parent company Meta, Instagram, Google, Discord and Amazon — which owns Twitch, the livestreaming platform the shooter used to broadcast last year’s shooting. The suit also names RMA Armament, the maker of the gunman’s body armor, as well as the firearms retailers that sold him weapons.

    Ten Black people were killed and three others were wounded in May 2022 when Payton Gendron opened fire at the Tops Friendly Market in a predominantly Black neighborhood of Buffalo, New York, which he targeted after conducting research online. Gendron, who was 18 years old at the time, had driven 200 miles (322 kilometers) from his home in Conklin, New York.

    He is serving a prison sentence of life without parole after pleading guilty to crimes including murder and domestic terrorism motivated by hate.

    The lawsuit says Gendron admits he became addicted to social media and was “lured, unsuspectingly, into a psychological vortex by defective social media applications and fed a steady stream of racist and white supremacist propaganda and falsehoods.”

    The mother of Zaire Goodman, who was shot in the neck and survived, described being “tagged” in a video that circulated widely online after Gendron livestreamed his rampage using a camera attached to the helmet he wore.

    “No one should be looking at that,” Goodman’s mother, Zeneta Everhart, said.

    Twenty-two users watched the violence in real-time on Gendron’s Twitch account, which was simultaneously broadcast on his Discord account, according to the lawsuit.

    Just before the shooting, the gunman also made public 700 pages of an online diary detailing his plans, and linked to a Google document containing a self-described “manifesto” describing his racist motivations, the lawsuit said.

    In response to the lawsuit, a spokesman for YouTube, which is owned by Google, said the company has invested in technology and policies to identify and remove extremist content.

    “We regularly work with law enforcement, other platforms, and civil society to share intelligence and best practices,” José Castañeda said in an emailed statement to The Associated Press.

    Kimberly Salter, whose husband, Aaron Salter, was the store’s security guard, said at a news conference Wednesday that “These are human beings’ lives that were taken by a murderer.”

    Aaron Salter, a retired police officer, was fatally shot after a bullet he fired struck Gendron but was deflected by body armor, authorities said.

    The body armor’s manufacturer, RMA Armament, said the lawsuit comes as a surprise and that its “products are intended for the protection of law-abiding private citizens, police departments and government partners.”

    Other companies named in the suit did not immediately respond to emailed requests for comment.

    Buffalo attorney Terrence Connors, who along with Crump represents the families, said the legal team has thoroughly examined “the entire line of the gun distribution, the manufacturers of the body armor, the high capacity magazines that are plainly illegal,” as well as not social media platforms.

    “What we found was downright scary,” he said.

    The suit also names Gendron’s parents, Paul and Pamela Gendron, who the lawsuit claims armed their son despite warning signs that he was dangerous.

    The Gendrons’ lawyer did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

    The lawsuit is similar to one filed in May by other victims’ of the shooting. Attorneys said the lawsuits may be combined.

    “There were many people who helped him load that gun,” Crump said. “And it is our objective to make sure that everybody that loaded that gun is held to account.”

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  • Detroit-area officer charged with federal civil rights crime after punching Black man

    Detroit-area officer charged with federal civil rights crime after punching Black man

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    A suburban Detroit police officer who punched a 19-year-old Black man in the face and slammed his head to the ground is now facing a federal civil rights crime

    WARREN, Mich. — A suburban Detroit police officer who punched a young Black man in the face and slammed his head to the ground was charged Monday with a federal civil rights crime.

    A criminal complaint against Matthew Rodriguez was unsealed in federal court ahead of an afternoon news conference by U.S. Attorney Dawn Ison.

    Jaquwan Smith, 19, was being processed at the Warren police station on June 13 after he was arrested on a warrant for multiple felonies.

    Video shows Rodriguez exchanging words with Smith before the officer punched him, knocked him to the floor and slammed his head on the ground.

    Other Warren officers immediately intervened and reported the incident to managers.

    Smith had previously been searched for weapons, indicating there was no threat to the officer’s security, a court filing said.

    “The victim was not in an aggressive stance and his hands were by his side with his thumbs in his pants,” FBI agent Brent Nida said in a court filing.

    Rodriguez was fired on June 23 and, charged separately with two misdemeanors in state court.

    His defense attorney, Elias Muawad, had no immediate comment.

    “This is not what we do. This is not who we are,” William Dwyer, the police commissioner in Warren, said during a press conference on June 20 where the video was shown.

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  • With Griffey’s help, MLB hosts HBCU All-Star Game hoping to create opportunity for Black players

    With Griffey’s help, MLB hosts HBCU All-Star Game hoping to create opportunity for Black players

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    SEATTLE — Ken Griffey Jr. holds a plethora of titles, especially in this part of the country. Hall of Famer. Cultural icon. The guy who made baseball in the Pacific Northwest relevant. Arguably, the greatest of his generation.

    He even holds a title in association with Major League Baseball as a special adviser to Commissioner Rob Manfred.

    But what’s most meaningful to Griffey currently is his association with Friday’s HBCU Swingman All-Star Classic that serves as the first major event of All-Star Game festivities, featuring players from 17 Historically Black Colleges and Universities.

    The event was an idea generated by Griffey, fostered into reality with help from MLB and the MLB-MLBPA Youth Development Foundation, and comes at a time when U.S.-born Black representation in the majors is at its lowest level since tracking began more than 30 years ago.

    “It’s all about trying to get seen. I mean, if I can give an opportunity for a kid, one kid, two kids, three kids to be seen, how many kids can that be over the next five, 10, 15 years?” Griffey said. “How many lives will that one person change? That’s all we’re trying to do.”

    Fifty players in total were selected to take part. For some, it may be the biggest stage they’ve ever played on and the best opportunity for scouts and executives to see that despite limited resources compared to others in Division I baseball, their talent deserves to be showcased.

    “It’s huge. I think a lot more people see his name and they get drawn to it just because he’s Ken Griffey Jr.,” said Trey Paige, who played this past season at Delaware State. “Having his name on it draws attention from people who would have had no idea about it.”

    That’s partly the goal, especially with how current numbers have tracked.

    A recent study from The Institute for Diversity and Ethics in Sport at Central Florida found Black U.S. players represented just 6.2% of players on MLB opening day rosters, down from last year’s previous record low of 7.2%. There wasn’t a single HBCU alum on a major league roster on opening day this season, either.

    That is why Griffey pushed for this event to be part of All-Star weekend rather than his original thought of having it take place during the Hank Aaron Invitational in Florida, an MLB-MLBPA Youth Development Foundation sponsored event focused on youth players. It’s another title Griffey hopes can eventually be added to his career resume — someone who helped grow and create opportunities for under-recognized Black players.

    “I would love to see the numbers to my dad’s when he played, but that’s so far from now,” said Griffey, whose father played from 1973-91, overlapping with the careers of HBCU standouts like Lou Brock and Andre Dawson. “I just want for these kids to have an opportunity to believe in themselves and go out and play.”

    Griffey’s participation in the event is not passive. This isn’t simply his name and logo attached to the title for the sake of interest and attention. He’s seen firsthand some of the resource limitations facing HBCU schools, but from a slightly different perspective — his youngest son Tevin plays at Florida A&M.

    “I just threw out a very big idea … but it was one of those things that needed to be done,” Griffey said.

    Griffey isn’t alone in this mission, or the first game. Jerry Manuel and Bo Porter are managers for the game. Others helping include Dawson, Marquis Grissom, Harold Reynolds, Rickie Weeks Jr. and Griffey’s dad — known at this point as Senior.

    The elder Griffey, now 73, reminisced at a time during his playing career when demographic participation rates weren’t tracked, but anecdotally nearly 30% of the majors comprised of U.S.-born Black players.

    When Senior and Junior were teammates with the Mariners in 1991, it was the first year of the TIDES study. At that time, 18% of players in the majors were Black. It’s now to the point where last year’s World Series was the first since 1950 that didn’t have a U.S.-born Black player on either roster.

    “We’ve got to keep going and passing it down from generation to generation,” said Bethune-Cookman’s Hylan Hall. “When I go back home, I train younger guys. I’m around younger guys and show them that it’s fun. … The younger generation is looking at me and looking up to me and I know that’s a great responsibility.”

    MLB’s current lack of Black players is frequently attributed to the rising costs of elite-level youth baseball, among other factors. The league has sought to address that inequity, and there are signs those investments are beginning to pay off.

    Four of the first five picks in last year’s MLB amateur draft were Black. Those four were among the hundreds who had participated in diversity initiatives such as the MLB Youth Academy, DREAM Series and the Reviving Baseball in Inner Cities (RBI) program. MLB has also pledged $150 million in a 10-year partnership with the Players Alliance. The nonprofit organization of current and former players works to increase Black involvement at all levels.

    “Running this organization from the beginning as the first executive director, I am confident that we’re already making an impact,” said Jean Lee Batrus, executive director of the joint MLB-MLBPA Youth Development Foundation. “The numbers are growing when you look at youth sport. There’s more kids playing youth baseball and softball and I can speak specifically to underrepresented in diverse communities that there’s a desire there.”

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    AP MLB: https://apnews.com/hub/mlb and https://twitter.com/AP_Sports

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  • Viola Ford Fletcher, oldest living Tulsa Race Massacre victim, publishes memoir

    Viola Ford Fletcher, oldest living Tulsa Race Massacre victim, publishes memoir

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    NEW YORK — Being a centenarian hasn’t slowed down Viola Ford Fletcher’s pursuit of justice.

    In the last couple of years, Fletcher has traveled internationally, testified before Congress and supported a lawsuit for reparations — all part of a campaign for accountability over the massacre that destroyed Tulsa, Oklahoma’s original “Black Wall Street” in 1921, when she was a child.

    Now, at age 109, Fletcher is releasing a memoir about the life she lived in the shadow of the massacre, after a white mob laid waste to the once-thriving Black enclave known as Greenwood. The book will be published by Mocha Media Inc. on Tuesday and becomes widely available for purchase on Aug. 15.

    In a recent interview with The Associated Press, she said fear of reprisal for speaking out had influenced years of near-silence about the massacre.

    “Now that I’m an old lady, there’s nothing else to talk about,” Fletcher said. “We decided to do a book about it and maybe that would help.”

    Her memoir, “Don’t Let Them Bury My Story,” is a call to action for readers to pursue truth, justice and reconciliation no matter how long it takes. Written with graphic details of the 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre that she witnessed at age seven, Fletcher said she hoped to preserve a narrative of events that was nearly lost to a lack of acknowledgement from mainstream historians and political leaders.

    “The questions I had then remain to this day,” Fletcher writes in the book. “How could you just give a mob of violent, crazed, racist people a bunch of deadly weapons and allow them — no, encourage them — to go out and kill innocent Black folks and demolish a whole community?”

    “As it turns out, we were victims of a lie,” she writes.

    Tensions between Tulsa’s Black and white residents inflamed when, on May 31, 1921, the white-owned Tulsa Tribune published a sensationalized news report of an alleged assault by a 19-year-old Black shoeshine on a 17-year-old white girl working as an elevator operator.

    With the shoeshine under arrest, a Black militia gathered at a local jail to prevent a lynch mob from kidnapping and murdering him. Then, a separate violent clash between Black and white residents sparked an all-out war.

    Over 18 hours, between May 31 and June 1, the enlarged mob carried out a scorched-earth campaign against Greenwood. The death toll has been estimated to be as high as 300. More than 35 city blocks were leveled, an estimated 191 businesses were destroyed, and roughly 10,000 Black residents were displaced.

    In her memoir, Fletcher writes of the bumpy ride out of town in a horse-drawn buggy, as her family escaped the chaos. She witnessed a Black man being executed, his head exploded like “a watermelon dropped off the rooftop of a barn.”

    The shooter had also fired his shotgun at her family’s buggy.

    “We passed piles of dead bodies heaped in the streets,” she writes in the book. “Some of them had their eyes open, as though they were still alive, but they weren’t.”

    Victims’ descendants believed that, once the conspiracy of silence around it was pierced decades later, justice and reparations for Tulsa’s Black community would follow. That hasn’t happened just yet — Fletcher and two other centenarian survivors are currently plaintiffs in a lawsuit against the city of Tulsa.

    Ike Howard, Fletcher’s grandson and co-author of the memoir, said systemic racism has prevented Tulsa’s Black community from fully recovering from the massacre.

    “They want to be made whole,” Howard said. “We speak for everybody that went through a similar situation, who are not here to tell their stories.”

    “You can learn a lot from ‘Don’t Let Them Bury My Story.’ And we know that history can repeat itself if you don’t correct and reconcile issues,” he added.

    Fletcher notes in her memoir just how much history she has lived through — from several virus outbreaks preceding the coronavirus pandemic, to the Great Depression of 1929 and the Great Recession of 2008 to every war and international conflict of the last seven decades. She has watched the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. lead the national Civil Rights Movement, seen the historic election of former President Barack Obama and witnessed the rise of the Black Lives Matter movement.

    In 2020, Howard purchased his grandmother a brand new color TV for her birthday. Several months later, on Jan. 6, the images of the mob attack on the U.S. Capitol following the historic election of President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris retraumatized her.

    “With that horrific scene, all of what occurred back in 1921 in Greenwood came flooding back into my mind,” Fletcher writes in the book.

    In the AP interview, Fletcher attributed her active lifestyle at an advanced age to her reliance on faith and family. While in New York last month to publicize the book with Howard and her younger brother, 102-year-old Hughes Van Ellis, Fletcher saw the cover of her memoir advertised on jumbo screens in Times Square.

    Van Ellis, a massacre survivor and World War II veteran whose words from his 2021 testimony to Congress serve as the foreword to his sister’s memoir, said he believes justice is possible in his lifetime.

    “We’re getting pretty close (to justice), but we aren’t close enough,” he said. “We’ve got a lot more work to do. I have to keep on battling. I’m fighting for myself and my people.”

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    Aaron Morrison is a member of AP’s Race and Ethnicity team. Follow him on Twitter: https://www.twitter.com/aaronlmorrison.

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  • In the Supreme Court chamber, the subject was race, the mood was somber, the criticism harsh

    In the Supreme Court chamber, the subject was race, the mood was somber, the criticism harsh

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    WASHINGTON — Chief Justice John Roberts delivered the Supreme Court ruling striking down race-based admissions in higher education, but it was the three justices who make the court the most diverse in its 233-year history who marked the stark, embittered battle lines over affirmative action.

    It was a moment heavy with history and emotion. Clarence Thomas, the longest serving justice and the court’s second Black justice, read a concurring opinion from the bench, pointedly rejecting the validity of using race as the basis for preferential consideration. He was followed by Sonia Sotomayor, its first Latina, whose dissenting opinion took aim at Thomas. Then came Ketanji Brown Jackson, the court’s first Black woman, whose written dissent was its own biting, metaphor-laden rebuke.

    The mood in the courtroom Thursday was somber, with most of the justices sitting expressionless, taking occasional sips of water. Both Jackson and Sotomayor looked straight ahead as Roberts read the majority opinion and Thomas his concurrence.

    Thomas, who has opposed race-based measures that have come to the court since his confirmation in 1991, focused on how the practice had negatively impacted Asian Americans to the advantage of Black students.

    “Although it’s not my practice to announce my separate opinions from the bench, the race-based discrimination against Asian Americans in these cases compels me to do so today,” Thomas said.

    He said later that “The Constitution continues to embody a simple truth: Two discriminatory wrongs cannot make a right.”

    Thomas said the nation’s racial problems cannot be solved by “affirmative action or some other conception of equity. Racialism simply cannot be undone by different or more racialism.”

    Thursday’s court ruling, he said, “makes clear that, in the future, universities wishing to discriminate based on race in admissions must articulate and justify a compelling and measurable state interest based on concrete evidence. Given the strictures set out by the court, I highly doubt any will be able to do so.”

    Thomas has consistently opposed affirmative action in his career, but until Thursday, had most often been on the losing side of the court’s decision.

    While his view won, he was not unscathed.

    Thomas and Sotomayor sit next to each other as the senior and third-most-senior justices. Both come from humble beginnings and have spoken openly about how affirmative action played a role in their admissions to college and law school.

    Any semblance of a shared journey, however, was not in evidence. When Sotomayor read her dissent, the tension was palpable in the ornate, staid chamber with the sculpted marble panels portraying Justice, Wisdom and Truth and a variety of historic figures, from Moses to Mohammad, peering down from above.

    While she criticized the majority opinion and said it was rolling back “decades of precedent and momentous progress” she saved her most visible ire for Thomas’ opinion.

    “Justice Thomas offers an ‘originalist defense of the colorblind Constitution,’ but his historical analysis leads to the inevitable conclusion that the Constitution is not, in fact, colorblind.”

    She later criticized Thomas for using race when it suits him and said his arguments played to racial tropes.

    “Justice Thomas, for his part, offers a multitude of arguments for why race-conscious college admissions policies supposedly ‘burden’ racial minorities. None of them has any merit,” she said. “He first renews his argument that the use of race in holistic admissions leads to the ‘inevitable underperformance’ by Black and Latino students at elite universities ‘because they are less academically prepared than the white and Asian students with whom they must compete.’ ”

    Jackson, who recused herself from the case involving Harvard because she had been an advisory board member there, called the decision “truly a tragedy for us all.”

    The 6-3 decision had been foretold since before Jackson was elevated to the court in 2022 with twin cases involving Harvard and the University of North Carolina heading for rulings. The court had grown more conservative during President Donald Trump’s administration, particularly after the death of the liberal Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg and her replacement in 2020 by conservative Justice Amy Coney Barrett.

    “With let-them-eat-cake obliviousness, today, the majority pulls the ripcord and announces ‘colorblindness for all’ by legal fiat,” Jackson wrote. “But deeming race irrelevant in law does not make it so in life.”

    She said the court had “detached itself from this country’s actual past and present experiences.”

    In her footnotes, Jackson said Thomas “demonstrates an obsession with race consciousness that far outstrips my or UNC’s holistic understanding that race can be a factor that affects applicants’ unique life experiences.” She added that the takeaway is that “those who demand that no one think about race (a classic pink-elephant paradox) refuse to see, much less solve for, the elephant in the room—the race-linked disparities that continue to impede achievement of our great Nation’s full potential.”

    Although legal barriers are gone, race still matters, she said. “The best that can be said of the majority’s perspective is that it proceeds (ostrich-like) from the hope that preventing consideration of race will end racism.”

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  • Civil rights icon James Meredith turns 90, urges people to fight crime by obeying Ten Commandments

    Civil rights icon James Meredith turns 90, urges people to fight crime by obeying Ten Commandments

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    JACKSON, Miss. — JACKSON, Miss. (AP) — James Meredith knew he was putting his life in danger in the 1960s by pursuing what he believes was his divine mission: conquering white supremacy in the deeply, and often violently, segregated state of Mississippi.

    A half-century later, the civil rights leader is still talking about his mission from God. In recent weeks, he made several appearances around his home state, urging people to obey the Ten Commandments and the Golden Rule in order to reduce crime. On his 90th birthday on Sunday, Meredith said older generations should lead the way.

    “Old folks not only can control it — it’s their job to control it,” Meredith told The Associated Press in an interview Sunday after an event honoring him at the Mississippi Capitol.

    Meredith is a civil rights icon who has long resisted that label because he believes it sets issues such as voting rights and equal access to education apart from other human rights.

    During the event, Meredith fell while trying to stand and speak. He leaned on an unsecured lectern, and it crashed forward with Meredith on top. People nearby scrambled to return him to a wheelchair.

    Meredith suffered no visible injuries. An ambulance crew checked him later, and then Meredith went to his home in Jackson to have a birthday celebration with his family. His wife, Judy Alsobrooks Meredith, said Monday that he was spending time with grandchildren and showing no signs of pain.

    In October 1962, federal marshals escorted Meredith as he enrolled as the first Black student at the University of Mississippi, while white people rioted on the Oxford campus. Mississippi’s governor at the time, Ross Barnett, had stirred mobs into a frenzy by declaring that Ole Miss would not be integrated under his watch.

    Meredith was a 29-year-old Air Force veteran who had already taken classes at one of Mississippi’s historically Black colleges, Jackson State. NAACP attorneys represented him as he obtained a federal court order to enter the state’s flagship public university. After a largely solitary existence at Ole Miss, Meredith graduated in 1963 with a bachelor’s degree in political science.

    After graduating, Meredith set out to promote Black voter registration and show that a Black man could walk through Mississippi without fear. In June 1966, a white man with a shotgun wounded Meredith on the second day of a march from Memphis, Tennessee, to Jackson, Mississippi. With Meredith hospitalized, the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., Stokely Carmichael and other civil rights leaders continued the march, often followed by long lines of activists and local people.

    Less than three weeks after he was shot, Meredith had recovered enough to join the final stretch of what became known as the March Against Fear. It ended at the state Capitol, where an estimated 15,000 people gathered for Mississippi’s largest civil rights rally.

    This year, Meredith had planned to walk 200 miles (322 kilometers) in Mississippi to spread his anti-crime message — roughly the same distance as the March Against Fear. Instead, he made a series of appearances in recent weeks, often using a rolling walker, a wheelchair or a golf cart.

    On Sunday, Meredith rode in a golf cart for the final quarter-mile (0.40 kilometers) from Jackson City Hall to the Mississippi Capitol, led by a high school marching band and accompanied by dozens of people on foot. A racially diverse group of about 200 people sought shade under magnolia and oak trees while listening to songs, speeches and a child’s poem praising Meredith.

    Flonzie BrownWright, a longtime Mississippi civil rights activist who participated in the 1966 March Against Fear, said she believes Meredith is a genius at creating strategies for social change.

    “He is a very smart man, endowed with a lot of old-fashioned wisdom. He has been able to use that for the greater good of his people,” BrownWright said Sunday. “I love him like a big brother.”

    In the decades since Meredith integrated Ole Miss, the university has erected a statue of him on campus and has held several events to honor him and his legacy.

    John Meredith said Sunday that his father had a profound effect on higher education, but the March Against Fear had a greater impact on him as a son because it demonstrated the importance of elections.

    “The silent gift of voting is the ability to help shape the laws under which you live. It is the beauty and the curse of America,” said John Meredith, the current city council president in Huntsville, Alabama. “Participation in voting yields inclusion, diversity and opportunity. Failure to vote results in the loss of freedom … and government oppression.”

    At the Capitol birthday celebration, Iyanu B. Carson, a 5th grade student from Jackson, read her poem titled “90 Years of History,” saying she aspires to be like Meredith.

    “You made the choice to use your voice, you were strong and made them believe you belonged,” Iyanu said. “Today we celebrate history, and Mr. Meredith, history is you! We’re proud of your accomplishments and all that you have been through.”

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  • At International African American Museum opening, a reclaiming of sacred ground for enslaved kin

    At International African American Museum opening, a reclaiming of sacred ground for enslaved kin

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    CHARLESTON, S.C. — When the International African American Museum opens to the public Tuesday in South Carolina, it becomes a new site of homecoming and pilgrimage for descendants of enslaved Africans whose arrival in the Western Hemisphere begins on the docks of the lowcountry coast.

    Overlooking the old wharf in Charleston at which nearly half of the enslaved population first entered North America, the 150,000-square-foot (14,000-square-meter) museum houses exhibits and artifacts exploring how African Americans’ labor, perseverance, resistance and cultures shaped the Carolinas, the nation and the world.

    It also includes a genealogy research center to help families trace their ancestors’ journey from point of arrival on the land.

    The opening happens at a time when the very idea of Black people’s survival through slavery, racial apartheid and economic oppression being quintessential to the American story is being challenged throughout the U.S. Leaders of the museum said its existence is not a rebuttal to current attempts to suppress history, but rather an invitation to dialogue and discovery.

    “Show me a courageous space, show me an open space, show me a space that meets me where I am, and then gets me where I asked to go,” said Dr. Tonya Matthews, the museum’s president and CEO.

    “I think that’s the superpower of museums,” she said. “The only thing you need to bring to this museum is your curiosity, and we’ll do the rest.”

    The $120 million facility features nine galleries that contain nearly a dozen interactive exhibits of more than 150 historical objects and 30 works of art. One of the museum’s exhibits will rotate two to three times each year.

    Upon entering the space, eight large video screens play a looped trailer of a diasporic journey that spans centuries, from cultural roots on the African continent and the horrors of the Middle Passage to the regional and international legacies that spawned out of Africans’ dispersal and migration across lands.

    The screens are angled as if to beckon visitors towards large windows and a balcony at the rear of the museum, revealing sprawling views of the Charleston harbor.

    One unique feature of the museum is its gallery dedicated to the history and culture of the Gullah Geechee people. Their isolation on rice, indigo and cotton plantations on coastal South Carolina, Georgia and North Florida helped them maintain ties to West African cultural traditions and creole language. A multimedia, chapel-sized “praise house” in the gallery highlights the faith expressions of the Gullah Geechee and shows how those expressions are imprinted on Black American gospel music.

    On Saturday, the museum grounds buzzed with excitement as its founders, staff, elected officials and other invited guests dedicated the grounds in spectacular fashion.

    The program was emceed by award-winning actress and director Phylicia Rashad and included stirring appearances by poet Nikky Finney and the McIntosh County Shouters, who perform songs passed down by enslaved African Americans.

    “Truth sets us free — free to understand, free to respect and free to appreciate the full spectrum of our shared history,” said former Charleston Mayor Joseph Riley, Jr. who is widely credited for the idea to bring the museum to the city.

    Planning for the International African American Museum dates back to 2000, when Riley called for its creation in a State of the City address. It took many more years, through setbacks in fundraising and changes in museum leadership, before construction started in 2019.

    Originally set to open in 2020, the museum was further delayed by the coronavirus pandemic, as well as by issues in the supply chain of materials needed to complete construction.

    Gadsden’s Wharf, a 2.3-acre waterfront plot where it’s estimated that up 45% of enslaved Africans brought to the United States in the late 18th and early 19th centuries walked, sets the tone for how the museum is experienced. The wharf was built by Revolutionary War figure Christopher Gadsden.

    The land is now part of an intentionally designed ancestral garden. Black granite walls are erected on the spot of a former storage house, a space where hunched enslaved humans perished awaiting their transport to the slave market. The walls are emblazoned with lines of Maya Angelou’s poem, “And Still I Rise.”

    The museum’s main structure does not touch the hallowed grounds on which it is located. Instead, it is hoisted above the wharf by 18 cylindrical columns. Beneath the structure is a shallow fountain tribute to the men, women and children whose bodies were inhumanely shackled together in the bellies of ships in the transatlantic slave trade.

    To discourage visitors from walking on the raised outlines of the shackled bodies, a walkway was created through the center of the wharf tribute.

    “There’s something incredibly significant about reclaiming a space that was once the landing point, the beginning of a horrific American journey for captured Africans,” said Malika Pryor, the museum’s chief learning and education officer.

    Walter Hood, founder and creative director of Hood Design Studios based in Oakland, California, designed the landscape of the museum’s grounds. The designs are inspired by tours of lowcountry and its former plantations, he said. The lush grounds, winding paths and seating areas are meant to be an ethnobotanical garden, forcing visitors to see how the botany of enslaved Africans and their descendants helped shape what still exists today across the Carolinas.

    The opening of the Charleston museum adds to a growing array of institutions dedicated to teaching an accurate history of the Black experience in America. Many will have heard of, and perhaps visited, the Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History and Culture in the nation’s capital, which opened in 2016.

    Lesser known Afrocentric museums and exhibits exist in nearly every region of the country. In Montgomery, Alabama, The Legacy Museum: From Enslavement to Mass Incarceration and the corresponding National Memorial for Peace and Justice highlight slavery, Jim Crow and the history of lynching in America.

    Pryor, formerly the educational director of the Charles H. Wright Museum of African American History in Detroit, said these types of museums focus on the underdiscussed, underengaged parts of the American story.

    “This is such an incredibly expansive history, there’s room for 25 more museums that would have opportunities to bring a new curatorial lens to this conversation,” she said.

    The museum has launched an initiative to develop relationships with school districts, especially in places where laws limit how public school teachers discuss race and racism in the classroom. In recent years, conservative politicians around the country have banned books in more than 5,000 schools in 32 states. Bans or limits on instruction about slavery and systemic racism have been enacted in at least 16 states since 2021.

    Pryor said South Carolina’s ban on the teaching of critical race theory in public schools has not put the museum out of reach for local elementary, middle and high schools that hope to make field trips there.

    “Even just the calls and the requests for school group visits, for school group tours, they number easily in the hundreds,” she said. “And we haven’t formally opened our doors yet.”

    When the doors are open, all are welcome to reckon with a fuller truth of the Black American story, said Matthews, the museum president.

    “If you ask me what we want people to feel when they are in the museum, our answer is something akin to everything,” she said.

    “It is the epitome of our journey, the execution of our mission, to honor the untold stories of the African American journey at one of our nation’s most sacred sites.”

    ___ Aaron Morrison is a New York-based member of AP’s Race and Ethnicity team. Follow him on Twitter: https://www.twitter.com/aaronlmorrison.

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  • UK village marks 80th anniversary of fight against US Army racism in World War II

    UK village marks 80th anniversary of fight against US Army racism in World War II

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    BAMBER BRIDGE, England — The village of Bamber Bridge in northwestern England is proud of the blow it struck against racism in the U.S. military during World War II.

    When an all-Black truck regiment was stationed there, residents refused to accept the segregation ingrained in the U.S. Army. Ignoring pressure from British and American authorities, pubs welcomed the GIs, local women chatted and danced with them, and English soldiers drank alongside men they saw as allies in the war.

    But simmering tensions between Black soldiers and white military police exploded on June 24, 1943, when a dispute outside a pub escalated into a night of gunfire. Private William Crossland was killed and dozens of soldiers from the truck regiment faced court martial. When Crossland’s niece learned about the circumstances of her uncle’s death, she called for a new investigation to uncover how he died.

    The community has chosen to focus on its stand against segregation as it commemorates the 80th anniversary of what’s now known as the Battle of Bamber Bridge and America reassesses its past treatment of Black men and women in the armed forces.

    “It’s a sense of pride that there was no bigotry towards (the soldiers),” said Valerie Fell, who was just 2 in 1943 but whose family ran Ye Olde Hob Inn, the 400-year-old thatched-roof pub where the conflict started. “They deserved the respect of the uniform that they were wearing.”

    EXPORTING SEGREGATION

    Black soldiers accounted for about 10% of the American troops in Britain during the war. Serving in segregated units led by white officers, most were relegated to non-combat roles such as driving trucks. U.S. authorities tried to extend those policies beyond their bases, asking pubs and restaurants to separate the races.

    Bamber Bridge, then home to about 6,800 people, wasn’t the only place to resist. In a country then almost entirely white, there was no tradition of segregation.

    What’s different about it was the desire of local people to preserve their story, said Alan Rice, co-director of the Institute for Black Atlantic Research at the University of Central Lancashire.

    “If you’re fighting fascism, which these people were, it’s ludicrous, absolutely ludicrous, that the U.S. Army (were) encouraging a form of fascism — segregation,” Rice said.

    Clinton Smith, head of the Black history group in nearby Preston, wants people to look more closely at what happened. The history “just can’t be allowed to wither on the vine.”

    THE BATTLE OF BAMBER BRIDGE

    Despite their friendships with the GIs, villagers weren’t able to head off the violence when Black soldiers, frustrated by their treatment and angry about race riots in Detroit, faced off with military police outfitted with batons and sidearms.

    On that hot June night, Private Eugene Nunn was sitting at the Hob Inn bar when a white military police officer threatened to arrest him for wearing the wrong uniform. British soldiers and civilians intervened.

    “Everyone was saying, ‘Leave him alone. He just wants a drink. It’s a hot day,’’’ Fell said as she recounted her mother’s story. “People just didn’t understand this viciousness.’’

    When Nunn left the pub, the police were waiting. Tempers rose. A bottle smashed against the windshield of the police Jeep. Things escalated and it wasn’t until 4 a.m. that order was restored.

    Military authorities sought severe penalties — 37 Black soldiers were charged with mutiny, riot and unlawful possession of weapons. Some 30 received sentences of between three and 15 years in prison, combined with loss of pay and dishonorable discharges. As the allies prepared for D-Day, many had their sentences shortened so they could be cycled back into the war effort.

    While the court martial criticized the white officers for poor leadership, no records indicate they or the military police were disciplined.

    LONGSTANDING CHANGE

    Ken Werrell, a U.S. Air Force Academy graduate and retired professor of history at Radford University in Virginia, studied the proceedings and reviewed military records for an article published in 1975. He told The Associated Press the Black soldiers were badly treated.

    But the broader story is that senior generals, focused on improving morale and performance, quickly ordered changes in the treatment of Black troops. Many of the officers commanding Black units were replaced and the army deployed more racially mixed police patrols.

    “The Bamber Bridge affair was more than just a minor incident in World War II,” Werrell wrote. “It was one of a number of incidents in the Black’s and America’s continuing crusade for freedom.”

    President Harry Truman in 1948 ordered the end of segregation in the military, though that took years to fully achieve. Lloyd Austin, a Black man and retired four-star general in the Army, is now secretary of defense.

    That progress was too late for Crossland, a former railroad worker who was 25 when he died. Court martial evidence said only that he was found gravely wounded, with a bullet near his heart. Officers said they believed he had been caught in cross-fire between two groups of Black soldiers.

    RE-ASSESSING HISTORY

    Nancy Croslan Adkins, the daughter of one of William’s brothers, said she was never told about the circumstances of her uncle’s death. The family later changed the spelling of its last name.

    Adkins, of Upper Marlboro, Maryland, wants to know more about what happened.

    “Having dealt with direct discrimination myself by integrating the school system in North Carolina, and the racial injustice that my parents faced, I would love an investigation,” she said.

    Aaron Snipe, the spokesman for the U.S. Embassy in London, said he couldn’t prejudge any military decision, but President Joe Biden’s administration has shown a willingness to “right the wrongs of the past.”

    Earlier this month, the U.S. Navy issued a formal apology to the families of 15 Black sailors who were dishonorably discharged in 1940 after complaining that they were forced to wait tables.

    Snipe, meanwhile, will pay tribute to the people of Bamber Bridge at an event marking the anniversary.

    “Part of this story is about their unwillingness to accept segregation orders or regulations that were pushed on them,” he said. “They pushed back.”

    ___

    Associated Press writer Ben Finley in Norfolk, Virginia, and researcher Rhonda Shafner in New York contributed to this report.

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  • UK village marks struggle against US Army racism in World War II

    UK village marks struggle against US Army racism in World War II

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    BAMBER BRIDGE, England — The village of Bamber Bridge in northwestern England is proud of the blow it struck against racism in the U.S. military during World War II.

    When an all-Black truck regiment was stationed in the village, residents refused to accept the segregation ingrained in the U.S. Army. Ignoring pressure from British and American authorities, pubs welcomed the GIs, local women chatted and danced with them, and English soldiers drank alongside men they saw as allies in the war against fascism.

    But simmering tensions between Black soldiers and white military police exploded on June 24, 1943, when a dispute outside a pub escalated into a night of gunfire and rebellion that left Private William Crossland dead and dozens of soldiers from the truck regiment facing court martial. When Crossland’s niece learned about the circumstances of her uncle’s death from an Associated Press reporter, she called for a new investigation to uncover exactly how he died.

    The community has chosen to focus on its stand against segregation as it commemorates the 80th anniversary of what’s now known as the Battle of Bamber Bridge and America reassesses its past treatment of Black men and women in the armed forces.

    “I think maybe it’s a sense of pride that there was no bigotry towards (the soldiers),” said Valerie Fell, who was just 2 in 1943 but whose family ran Ye Olde Hob Inn, the 400-year-old thatched-roof pub where the conflict started. “They deserved the respect of the uniform that they were wearing. … That’s how people felt about it.”

    That was in stark contrast to the treatment Black soldiers received in the wartime Army, which was still segregated by law.

    The men of the 1511th Quartermaster Truck Regiment (Aviation) stationed at Bamber Bridge complained that they received poor food and often had to sleep in their trucks when they stopped at white bases, according to evidence presented during the court martial proceedings. They also said white military police harassed Black troops, hassling them for minor transgressions that were often ignored for other soldiers.

    EXPORTING SEGREGATION

    Black soldiers accounted for about 10% of the American troops who flooded into Britain during the war. Serving in segregated units led by white officers, most were relegated to non-combat roles such as driving trucks that delivered supplies to military bases.

    U.S. authorities tried to extend those policies beyond their bases, asking pubs and restaurants to separate the races.

    Bamber Bridge, then home to about 6,800 people, wasn’t the only British community to resist this pressure. In a country that was almost entirely white, there was no tradition of segregation, and after four years of war people welcomed any help they received from overseas.

    What’s different about Bamber Bridge is the desire of local people to preserve this story and pass it on to others, said Alan Rice, co-director of the Institute for Black Atlantic Research at the University of Central Lancashire.

    “If we’re going to have a fight against racism or fascism, these are the stories we need to talk about,” Rice said. “If you’re fighting fascism, which these people were, it’s ludicrous, absolutely ludicrous, that the U.S. Army (were) encouraging a form of fascism — segregation.”

    Clinton Smith, head of the Black history group in nearby Preston, was among those who revived interest in the Battle of Bamber Bridge in the 1980s when he discovered bullet holes in the side of a bank and started asking long-time residents what had happened.

    That helped attract wider interest, with local blogger Derek Rogerson publishing a short book, “The Battle of Bamber Bridge: The True Story,’’ that includes photos of Black troops hosting a Christmas party for village children and watching movies with kids perched on their laps. A filmmaker, Danny Lyons, compiled oral histories.

    Last year, the local government council installed a plaque outside the Hob Inn that outlines the community’s relationship with the soldiers, the violence and its aftermath.

    The story “just can’t be allowed to wither on the vine,” Smith said. “As much as it’s withered, we’re just now trying to rejuvenate it whilst maintaining the accuracy.’’

    THE BATTLE OF BAMBER BRIDGE

    Despite their friendships with the GIs, villagers weren’t able to head off the violence when Black soldiers, frustrated by their treatment and angry about news of race riots in Detroit, faced off with military police outfitted with batons and sidearms.

    On that hot June night, Private Eugene Nunn was sitting at the Hob Inn bar when a white military police officer threatened to arrest him for wearing the wrong uniform. British soldiers and civilians intervened.

    “Everyone was saying, ‘Leave him alone. He just wants a drink. It’s a hot day,’’’ Fell said as she recounted her mother’s story. “People just didn’t understand this viciousness.’’

    When Nunn left the pub, the police were waiting. Tempers rose. A bottle smashed against the windshield of the police Jeep. Things escalated from there.

    It wasn’t until 4 a.m. that order was restored. Military authorities sought severe penalties to head off unrest at other bases.

    Thirty-seven Black soldiers were charged with mutiny, riot and unlawful possession of weapons, and some 30 were convicted on some or all of the charges. Most received sentences of between three and 15 years in prison, combined with loss of pay and dishonorable discharges. As the allies prepared for the D-Day landings, many of the sentences were shortened to time served so the men could be cycled back into the war effort.

    While the court martial criticized the white officers for poor leadership, the records give no indication that either they or the military police were disciplined.

    LONGSTANDING CHANGE

    Ken Werrell, a U.S. Air Force Academy graduate and retired professor of history at Radford University in Virginia, studied the court martial proceedings and reviewed other military records for an article published in 1975.

    The documents show the accused were badly treated, Werrell told The Associated Press.

    But the broader story is that senior generals, focused on improving morale and performance, quickly ordered changes in the treatment of Black troops. Many of the officers commanding Black units were replaced, additional recreation facilities were provided and the army deployed more racially mixed military police patrols.

    “In this way, the Bamber Bridge affair was more than just a minor incident in World War II,” Werrell wrote. “It was one of a number of incidents in the Black’s and America’s continuing crusade for freedom.”

    President Harry Truman in 1948 ordered the end of segregation in the U.S. military, though it took years to fully achieve that goal. Lloyd Austin, a Black man and retired four-star general in the Army, is now secretary of defense.

    That progress was too late for Crossland, a former railroad worker was 25 when he died. Evidence in the court martial proceedings provided little detail on how he was killed, saying only that he was found gravely injured with a bullet near his heart. Officers said they believed he had been caught in cross-fire between two groups of Black soldiers.

    Investigators placed most of the blame for the violence on the Black soldiers, describing them as a “mob” that was “determined on revenge at any cost,” according to reports submitted during the court martial proceedings. But locals say they knocked on doors and told people to stay inside to avoid getting hurt.

    RE-ASSESSING HISTORY

    Nancy Croslan Adkins, the daughter of one of William’s brothers, said she was never told about the circumstances of her uncle’s death. The family later changed the spelling of its last name.

    Adkins, of Upper Marlboro, Maryland, wants to know more about what happened at Bamber Bridge.

    “Having dealt with direct discrimination myself by integrating the school system in North Carolina, and the racial injustice that my parents faced, I would love an investigation,” she said.

    Aaron Snipe, the spokesman for the U.S. Embassy in London, said he couldn’t prejudge any military decision, but President Joe Biden’s administration has shown a willingness to “right the wrongs of the past.”

    The U.S. Navy earlier this month issued a formal apology to the families of 15 Black sailors who were dishonorably discharged in 1940 after complaining that they were forced to serve as mess attendants who made beds and waited on tables. Earlier this month, the Army renamed a base for William Henry Johnson, a Black soldier who was awarded the Medal of Honor, the nation’s highest military award, almost a century after he was wounded 21 times while beating back attacking forces during World War I.

    Snipe also said he planned to pay tribute to the people of Bamber Bridge at an 80th anniversary event.

    “Part of this story is about their unwillingness to accept segregation orders or regulations that were pushed on them,” he said. “They pushed back … at a time where it might have been more convenient for local folks to just go along with what the United States, the United States military, had said. They’re to be commended for that.”

    ____

    Associated Press writer Ben Finley in Norfolk, Virginia, and researcher Rhonda Shafner in New York contributed to this report.

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  • Once wrongly imprisoned for notorious rape, member of ‘Central Park Five’ is running for office

    Once wrongly imprisoned for notorious rape, member of ‘Central Park Five’ is running for office

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    NEW YORK — Outside a Harlem subway station, Yusef Salaam, a candidate for New York City Council, hurriedly greeted voters streaming out along Malcolm X Boulevard. For some, no introductions were necessary. They knew his face, his name and his life story.

    But to the unfamiliar, Salaam needed only to introduce himself as one of the Central Park Five — one of the Black or Brown teenagers, ages 14 to 16, wrongly accused, convicted and imprisoned for the rape and beating of a white woman jogging in Central Park on April 19, 1989.

    Now 49, Salaam is hoping to join the power structure of a city that once worked to put him behind bars.

    “I’ve often said that those who have been close to the pain should have a seat at the table,” Salaam said during an interview at his campaign office.

    Salaam is one of three candidates in a competitive June 27 Democratic primary almost certain to decide who will represent a Harlem district unlikely to elect a Republican in November’s general election. With early voting already begun, he faces two seasoned political veterans: New York Assembly members Al Taylor, 65, and Inez Dickens, 73, who previously represented Harlem on the City Council.

    The incumbent, democratic socialist Kristin Richard Jordan, dropped out of the race in May following a rocky first term.

    Now known to some as the “Exonerated Five,” Salaam and the four others — Antron McCray, Kevin Richardson, Raymond Santana and Korey Wise — served between five and 12 years in prison for the 1989 rape before a reexamination of the case led to their convictions being vacated in 2002.

    DNA evidence linked another man, a serial rapist, to the attack. The city ultimately agreed in a legal settlement to pay the exonerated men $41 million.

    Salaam, who was arrested at age 15, served nearly seven years behind bars.

    “When people look at me and they they know my story, they resonate with it,” said Salaam, the father of 10 children. “But now here we are 34 years later, and I’m able to use that platform that I have and repurpose the pain, help people as we climb out of despair.”

    Those pain points are many in a district that has some of the city’s most entrenched poverty and highest rent burdens.

    Poverty in Central Harlem is about 10 points higher than the citywide rate of 18%, according to data compiled by New York University’s Furman Center. More than a fourth of Harlem’s residents pay more than half of their income on rent. And the district has some of the city’s highest rates of homelessness for children.

    Salaam said he’s eager to address those crises and more. His opponents say he doesn’t know enough about how local government works to do so.

    “No one should go through what my opponent went through, especially as a child. Years later, after he returns to New York, Harlem is in crisis. We don’t have time for a freshman to learn the job, learn the issues and re-learn the community he left behind for Stockbridge, Georgia,” Dickens said, referring to Salaam’s decision to leave the city after his release from prison. He returned to New York in December.

    Taylor knows that Salaam’s celebrity is an advantage in the race.

    “I think that folks will identify with him and the horrendous scenario that he and his colleagues underwent for a number of years in a prison system that treated him unfairly and unjustly,” Taylor said.

    “But his is one of a thousand in this city that we are aware of,” Taylor added. “It’s the Black reality.”

    Harlem voter Raynard Gadson, 40, is cognizant of that factor.

    “As a Black man myself, I know exactly what’s at stake,” Gadson said. “I don’t think there’s anybody more passionate about challenging systemic issues on the local level in the name of justice because of what he went through,” he said of Salaam.

    During a recent debate televised by Spectrum News, Salaam repeatedly mentioned his arrest, prompting Taylor to exclaim that he, too, had been arrested: At age 16, he was caught carrying a machete — a charge later dismissed by a judge willing to give him a second chance.

    “We all want affordable housing, we all want safe streets, we all want smarter policing, we all want jobs, we all need education,” Salaam said of the candidates’ common goals. What he offers, he said, is a new voice that can speak about his community’s struggles.

    “I have no track record in politics,” he conceded. “I have a great track record in the 34 years of the Central Park jogger case in fighting for freedom, justice and equality.”

    All three have received key endorsements. Black activist Cornel West has backed Salaam. Dickens has the backing of New York City Mayor Eric Adams and former New York U.S. Rep. Charlie Rangel. Taylor is supported by the Carpenter’s Union.

    At a campaign rally for Dickens, Rangel recounted that Salaam had called to say he was entering the race. Rangel then quipped that Salaam had a “foreign name.” Salaam responded pointedly on social media.

    “I am a son of Harlem named Yusef Salaam. I went to prison because my name is Yusef Salaam,” he tweeted. “I am proud to be named Yusef Salaam. I am born here, raised here & of here — but even if I wasn’t, we all belong in New York City.”

    Rangel and Salaam later talked and resolved the matter, according to a spokesperson for the Dickens campaign.

    Unlikely is an apology from Donald Trump, who in 1989 placed newspaper ads before the group went on trial with the blaring headline, “Bring back the death penalty.” The ads did not specifically mention any of the five, but Salaam said the context made it clear.

    When asked by a reporter in 2019 if he would ever apologize, Trump said there were “people on both sides” of the matter.

    “They admitted their guilt,” Trump had said, of the Central Park Five, referring to confessions that the five later said were coerced. “Some of the prosecutors,” Trump added “think the city should never have settled that case. So, we’ll leave it at that.”

    When Trump appeared in a Manhattan court in April on charges of falsifying business records, Salaam mocked him with his own ad on social media that visually mimicked Trump’s from long ago.

    “Over 30 years ago, Donald Trump took out full page ads calling for my execution,” Salaam tweeted above the ad, headlined: “Bring Back Justice & Fairness.”

    ___

    An earlier version of this report had an incorrect spelling of Cornel West’s first name.

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  • Americans mark Juneteenth with parties, events, quiet reflection on end of slavery after Civil War

    Americans mark Juneteenth with parties, events, quiet reflection on end of slavery after Civil War

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    Detroit — Americans across the country this weekend celebrated Juneteenth, marking the relatively new national holiday with cookouts, parades and other gatherings as they commemorated the end of slavery after the Civil War.

    While many have treated the long holiday weekend as a reason for a party, others urged quiet reflection on America’s often violent and oppressive treatment of its Black citizens. And still others have remarked at the strangeness of celebrating a federal holiday marking the end of slavery in the nation while many Americans are trying to stop that history from being taught in public schools.

    “Is #Juneteenth the only federal holiday that some states have banned the teaching of its history and significance?” Author Michelle Duster asked on Twitter this weekend, referring to measures in Florida, Oklahoma and Alabama prohibiting an Advancement Placement African American studies course or the teaching of certain concepts of race and racism.

    Monday’s federal holiday commemorates the day in 1865 when enslaved people in Galveston, Texas, learned they had been freed — two years after the Emancipation Proclamation.

    On Juneteenth weekend, a Roman Catholic church in Detroit devoted its service to urging parishioners to take a deeper look at the lessons from the holiday.

    “In order to have justice we must work for peace. And in order to have peace we must work for justice,” John Thorne, executive director of the Detroit Catholic Pastoral Alliance, said to the congregation at Gesu Catholic Church in Detroit.

    Standing before paintings of a Black Jesus and Mary, Thorne said Juneteenth is a day of celebration, but it also “has to be much more.”

    It was important to speak about Juneteenth during Sunday Mass, the Rev. Lorn Snow told a reporter as the service was ending.

    “The struggle’s still not over with. There’s a lot of work to be done,” he said.

    Most Black Americans agree, according to a recent poll. A full 70% of Black adults queried in a AP-NORC poll said “a lot” needs to be done to achieve equal treatment for African Americans in policing. And Black Americans suffer from significantly worse health outcomes than their white peers across a variety of measures, including rates of maternal mortality, asthma, high blood pressure and Alzheimer’s disease.

    Although end-of-slavery celebrations are new in many parts of the country, in Memphis, where the slave trade once thrived, the Juneteenth holiday has been celebrated since long before it became a designated federal holiday in 2021. The Tennessee Legislature passed a bill earlier this year making it a state holiday, as well.

    Festivities there include a multi-day festival including food, music, arts and crafts, and cultural exhibitions in a tree-lined park in the city’s medical district. The Memphis park once held an equestrian statue and the grave of slave trader and Confederate general Nathan Bedford Forrest. The statue and the body were moved in recent years.

    Memphis is home to the National Civil Rights Museum located at the site of the old Lorraine Motel, the former Black-owned hotel where the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. was killed in 1968. The museum is offering free admission on Monday to mark the holiday. At the museum, visitors can hear recorded speeches from civil rights leaders including King, Fannie Lou Hamer, Medgar Evers and others.

    Ryan Jones, the museum’s associate curator, said Juneteenth should be celebrated in the U.S. with the same emphasis that July 4 receives as Independence Day.

    “It is the independence of a people that were forced to endure oppression and discrimination based on the color of their skin,” Jones said.

    The Juneteenth holiday, Jones said, should also be viewed as more than a day when people attend parties and cookouts. In fact, he said, it is a time to reflect on the past.

    “It acknowledges the sacrifices of those early civil rights veterans between World War I and World War II, and of course in the modern society, the protests, the demonstrations, the non-violence, the marches,” Jones said.

    As Americans gathered to mark the holiday, it wasn’t without incident. In a Chicago suburb late Saturday night, one person was killed and 22 were injured in a shooting still being investigated Sunday by police. One witness said the party in the parking lot of a Willowbrook, Illinois, strip-mall was a Juneteenth celebration.

    The White House released a statement Sunday afternoon, saying: “The President and First Lady are thinking of those killed and injured in the shooting in Illinois last night. We have reached out to offer assistance to state and local leaders in the wake of this tragedy at a community Juneteenth celebration.”

    The holiday observance continues Monday with Vice President Kamala Harris appearing on a CNN special with musical guests including Miguel and Charlie Wilson.

    Schools and federal buildings will be closed Monday.

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  • Missouri prosecutor Wesley Bell vies for GOP Sen. Hawley’s seat

    Missouri prosecutor Wesley Bell vies for GOP Sen. Hawley’s seat

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    JEFFERSON CITY, Mo. — A Black Missouri prosecutor who stepped into leadership in the aftermath of protests over the fatal police shooting of Michael Brown is running for Republican U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley’s seat, the Democrat announced Wednesday.

    In his campaign announcement, 48-year-old St. Louis County Prosecuting Attorney Wesley Bell criticized Hawley as divisive while touting his own work in Ferguson, where protests over Brown’s death helped spark the national Black Lives Matter movement.

    Bell, who now lives in Clayton, lived two blocks from the Ferguson Police Department in 2014.

    As an angry crowd began to surround officers barricaded in the police parking lot the day after unarmed, Black 18-year-old Brown’s shooting, Bell and a small group of other Black leaders got in the middle and urged calm.

    Bell at the time worked as a municipal judge and attorney, and his father was a police officer. He has said he understood both sides.

    “Ferguson was a turning point for me,” Bell told The Associated Press in a phone interview. “ When the city, the region, the country seemed like it was ready to explode, I helped calm tensions between police and protesters.”

    Like fellow Democratic U.S. Senate candidate Lucas Kunce, who launched his campaign to unseat Hawley on the anniversary of the Jan. 6, 2021 Capitol riots this year, Bell used his announcement to highlight a now-famous photo of Hawley raising a closed fist in solidarity that day, as well as video of the senator running through the halls during the attack.

    The photo drew strong criticism from some, but it now appears on coffee mugs that the senator sells.

    “We need leaders who try to help — unlike Josh Hawley, who’s in a rush to be famous and pretending to be tough while showing the world how weak he really is,” Bell said in a video announcement.

    Kunce on Wednesday announced that the Missouri AFL-CIO has endorsed him, adding to a long list of union endorsements for the Marine veteran. Campaign spokesman Connor Lounsbury said in a statement that the endorsement “marks an important moment in the campaign as the state’s election-winning labor movement unites behind Kunce.”

    He declined direct comment on Bell’s entrance into the race.

    “We expect whoever emerges from the messy (Democratic) primary to be the darling of the woke left and raise tens of millions of dollars to try and buy this seat from Missourians,” Hawley’s campaign said in a statement, adding the primary will be about “ending girls sports and being soft on crime.”

    Voters elected Bell to the Ferguson City Council in 2015, despite some pushback for his service as a municipal judge in nearby Velda City. The St. Louis County town, like Ferguson, came under scrutiny after Brown’s death for bringing in a high percentage of revenue from fines and court costs.

    In 2018, Bell unseated seven-term incumbent St. Louis County prosecutor Bob McCulloch in a stunning upset.

    Critics had accused McCulloch, who is white, of skewing the investigation into Brown’s death in favor of the white officer who fatally shot him. A St. Louis County grand jury declined to indict the officer, Darren Wilson, who later resigned. The U.S. Department of Justice also declined to charge him.

    Civil rights leaders and Brown’s parents had hoped that Bell, the county’s first Black prosecutor, would see things differently.

    But Bell in 2020 said another five-month re-investigation by his office did not find enough evidence to charge Wilson. He called on Missouri’s Republican-led Legislature to revise laws that offer protection against prosecution for police officers that regular citizens aren’t afforded.

    During his time as prosecutor, Bell has implemented sweeping changes that have reduced the jail population, ended prosecution of low-level marijuana crimes and sought to help offenders rehabilitate themselves. He also established an independent unit to investigate officer-involved shootings.

    If elected, Bell would be among the first, if not the only, person of color elected to statewide office in Missouri, although Democrats face slim odds in the now Republican-dominated state.

    Earlier this year, Republican state Treasurer Vivek Malek became the first person of color to hold office, after he was appointed by Republican Gov. Mike Parson. Malek, who was born in India, is also running for election in 2024.

    Missouri, a swing state a generation ago, has moved decidedly to the right over the past decade. Every statewide elected official in Missouri is now a Republican.

    Bell said he’s been written off before. No one expected him to defeat McCulloch.

    “Not only did we win but we won big,” Bell said. “I’m not afraid of a tough fight.”

    —-

    AP reporter Jim Salter in O’Fallon, Missouri, contributed to this report.

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  • Carter and the Kings: A friendship and alliance — but after MLK’s assassination

    Carter and the Kings: A friendship and alliance — but after MLK’s assassination

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    ATLANTA — The voice of Martin Luther King Sr., a melodic tenor like his slain son, carried across Madison Square Garden, calming the raucous Democrats who had nominated his friend and fellow Georgian for the presidency.

    “Surely, the Lord sent Jimmy Carter to come on out and bring America back where she belongs,” the venerated Black pastor said as the nominee smiled behind him. “I’m with him. You are, too. Let me tell you, we must close ranks now.”

    Carter then shared a moment with Coretta Scott King, clasping hands and locking eyes with the widowed first lady of the Civil Rights Movement, their children looking on.

    For the Kings, closing the 1976 convention affirmed their continued reach — and their pragmatism — eight years after Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated. For Carter, it marked the evolution of a white politician from the Old Confederacy: As a local leader and state senator who aspired for more, he had mostly avoided controversial stands during the civil rights era. During all their years in Atlanta, he never met the movement’s leader.

    “Carter never did anything racist himself. But he didn’t participate,” biographer Jonathan Alter said. “And King was right there.”

    Yet the alliance Carter later forged with the King family endured as he grew into a governor, president and global humanitarian who advanced racial equality and human rights.

    “He was one of the few presidents who really was an advocate for the Black community out of a pureness of heart,” said the Rev. Bernice King, who leads the King Center that her mother founded.

    Now 98, Carter is receiving hospice care in Plains, Georgia. King, just 39 when he was gunned down in 1968, would have been 94.

    Certainly, King would have expanded his own legacy with a longer life span — after civil rights victories for Black Americans he turned his focus to challenging Western militarism and rapacious capitalism — and there’s no way to know what kind of relationship King might have had with Carter once the Georgia Democrat reached high office.

    As it was, Carter used the most visible decades of his public life to reflect King’s values and often his rhetoric, while playing a central role in memorializing King as an American icon.

    Carter opened government contracts to Black-owned businesses and appointed record numbers of Black citizens to executive and judicial posts. He steered more public money to historically Black colleges and opposed tax breaks for discriminatory private schools. He echoed King’s emphasis on peace, expressing pride long after his presidency that he never started a shooting war.

    Carter quoted many of the same theologians King cited in his practice of nonviolent resistance, and he would join King in 2002 as a Nobel Peace Prize winner. As a former president, Carter tracked King’s later economic observations, declaring the U.S. an oligarchy, rather than a fully functioning democracy, because of wealth inequality and money in politics.

    That record, Bernice King told The Associated Press, cements Carter as a “courageous” and “principled” figure who built on her father’s work, while having “genuine” relationships with her mother and grandfather.

    Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter welcomed the Kings to the White House to present Coretta with a posthumous Medal of Freedom for her husband, making him one of the few Black Americans to receive the nation’s highest civilian honor at that point. Carter helped establish government observances of King’s birthday and enabled the federal historic site encompassing King’s birthplace, burial site and the family’s Ebenezer Baptist Church.

    The former president even served as private mediator for King’s children, helping settle an extended dispute over their parents’ estate. “I appreciate his efforts” ending the highly publicized fight, Bernice King said.

    Barely 5 years old when her father was killed, the younger King said she does not “know for sure” when the families’ friendship began. She thinks her mother made the first overture, after Carter became Georgia governor in 1971.

    “My mother was the kind of leader who made sure that she connected with the people she felt could assist her in the work that she was doing to continue my father’s legacy,” King said.

    It had not been obvious before Carter reached statewide office that he could be such a partner.

    During the peak of the Civil Rights Movement, as Martin Luther King Jr. worked with President Lyndon Johnson on the Civil Rights Act and Voting Rights Act, Carter was a one-term state senator. He supported Johnson’s election in 1964 and never aligned with segregationist colleagues in Atlanta, but Carter didn’t speak out in favor of the federal laws during his two campaigns for governor, nor did he appear at Ebenezer, just a few blocks from the Georgia Capitol.

    When King was assassinated, Carter did not attend the funeral. In 1970, he won the governor’s race as a conservative Democrat, avoiding explicit mentions of race while assuring voters of his general preference for “local control” over federal intervention.

    A “code-word campaign,” Alter called it.

    Then, at his inauguration, the 46-year-old Carter issued a surprise edict: “The time for racial discrimination is over.”

    Bernice King assessed his declaration as “very profound at the time.”

    Within a few years, Carter stood with the King family in the Georgia Capitol as Coretta unveiled a portrait of King, while Ku Klux Klan members protested outside.

    King Sr. had no trouble reconciling Carter’s earlier maneuverings before reaching the governor’s seat.

    “He had never been characterized as a ‘cracker’ lawmaker, the way so many rural statesmen had been,” the elder King wrote in his autobiography.

    He said Carter “achieved an unusual reputation” among Black constituents with his “willingness to meet with people and work long hours on issues and needs.”

    Such attention showed the way for Democrats as expanded voting rights finally allowed Black voters to flex political power. Every Democratic president since then has depended on strong Black support to win the nomination and general election. President Joe Biden has recognized the dynamics by pushing the national party to put more diverse states, including Georgia, earlier in the nominating process.

    Political calculations aside, Bernice King said her grandfather and Carter shared “real kinship” as two Baptists raised in small-town Georgia. The senior King once described their conversations as “one country boy to another.”

    Carter paid the elder King an in-person visit to ask for his support at the outset of his presidential bid. Never a party loyalist, the elder King initially told Carter he would support his White House bid only if Republican Vice President Nelson Rockefeller did not run again. King’s reasoning: Carter was a longshot, while Rockefeller, a civil rights liberal, was already a heavyweight.

    When it became clear Rockefeller would not be President Gerald Ford’s running mate in 1976, King endorsed Carter. It was an invaluable imprimatur for a white Southern governor from the same generation as segregationists like Alabama’s George Wallace and Georgia’s Lester Maddox.

    King vouched for Carter in Black churches across the country and to the nearly all-white national press corps, particularly after Carter mangled federal housing policy discussions by defending “ethnic purity” in American neighborhoods.

    Carter tried to clean up his remarks with more explanations, saying he would “oppose very strongly and aggressively” any “exclusion of a family because of race or ethnic background” but still saw it as “good to maintain the homogeneity of neighborhoods if they’ve been established that way.”

    Carter eventually followed with an apology.

    Bernice King said her grandfather saw Carter’s word choices as “an innocent mistake” and urged journalists and voters to see Carter’s values and full record.

    During the first half of Carter’s long life, “he had to navigate in a society, in a culture where, as a white person, you were expected to hate and see Black people in a very demeaning way,” Bernice King said. Considering the whole of his life, she said, “I think he managed that very well.”

    Along the way, Carter learned something the King siblings and cousins always understood about their grandfather and that “booming” voice.

    “When Granddaddy opened his mouth,” Bernice King said, “you paid attention.”

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  • US companies, nudged by Black employees, have stepped up donations to HBCUs

    US companies, nudged by Black employees, have stepped up donations to HBCUs

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    Natalie Coles will never forget receiving an unexpected phone call in 2020. On the line was Virginia-based Dominion Energy, offering to give money to Wilberforce University, the small historically Black college where she is in charge of fundraising.

    The company’s $500,000 donation went in part toward laptops and hot spots for students when the pandemic shut down the college’s campus outside of Dayton, Ohio.

    “It was like manna from heaven,” Coles said.

    Historically Black colleges and universities, which had seen giving from foundations decline in recent decades, lately are benefiting from an increase in gifts, particularly from corporations and corporate foundations. Some have received a new look from companies amid the reckoning over racial injustice spurred by the killing of George Floyd. But the colleges also have been pitching themselves, emphasizing their ability to deliver returns on the investment in student mobility.

    Another factor in the giving by corporations has been the influence of their Black employees.

    At the beverage company Diageo North America, the employee resource group for African Americans shaped a program that has provided almost $12 million to HBCUs, said Danielle Robinson, head of community engagement and partnerships for Diageo. The money has gone toward scholarships at 29 schools to lessen the debt burden on Black graduates.

    “We talked about a lot of different things, but one of the things that kept coming up was the generational wealth gap,” Robinson said.

    The giving to HBCUs is a new trend for corporations, which had largely ignored them before 2020, said Marybeth Gasman, a Rutgers University professor who researches HBCUs. Increasingly, HBCUs have been using the language of business to argue they not only have a high need but also are a good investment, she said.

    HBCUs often have smaller endowments and lower levels of public funding than other universities. A report released in May found foundation support of HBCUs declined 30% between 2002 and 2019. Data is incomplete for more recent years, but HBCUs have been reporting a sustained increase lately in donations from corporations as well as philanthropic foundations.

    Delaware State University received $20 million from MacKenzie Scott in 2020, part of the $560 million that the ex-wife of Jeff Bezos gave to HBCUs. The money helped DSU rescue a small college in their county that was closing and invest in their facilities.

    Foundations have been more receptive when the school reaches out, said Vita Pickrum, the school’s vice president of institutional advancement. She said she would like to see foundations shape giving in partnership with HBCUS. Gifts to HBCUs typically are more restricted than those given to predominantly white schools, she said, which she would like to see change.

    “Trust the institutions to be able to address the problem that the foundation is trying to address in the most efficient way that they see fit,” she said.

    While giving to HBCUs has increased lately, better-known schools, such as large private and land-grant universities, have been more likely to receive donations compared with small schools, said Michael Lomax, CEO of the United Negro College Fund.

    Those small institutions often operate as engines of economic mobility that lift students from poverty to the middle class, Lomax said. Many have near open-enrollment policies, educating nearly any student that wishes to pursue higher education.

    While HBCUs have produced celebrated entrepreneurs, scientists and doctors, they have also educated an outsize number of teachers, nurses and other jobs that are essential for society, he said.

    “I want to see more of American philanthropy recognizing that those are important,” Lomax said. “That they’re going to help us ensure that those jobs and those positions are filled, because they are the positions which will ensure a healthy Black America, but really, a healthy America.”

    At Wilberforce University, the donation from Dominion supports scholarships and a lecture series on racial inequality in addition to the technology investments. It’s a lot to squeeze out of a half-million dollars, which Coles said reflects the way historically Black colleges and universities stretch their money.

    “I would really applaud my fellow African Americans for really pushing things within corporate America to make certain that the George Floyd incident was a movement, a long-term movement, just not just a one-off,” Coles said.

    At Spelman College in Georgia, an increase in donations has allowed the school to expand financial aid and start centers for Black entrepreneurship and the arts. Jessie Brooks, senior vice president for institutional advancement, said the racial justice movement of 2020 offered visibility that allowed HBCUs to make their case to new potential donors.

    “If a donor gives you the resources, and you can show impact in terms of how their gift made a difference, they will continue to give,” Brooks said.

    Whether corporations will stick with funding HBCUs for the long term is still a question for Shawnta Friday-Stroud, vice president of advancement at Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University. Donations from corporate and philanthropic foundations have almost doubled from last year, when they’d received $2.4 million at this time compared with $5.3 million so far this year.

    She’s observed that corporate foundations are making funding commitments over multiple years and have expressed interest in partnering with her institution, rather than just giving money and walking away. They have put the money toward scholarships and professional development training.

    “My hope is that that continues, let’s say, over the next three, four or five years,” she said. “And I think that’s what’s going to be the true test.”

    ___

    The Associated Press education team receives support from the Carnegie Corporation of New York. The AP is solely responsible for all content.

    ___

    Associated Press coverage of philanthropy and nonprofits receives support through the AP’s collaboration with The Conversation US, with funding from Lilly Endowment Inc. The AP is solely responsible for this content. For all of AP’s philanthropy coverage, visit https://apnews.com/hub/philanthropy.

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  • Diverse Republican presidential primary field sees an opening in 2024 with voters of color

    Diverse Republican presidential primary field sees an opening in 2024 with voters of color

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    CHICAGO — During Donald Trump‘s first visit as president to Chicago, a frequent target in his attacks on urban violence, he disparaged the nation’s third largest city as a haven for criminals and a national embarrassment.

    At a recent town hall, Republican presidential contender Vivek Ramaswamy sat alongside ex-convicts on the city’s South Side and promised to defend Trump’s “America First” agenda. In return, the little-known White House hopeful, a child of Indian immigrants, found a flicker of acceptance in a room full of Black and brown voters.

    The audience nodded when Ramaswamy said that “anti-Black racism is on the rise,” even if they took issue with his promise to eliminate affirmative action and fight “woke” policies.

    “Yes, we criticize the Democratic Party, and for good reason, for talking a big game about helping Black Americans without doing very much to actually show up and help on the ground,” he said later. “But we on our side also talk a big game about America First without actually bringing all of America along with us.”

    Race has emerged as a central issue — and a delicate one — in the 2024 presidential contest as the GOP’s primary field so far features four candidates of color, making it among the most racially diverse ever.

    South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott, the first Black senator in the South since Reconstruction, entered the contest earlier in the month. He joined Nikki Haley, a former South Carolina governor and U.N. ambassador who is of Indian descent, and Larry Elder, an African American raised in Los Angeles’ South Central neighborhood who came to national attention as a candidate in the failed effort two years ago to recall California Gov. Gavin Newsom. Miami Mayor Francis Suarez, who is of Cuban descent, says he may enter the race in the coming days.

    Most of the candidates of color are considered underdogs in a field currently dominated by Trump and Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis.

    Yet the party’s increasingly diverse leadership, backed by evolving politics on issues such as immigration, suggest the GOP may have a real opportunity in 2024 to further weaken the Democrats’ grip on African Americans and Latinos. Those groups have been among the most loyal segments of the Democratic coalition since Republican leaders fought against the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

    The Republican presidential contenders of 2024 walk a fine line when addressing race with the GOP’s overwhelmingly white primary electorate.

    In most cases, the diverse candidates in the Republican field play down the significance of their racial heritage. They all deny the existence of systemic racism in the United States even while discussing their own personal experience with racial discrimination. They oppose policies around policing, voting rights and education that are specifically designed to benefit disadvantaged communities and combat structural racism.

    The NAACP recently issued a travel advisory for the state of Florida under DeSantis’ leadership, warning of open hostility “toward African Americans, people of color and LGBTQ+ individuals.” The notice calls out new policies enacted by the governor that include blocking public schools from teaching students about systemic racism and defunding programs aimed at diversity, equity and inclusion.

    The Republican presidential candidates of color largely support DeSantis’ positions.

    Marc Morial, president and CEO of the National Urban League, said the GOP’s policies are far more important than the racial and ethnic diversity of their presidential candidates. He noted there also were four Republican candidates of color in 2016, the year Trump won the White House after exploiting tensions over race and immigration.

    “White nationalists, insurrectionists and white supremacists seem to find comfort in the (Republican) Party,” Morial said. “I think we’re beyond the politics of just the face of a person of color by itself appealing to people of color. What do you stand for?”

    With few exceptions, the Republican candidates who have entered the presidential primary field have embraced the GOP’s “anti-woke” agenda, which is based on the notion that policies designed to address systemic inequities related to race, gender or sexuality are inherently unfair or even dangerous.

    DeSantis this past week described such policies as “cultural Marxism.”

    Still, the GOP’s diverse field is not ignoring race. Indeed, some candidates are making their race a central theme in their appeal to Republican primary voters even as they deny that people of color face systemic challenges.

    Scott insisted that America is not a racist country in his recent announcement speech.

    “We are not defined by the color of our skin. We are defined by the content of our character. And if anyone tells you anything different, they’re lying,” he said.

    In her announcement video, Haley noted that she was raised in a small town in South Carolina as “the proud daughter of Indian immigrants — not black, not white, I was different.” Like Scott, she has defended the GOP against charges of racism.

    “Some think our ideas are not just wrong, but racist and evil,” Haley said. “Nothing could be further from the truth.”

    Elder is quick to criticize the Democrats’ “woke” agenda, Black Lives Matter and the notion of systemic racism.

    Critics say such messages are actually designed to win over suburban white voters more than to attract voters of color. But on the South Side of Chicago on a recent Friday afternoon, there were signs that some Black voters were open to the GOP’s new messengers, given their frustration with both political parties.

    One attendee at Ramaswamy’s town hall waved a flyer for a “Biden boycott” because the Democratic president has not signaled whether he supports reparations for the descendants of slaves, although Biden did back a congressional effort to study the issue. None of the GOP’s presidential candidates supports reparations, either.

    Others condemned Democrats, in Chicago and in Washington, for working harder to help immigrants who are in the country illegally than struggling African American citizens.

    Federal officials were preparing to relocate hundreds of migrants from the U.S.-Mexico border to the South Side, even as many local residents struggled with violence and difficult economic conditions.

    “It is certainly true that there are multiple shades of melanin in this Republican race,” Ramaswamy said in an interview before the event. “I think that in some ways dispels the myth that much of the left will perpetuate that this is somehow you know, a racist party or whatever drivel.”

    He added: “But personally, I could care less what someone’s skin color is. I think what matters is, what are they going to accomplish? What’s their vision?”

    As of now, the GOP does not have any Hispanic candidates in the 2024 contest. But Suarez, the Miami mayor, said he may change that in the coming days.

    “I think it’s important the field does have candidates that can connect with and motivate Hispanics to continue a trend that’s already happening,” he said in an interview, noting that he’s “very strongly” considering a White House bid. “Democrats have failed miserably to connect with Hispanics.”

    A majority of Latino voters supported Biden in the 2020 presidential contest, according to AP VoteCast, an extensive national survey of the electorate. But Trump cut into that support in some competitive states, including Florida and Nevada, revealing important shifts among Latinos from many different cultural backgrounds.

    In last fall’s midterm elections, support grew for Republican candidates among Black voters, although they remained overwhelmingly supportive of Democrats, AP Votecast found. Overall, Republican candidates were backed by 14% of Black voters, compared with 8% in the midterm elections four years earlier.

    While the shifts may be relatively small, strategists in both parties acknowledge that any shift is significant given how close some elections may be in 2024.

    In Chicago, Tyrone Muhammad, who leads Ex-Cons for Social Change, lashed out at Republicans for being “losers” for not seizing a very real opportunity to win over more African Americans. While sitting next to Ramaswamy on stage, he also declared that the Republican Party is racist.

    Later, he said he actually voted for Trump in 2020 because Trump enacted a criminal justice bill that aimed to shorten prison sentences for nonviolent drug offenders and address racial inequalities in the justice system. While the GOP has since embraced tough-on-crime rhetoric, Muhammed noted that Biden as a senator helped pass the 1994 crime bill that led to the mass incarceration of Black people.

    Muhammad said he might vote Republican again in 2024, despite the party’s shortcomings. He pointed to the GOP’s fight against illegal immigration as a core reason for support.

    “I may not like you as an individual, but I like your issues, I like your policies,” he said.

    ___

    Fields reported from Washington. Associated Press writer Thomas Beaumont in Des Moines, Iowa, contributed to this report.

    ___

    The Associated Press receives support from several private foundations to enhance its explanatory coverage of elections and democracy. See more about AP’s democracy initiative here. The AP is solely responsible for all content.

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  • Tim Scott set to announce launch of his 2024 GOP presidential campaign

    Tim Scott set to announce launch of his 2024 GOP presidential campaign

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    NORTH CHARLESTON, S.C. — As he launches his presidential campaign on Monday, Sen. Tim Scott of South Carolina is officially wading into a GOP primary battle already largely dominated by two commanding figures: former President Donald Trump and Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis.

    Scott, the only Black Republican senator, will make his campaign announcement in his hometown of North Charleston after making it official last week with the Federal Election Commission. The late morning event is taking place at Charleston Southern University, Scott’s alma mater and a private school affiliated with the Southern Baptist Convention.

    Then he’ll spend Tuesday with donors in Charleston before a whirlwind, two-day campaign swing to Iowa and New Hampshire.

    Like others in the GOP race, including former United Nations Ambassador Nikki Haley, former Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson and “Woke, Inc.” author Vivek Ramaswamy, Scott will have to find a way to stand out in a field led by Trump and DeSantis, the latter of whom could announce his own bid as early as this week.

    But Scott’s senior advisers note that political environments can shift over the course of a primary campaign, pointing to early in the 2016 race when Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker and former Florida Gov. Jeb Bush were seen as the top GOP candidates before Trump became the party’s nominee.

    One way Scott, 57, hopes to make his mark is by leaning into more optimistic rhetoric than his conservative rivals. With his Christian faith an integral part of his political and personal story, Scott often quotes Scripture at his campaign events, weaving his reliance on spiritual guidance into his stump speech and even bestowing the name “Faith in America” on his pre-launch listening tour.

    In terms of Scott’s political strength, his team points to his most recent Senate reelection in November, when Scott defeated his Democratic opponent by more than 20 percentage points. Such overwhelming support in a state that votes early in the GOP’s presidential nominating calendar bodes well for Scott’s electability on a larger scale, his advisers say.

    There’s also the matter of money. He will enter the 2024 race with more cash on hand than any other presidential candidate in U.S. history. He had $22 million left in his campaign bank account at the end of his 2022 campaign and plans to immediately transfer that to his presidential coffers.

    It’s enough money, his team says, to keep Scott on the air with continuous TV ads in early voting states until the first round of votes next year.

    On many issues, Scott aligns with mainstream GOP positions. He wants to reduce government spending and restrict abortion, saying he would sign a federal law to prohibit abortions after 15 weeks of pregnancy if elected president.

    But Scott has pushed the party on some policing overhaul measures since the killing of George Floyd, and he has occasionally criticized Trump’s response to racial tensions. Throughout their disagreements, though, Scott has maintained a generally cordial relationship with Trump, saying in his book that the former president “listened intently” to his viewpoints on race-related issues.

    When he was appointed to the Senate by then-Gov. Nikki Haley in 2012, Scott became the first Black senator from the South since just after the Civil War. Winning a 2014 special election to serve out the remainder of his term made him the first Black candidate to win a statewide race in South Carolina since the Reconstruction era.

    He has long said his current term, which runs through 2029, would be his last.

    Scott rejects the notion that the country is inherently racist and has repudiated the teaching of critical race theory, an academic framework that presents the idea that the nation’s institutions maintain the dominance of white people.

    “Hear me clearly: America is not a racist country,” Scott has said. “It’s backwards to fight discrimination with different types of discrimination. And it’s wrong to try to use our painful past to dishonestly shut down debates in the present.”

    If Scott is successful, he would be the first Black person to win the Republican presidential nomination and the second elected to the presidency, following Barack Obama in 2008.

    In a video announcing his exploratory committee earlier this year, Scott positioned himself as the antidote to the “radical left: a self-made success story as the son of a single mother who overcame poverty. He also bemoaned Democratic leaders as needlessly dividing the country by fostering a “culture of grievance.”

    Other Republicans are still deciding whether to wade into the presidential race, including former Vice President Mike Pence, former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie and Miami Mayor Francis Suarez.

    President Joe Biden is seeking reelection, a decision that has largely cleared the Democratic field.

    ___

    Meg Kinnard can be reached at http://twitter.com/MegKinnardAP

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  • Brazil’s president, players support Vinícius Júnior, criticize racism in Spanish league

    Brazil’s president, players support Vinícius Júnior, criticize racism in Spanish league

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    SAO PAULO — Brazil’s President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has joined soccer clubs and players in coming out to support star striker Vinícius Júnior after he once more faced racist abuse in a Spanish league match on Sunday.

    The latest incident took place in Real Madrid’s 1-0 loss at Valencia, a match that had to be temporarily stopped after the Brazil forward said he was insulted by a fan behind one of the goals at Mestalla Stadium.

    Valencia fans were filmed making monkey chants toward Vinícius, who is Black.

    Lula told a news conference in Japan on the sidelines of a G7 meeting that he hopes FIFA, the Spanish League and other soccer bodies “take measures so we don’t allow racism and fascism to take over” in the sport.

    “It is not fair that a poor boy who is winning in his life, becoming one of the best in the world, certainly the best at Real Madrid, is insulted in every stadium he goes to,” Lula said. Several of his cabinet ministers also backed Vinicius and were critical of the Spanish league.

    Brazil’s Human Rights Minister Silvio Almeida, who is Black, said on Twitter: “The behavior of Spanish authorities and of the entities that govern its soccer is criminal.”

    “It shows undeniable acceptance of racism,” Almeida said. “(Vinicius) I will be on your side to hold those that attack you accountable, but also those who omit themselves.”

    Rio de Janeiro Mayor Eduardo Paes used expletives on Twitter to insult Spanish league president Javier Tebas, who criticized Vinicius following the incident for his comments on the lack of action of the sport’s national authorities every time he is racially abused during matches.

    “You want to blame the victim, you idiot?” Paes posted.

    Ednaldo Rodrigues, the first Black president of the Brazilian soccer confederation, said he is troubled by the lack of action in Spain after another racist incident against Vinicius.

    “Until when will we have to see episodes like the one we just witnessed, yet again in La Liga?” Rodrigues said. “Until when will we have to fight for concrete and efficient measures on and off the pitch? There is no joy where there is racism.”

    Flamengo, the club where Vinicius started his career, issued a statement saying “it is even more shocking to know that it is not the first time and that so little has been done to fight (racism in the Spanish league) and stop it from happening again.” Other Brazilian clubs made similar comments.

    Many of Vinicius’ teammates in the national team also showed their support for the 22-year-old forward, who has been subject to racist abuse since moving to Spain five years ago.

    “They always did whatever they could to stop Blacks from coming near the top,” striker Richarlison said. “They enslaved, marginalized and killed. But they will never knock down those who were born to be big. History forgets the rats and makes those fighting these bad people much bigger. I am with you always, Vini.”

    Real Madrid coach Carlo Ancelotti considered replacing Vinícius after he said fans at the Mestalla Stadium chanted “monkey” toward him. He said Vinícius initially didn’t want to continue playing.

    He was later sent off after an altercation with Valencia players, and gestured to home fans about their team’s fight against relegation as he left the field.

    ___

    More AP soccer: https://apnews.com/hub/Soccer and https://twitter.com/AP_Sports

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  • Civil rights groups warn tourists about Florida in wake of ‘hostile’ laws

    Civil rights groups warn tourists about Florida in wake of ‘hostile’ laws

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    ORLANDO, Fla. — The NAACP over the weekend issued a travel advisory for Florida, joining two other civil rights groups in warning potential tourists that recent laws and policies championed by Gov. Ron DeSantis and Florida lawmakers are “openly hostile toward African Americans, people of color and LGBTQ+ individuals.”

    The NAACP, long an advocate for Black Americans, joined the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC), a Latino civil rights organization, and Equality Florida, a gay rights advocacy group, in issuing travel advisories for the Sunshine State, where tourism is one of the state’s largest job sectors.

    The warning approved Saturday by the NAACP’s board of directors tells tourists that, before traveling to Florida, they should understand the state of Florida “devalues and marginalizes the contributions of, and the challenges faced by African Americans and other communities of color.”

    An email was sent Sunday morning to DeSantis’ office seeking comment. The Republican governor is expected to announce a run for the GOP presidential nomination this week.

    Florida is one of the most popular states in the U.S. for tourists, and tourism is one of its biggest industries. More than 137.5 million tourists visited Florida last year, marking a return to pre-pandemic levels, according to Visit Florida, the state’s tourism promotion agency. Tourism supports 1.6 million full-time and part-time jobs, and visitors spent $98.8 billion in Florida in 2019, the last year figures are available.

    Several of Florida’s Democratic mayors were quick to say Sunday that their cities welcomed diversity and inclusion.

    “EVERYONE is always welcome and will be treated with dignity and respect,” tweeted Mayor Ken Welch of St. Petersburg in a message echoed by the mayor across the bay in Tampa.

    “That will never change, regardless of what happens in Tallahassee,” tweeted Mayor Jane Castor of Tampa.

    The NAACP’s decision comes after the DeSantis’ administration in January rejected the College Board’s Advanced Placement African American Studies course. DeSantis and Republican lawmakers also have pressed forward with measures that ban state colleges from having programs on diversity, equity and inclusion, as well as critical race theory, and also passed the Stop WOKE Act that restricts certain race-based conversations and analysis in schools and businesses.

    In its warning for Hispanic travelers considering a visit to Florida, LULAC cited a new law that prohibits local governments from providing money to organizations that issue identification cards to people illegally in the country and invalidates out-of-state driver’s licenses held by undocumented immigrants, among other things. The law also requires hospitals that accept Medicaid to include a citizenship question on intake forms, which critics have said is intended to dissuade immigrants living in the U.S. illegally from seeking medical care.

    “The actions taken by Governor DeSantis have created a shadow of fear within communities across the state,” said Lydia Medrano, a LULAC vice president for the Southeast region.

    Recent efforts to limit discussion on LGBTQ topics in schools, the removal of books with gay characters from school libraries, a recent ban on gender-affirming care for minors, new restrictions on abortion access and a law allowing Floridians to carry concealed guns without a permit contributed to Equality Florida’s warning.

    “Taken in their totality, Florida’s slate of laws and policies targeting basic freedoms and rights pose a serious risk to the health and safety of those traveling to the state,” Equality Florida’s advisory said.

    ___

    Follow Mike Schneider on Twitter at @MikeSchneiderAP

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  • Civil rights groups warn tourists about Florida in wake of ‘hostile’ laws

    Civil rights groups warn tourists about Florida in wake of ‘hostile’ laws

    [ad_1]

    ORLANDO, Fla. — The NAACP over the weekend issued a travel advisory for Florida, joining two other civil rights groups in warning potential tourists that recent laws and policies championed by Gov. Ron DeSantis and Florida lawmakers are “openly hostile toward African Americans, people of color and LGBTQ+ individuals.”

    The NAACP, long an advocate for Black Americans, joined the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC), a Latino civil rights organization, and Equality Florida, a gay rights advocacy group, in issuing travel advisories for the Sunshine State, where tourism is one of the state’s largest job sectors.

    The warning approved Saturday by the NAACP’s board of directors tells tourists that, before traveling to Florida, they should understand the state of Florida “devalues and marginalizes the contributions of, and the challenges faced by African Americans and other communities of color.”

    An email was sent Sunday morning to DeSantis’ office seeking comment. The Republican governor is expected to announce a run for the GOP presidential nomination this week.

    Florida is one of the most popular states in the U.S. for tourists, and tourism is one of its biggest industries. More than 137.5 million tourists visited Florida last year, marking a return to pre-pandemic levels, according to Visit Florida, the state’s tourism promotion agency. Tourism supports 1.6 million full-time and part-time jobs, and visitors spent $98.8 billion in Florida in 2019, the last year figures are available.

    Several of Florida’s Democratic mayors were quick to say Sunday that their cities welcomed diversity and inclusion.

    “EVERYONE is always welcome and will be treated with dignity and respect,” tweeted Mayor Ken Welch of St. Petersburg in a message echoed by the mayor across the bay in Tampa.

    “That will never change, regardless of what happens in Tallahassee,” tweeted Mayor Jane Castor of Tampa.

    The NAACP’s decision comes after the DeSantis’ administration in January rejected the College Board’s Advanced Placement African American Studies course. DeSantis and Republican lawmakers also have pressed forward with measures that ban state colleges from having programs on diversity, equity and inclusion, as well as critical race theory, and also passed the Stop WOKE Act that restricts certain race-based conversations and analysis in schools and businesses.

    In its warning for Hispanic travelers considering a visit to Florida, LULAC cited a new law that prohibits local governments from providing money to organizations that issue identification cards to people illegally in the country and invalidates out-of-state driver’s licenses held by undocumented immigrants, among other things. The law also requires hospitals that accept Medicaid to include a citizenship question on intake forms, which critics have said is intended to dissuade immigrants living in the U.S. illegally from seeking medical care.

    “The actions taken by Governor DeSantis have created a shadow of fear within communities across the state,” said Lydia Medrano, a LULAC vice president for the Southeast region.

    Recent efforts to limit discussion on LGBTQ topics in schools, the removal of books with gay characters from school libraries, a recent ban on gender-affirming care for minors, new restrictions on abortion access and a law allowing Floridians to carry concealed guns without a permit contributed to Equality Florida’s warning.

    “Taken in their totality, Florida’s slate of laws and policies targeting basic freedoms and rights pose a serious risk to the health and safety of those traveling to the state,” Equality Florida’s advisory said.

    ___

    Follow Mike Schneider on Twitter at @MikeSchneiderAP

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