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Tag: bill

  • ‘Creed’ Live From Philly With Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, Sean Fennessey, and Van Lathan

    ‘Creed’ Live From Philly With Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, Sean Fennessey, and Van Lathan

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    One step at a time, one punch at a time, one round at a time, the crew is here to revisit the ‘Rocky’ spinoff!

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    Bill Simmons

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  • Bill Murray Crashes ‘Groundhog Day’ Bash at Harry Caray’s Navy Pier

    Bill Murray Crashes ‘Groundhog Day’ Bash at Harry Caray’s Navy Pier

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    Bill Murray surprised folks last week at Navy Pier during an event celebrating the movie Groundhog Hog Day held on Groundhog Day, Friday, February 2. Harry Caray’s Grant DePorter put the show together, reuniting members of the 1993 movie to honor the film’s director, Chicago native Harold Ramis. Ramis was also an investor at Harry Caray’s. The event marked the 10th anniversary of his death.

    Luminaries like Sen. Dick Durbin attended as did Ramis’s wife, Erica Mann Ramis. She read a letter written by President Barack Obama. DePorter arranged an elaborate set as a tribute to the movie, giving folks a reason to visit Navy Pier. The winters are slow around most Chicago restaurants, but big crowds rarely fill Navy Pier during the colder months. DePorter sold movie-themed cocktails and brought in a groundhog from Woodstock, using the same animal handler that was used in the movie. Yes, there’s a possibility that this critter, nicknamed Chicago Harry, is related to the star of the movie. In a controversial ruling, Harry did see his shadow, thus sentencing Chicagoans to six more weeks of winter. Even if 40 degrees feels tropical right now.

    But as the spring-starved crowd wiped their tears, Brian Doyle-Murray — who appeared in the movie as Buster Green — joined his brother and others to a toast to Harold Ramis, raising glasses of sweet vermouth. Check out the scene in the photos below.

    Chicago Harry is the groundhog’s name.

    Members of the movie’s cast, plus Chicago aldermen, and Harold Ramis’s wife, Erica Mann Ramis, celebrated on February 2 at Navy Pier.

    A man in a funny hat holds a scroll and reads from it.

    Actor Brian Doyle Murray, who played Buster in Groundhog Day, reenacts a scene from the movie.

    A stage with folks holding signs.

    The groundhog saw its shadow.

    Sen. Dick Durbin speak at a podium.

    Sen. Dick Durbin speaks at the event.

    A groundhog being held by a handler.

    Chicago Harry and its handler.

    An ice block with Harold Ramis’s photo and the words “Groundhog day.”

    Harold Ramis was also an investor at Harry’s.

    A group of folks dressed up like folks from Ghostbusters.

    A group of Ghostbusters superfans also attended when they heard about Bill Murray’s involvement.

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    Ashok Selvam

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  • ‘The Fugitive’ LIVE With Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, and Mallory Rubin | The Rewatchables

    ‘The Fugitive’ LIVE With Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, and Mallory Rubin | The Rewatchables

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    Bill Simmons is joined by Chris Ryan and Mallory Rubin live in Chicago to rewatch 1993 action-thriller ‘The Fugitive,’ with Harrison Ford and Tommy Lee Jones

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    Bill Simmons

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  • Sip, sip, hooray! New bill would allow drinking on public streets in designated areas

    Sip, sip, hooray! New bill would allow drinking on public streets in designated areas

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    Imagine a California where you can buy a beer at your favorite bar or restaurant, take it outside and drink it on the street with a friend. That could soon be a reality, if state and local officials clear the way.

    A bill proposed by California Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) would allow the consumption of alcohol on public streets in zones designated for tippling.

    The proposed legislation, Senate Bill 969, would give municipalities and counties the power, starting in 2025, to designate local “entertainment zones” where people could consume “alcoholic beverages on public streets, sidewalks, or public rights of way,” according to the bill.

    Wiener says the legislation could help revitalize California’s downtown districts, where businesses have struggled since the pandemic eviscerated foot traffic.

    “People want to be outdoors; they want to gather with their community,” said Wiener. “We have these very strict alcohol laws in California that sometimes need to be made more flexible.

    “This is really about giving cities the ability to decide what works for their public spaces,” he added. “And for some cities, whether it’s in the downtown area or a town square or a particular block, they should have the ability to create an entertainment zone to allow bars and restaurants to sell both food and alcohol onto the street. Let’s allow people to enjoy themselves with their friends and neighbors.”

    Wiener said the legislation would also be a boon beyond downtown neighborhoods, helping cities and local businesses that have struggled since COVID-19 caused companies to close offices and send employees to work from home.

    Current laws allow street festivals to get one-day permits for vendors to sell alcohol for consumption on public streets. Wiener believes that should be extended to local businesses.

    A University of Toronto study showed that many downtown areas in California are getting 60% to 90% of the traffic they saw in 2019. For downtown Los Angeles, the figure is 83%; San Francisco has 67%; and Sacramento is at 66%.

    San Francisco and San Jose have given the bill their support.

    “When safely implemented, SB 969 would make it easier for local businesses to host block parties, wine walks and events that bring us all together to help drive the vibrant future of our downtown,” said San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan in a statement.

    The entertainment zones designated by municipalities would have specific days and hours of operation, like any business; people wouldn’t be free to imbibe in the street whenever they please. And California Penal Code Section 647(f) would continue to make it a crime to be intoxicated in public. Bars and restaurants would still be subject to state law that does not allow for the sale of alcohol between 2:00 a.m. and 6:00 a.m.

    Wiener proposed similar legislation in 2021 and last year; both passed the Senate unanimously. But they ran into trouble in the Assembly’s Appropriations Committee, which blocked the entertainment zone provisions in 2022, then watered down and limited them to San Francisco County in 2023.

    The 2024 bill has not yet been referred to a committee.

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    Noah Goldberg

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  • Prince of Persia, Last of Us Season 2, And More Of The Week's Hottest Takes

    Prince of Persia, Last of Us Season 2, And More Of The Week's Hottest Takes

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    Screenshot: The Pokémon Company / Kotaku

    After playing through Pokémon Scarlet and Violet’s epilogue I can definitively say I was mostly let down by the Hidden Treasure of Area Zero DLC. Don’t get me wrong, the “Mochi Mayhem” episode is an hour of silly fun alongside some of the best characters to grace the games’ Paldea region, but it is just that—silly, especially when compared to some of the games’ more memorable moments. – Kenneth Shepard Read More

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    Kotaku Staff

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  • ‘Under Siege’ With Bill Simmons and Kyle Brandt

    ‘Under Siege’ With Bill Simmons and Kyle Brandt

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    Bill Simmons hires Kyle Brandt, an ex–Navy SEAL turned podcaster, to rewatch the 1992 action thriller ‘Under Siege,’ starring Steven Seagal, Tommy Lee Jones, and Gary Busey

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    Bill Simmons

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  • ‘National Lampoon’s Christmas Vacation’ With Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, Sean Fennessey, and Van Lathan

    ‘National Lampoon’s Christmas Vacation’ With Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, Sean Fennessey, and Van Lathan

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    Photo by Steve Schapiro/Corbis via Getty Images

    The crew spends Christmas with the Griswolds by revisiting the Chevy Chase comedy

    The Ringer’s Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, Sean Fennessey, and Van Lathan have a good old-fashioned Christmas with the Griswolds as they rewatch National Lampoon’s Christmas Vacation, starring Chevy Chase, Beverly D’Angelo, and Randy Quaid.‌

    Producer: Craig Horlbeck

    Subscribe: Spotify / Apple Podcasts / Stitcher / RSS

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    Bill Simmons

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  • Opinion: Same hospital, same injury, same child, same day: Why did one ER visit cost thousands more?

    Opinion: Same hospital, same injury, same child, same day: Why did one ER visit cost thousands more?

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    The Kaiser Family Foundation recently reported that the annual cost of family health insurance jumped to nearly $24,000 this year, the greatest increase in a decade. While insurance executives and employers may cite a plethora of reasons, one of the chief culprits is lack of oversight over the Wild West of healthcare prices.

    My friend encountered a dramatic example of this last year after her 4-year-old daughter had the misfortune of suffering the same injury twice in the same day.

    The girl’s parents were getting her ready for school one morning when, as her hand was pulled through a shirt sleeve, she experienced severe pain. They took her to the children’s emergency department down the road from their home in the Bay Area, where she was diagnosed with “nursemaid’s elbow” or, more technically, a “radial head subluxation.” Common in young children, whose ligaments are looser than adults’, the partial dislocation is straightforward to diagnose and treat. A simple maneuver of the elbow put it back in place in seconds.

    After coming home from school that afternoon, my friend’s daughter was playing with her babysitter when her elbow got out of place again. They went back to the same emergency department and went through the same steps with another doctor.

    My friend, who is fortunate enough to have good insurance and the means to pay her share, knew the bills wouldn’t be cheap. What she wasn’t expecting was such a stark illustration of the arbitrary nature of medical billing.

    While the bill for the first visit was $3,561, the second was $6,056. Same child, same hospital, same insurance, same diagnosis, same procedure, same day — and yet the price was different by not just a few dollars or even a few hundred dollars, but nearly double.

    How do we make sense of this? How can a patient be charged such wildly different prices for the same treatment on the same day?

    Emergency room billing consists of hospital fees and professional services fees. The hospital fees include a “facility fee” that is part of every emergency room visit and coded at one of five levels. Level 1 is the simplest — someone needing a prescription, for example — while Level 5 is the most complicated, for problems such as heart attacks and strokes that require significant hospital resources. And of course there can be additional hospital fees for X-rays, medications and the like, which weren’t necessary in the case of my friend’s daughter.

    The professional services fees are for the emergency physician and other providers such as radiologists. In this case, there were no fees for professionals other than the emergency room doctor.

    But the itemized charges showed the two visits were billed completely differently. The first was charged a Level 1 facility fee and a Level 3 professional fee. And the bill tacked on additional fees, including hospital and professional charges for taking care of the patient’s injured joint.

    The second visit, meanwhile, was charged a Level 2 facility fee and a Level 4 professional fee, both higher than that morning. But in contrast to the earlier visit, no other charges appeared.

    Why was the same injury coded as more complex and expensive to treat the second time than the first? Why did the coding and billing company decide to charge for additional services for the first visit but not the second?

    I know both of the physicians who treated my daughter’s friend; they work in the same group, use the same billing and coding company, and charge the same rates. So the different doctors don’t explain the discrepancy. In my practice, even treating physicians have no access to information about how billing for our services is determined.

    My friend and I contacted the hospital’s billing department repeatedly, but they proved unable to provide any rational explanation.

    Unfortunately, this isn’t new. About a decade ago, I published a series of studies showing how arbitrary medical billing can be. Hospitals charged fees ranging from $10 to $10,169 for a cholesterol test; $1,529 to $182,995 for an appendicitis hospitalization without complications; and $3,296 to $37,227 for a normal vaginal birth.

    Only uninsured patients are asked to pay these sticker prices. But despite the “discounts” granted to insured patients through their insurance companies, these charges end up sneaking into higher premiums and other costs. Medical bills are responsible for about 59% of U.S. bankruptcies.

    There are few certainties in life, but one of them is that we will all need healthcare at some point. And another, at least for those of us living in America, is that we have no idea what it will cost or why. This would never be tolerated in any other industry.

    What can we do about it? Here’s where we could benefit from a government agency like the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, which helps regulate banks and other financial entities that perpetrate what have been called “injustices against everyday Americans.” We need someone to regulate the injustices inflicted on Americans every day at the hands of the healthcare system too. Recent efforts by the Federal Trade Commission and the Department of Justice to police healthcare mergers and address other anticompetitive behavior in the industry could also help.

    More government regulation and oversight won’t address the more fundamental problem that we keep trying to treat healthcare as a market good, which it clearly isn’t. But it could help ensure that treating a minor injury one afternoon doesn’t cost twice as much as it did that morning.

    Renee Y. Hsia is a professor of emergency medicine and health policy at UC San Francisco as well as a Soros fellow and a Public Voices fellow at the OpEd Project.

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    Renee Y. Hsia

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  • ‘Sea of Love’ With Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, and Wosny Lambre

    ‘Sea of Love’ With Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, and Wosny Lambre

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    Come the wet-ass hour, Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, and Wosny Lambre are everyone’s daddy!! They rewatch the 1989 neo-noir thriller Sea of Love, starring Al Pacino, Ellen Barkin, and John Goodman.

    Producer: Craig Horlbeck

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    Bill Simmons

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  • Speech is freer in California than in Florida, watchdog warns ahead of Newsom-DeSantis debate

    Speech is freer in California than in Florida, watchdog warns ahead of Newsom-DeSantis debate

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    Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, who is due to debate California Gov. Gavin Newsom later this week about whose state offers a better model for the country, is leading an “assault on free expression in Florida” that is “almost without peer in recent U.S. history,” a watchdog warned in a pair of reports released Tuesday.

    Pen America, which defends the rights of authors and others around the world to write and speak out without fear of government reprisals, has written detailed reviews comparing the two states’ recent policies and proposals on campus speech codes, book bans, curriculum fights, diversity and inclusion, internet freedom and other 1st Amendment issues in the interstate feud between DeSantis, a Republican, and Newsom, a Democrat.

    The two men, whose states wield outsized influence on the right and left, are set to debate on Fox News Thursday night. DeSantis is hoping the debate jump-starts his flailing presidential campaign while Newsom has been trying to maintain his national stature amid speculation he will run in 2028.

    The Pen report finds fault with both states’ policies but reserves its harshest judgment for DeSantis, who is running for the Republican presidential nomination as a culture warrior on the slogan that Florida is the state “where woke goes to die.” The states’ policies have implications beyond their borders; most of the bills the report analyzed have been adopted in other states, and California is home to tech and entertainment industries with global reach.

    “Florida is setting an agenda of unprecedented censorship, rigging the system to favor the speech of those in power and silencing dissenting voices,” the Pen report states.

    Authors, journalists and others who care about free expression have to pay attention to both states, in part because of their governors’ ambitions and willingness to push barriers at a time when states are leading most of the big culture war fights, said Suzanne Nossel, Pen America’s chief executive, in an interview.

    “If you want to see where free speech is headed in this country, you have to take a close look at what they’re doing,” she said.

    The report details several bills that have been proposed or passed in the Florida Legislature in recent years, most of which were supported by DeSantis.

    They include the well-known bill that critics label “Don’t Say Gay,” which limits discussion of sexual orientation in classrooms, rules limiting the discussion of race in public colleges and universities, bills making it easier to ban books based on parental objections and those targeting mass protests with enhanced criminal penalties and drag shows.

    Some of the bills have been blocked by courts, but the report argues that they still represent a threat to free expression because they create an immediate chilling effect, could ultimately withstand court challenges and are already inspiring new laws and proposals in Florida and elsewhere that could accomplish the same goals.

    The drag show bill, which broadens the state’s obscenity law to apply to some live performances, was temporarily put on hold by a federal judge in central Florida this month after a restaurant sued.

    “Regardless of how the courts rule, the Act has already chilled LGBTQ+ expression in the state,” the Pen authors wrote, citing canceled pride events in southeast Florida and central Florida and the dissolution of a drag storytime chapter in Miami.

    DeSantis has accused critics of falsifying his record and creating “political theater,” insisting, for example, that he has expanded African American history requirements in Florida schools, even as the state placed limits on teaching about systemic racism. In the case of the drag show bill, he said it was targeted at “sexually explicit” performances.

    “People can do what they want with some of that, but to have minors there, I mean, you’ll have situations where you’ll have like an 8-year-old girl there, where you have these like really explicit shows, and that is just inappropriate,” he said at a May news conference.

    James Tager, research director of Pen America and co-author of the reports, said it was important to be “clear-eyed” and “send a warning signal” about Florida’s direction, given DeSantis’ political ambitions.

    “Florida holds itself as a blueprint for a more of free way of living, championing the rhetoric of liberty,” Tager said. “Several of their significant proposals, the primary effect is to degrade and winnow down free expression rights in the state.”

    Though Florida took the brunt of Pen’s criticism, California’s laws drew more limited scrutiny.

    The report credits California with “unambiguous wins for free expression” for passing laws to protect journalists covering protests and restricting the ability of courts to allow rap lyrics as evidence in criminal trials.

    But it faults the state for what it labels well-intended misses, including a law that requires social media companies to produce regular reports on their content moderation to the state attorney general. The authors argue that the law, though ambiguous in defining the attorney general’s role, could give the government more power to regulate speech.

    The report also cautions that a law intended to protect children on social media and other online platforms could chill free speech because it “requires businesses to predict any content or practice that lawmakers could consider to be ‘harmful’” to children. Tech industry and publishing groups have also opposed the law as overly broad, warning it could hinder content intended for adults.

    Newsom said when he signed it that the state “will not stand by as social media is weaponized to spread hate and disinformation.”

    The report also criticizes the state for a policy approved last year by the Board of Governors of California’s community college system that would evaluate college professors, in part, on their commitment to teaching anti-racist ideas untended to foster “diversity, equity and inclusion.” The policy has drawn a lawsuit from a group of professors.

    “There is a difference between protecting a school’s or faculty member’s right to include DEI programming, and mandating that they do so, especially in higher education,” the authors wrote.

    The organization labels the policy a “gag order,” arguing that it limits a professor’s academic freedom by forcing them to adopt the college system’s viewpoint.

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    Noah Bierman

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  • ‘American Pie’ With Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, and Sean Fennessey

    ‘American Pie’ With Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, and Sean Fennessey

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    Universal

    The comedy that launched a raunchy franchise

    The Ringer’s Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, and Sean Fennessey continue “Wait, That Movie Made HOW Much Money?” Month by rewatching a movie as good as apple pie: the 1999 hit comedy American Pie, starring Jason Biggs and Seann William Scott.

    Producer: Craig Horlbeck

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    Bill Simmons

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  • ‘Mr. and Mrs. Smith’ With Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, and Amanda Dobbins

    ‘Mr. and Mrs. Smith’ With Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, and Amanda Dobbins

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    After five to six years of podcasting, The Ringer’s Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, and Amanda Dobbins head to podcast therapy to reignite their stagnating love of podcasts. To keep the spark alive in “Wait, This Movie Made HOW Much Money?” Month, they rewatch the 2005 action-comedy Mr. and Mrs. Smith, starring Brad Pitt and Angelina Jolie.

    Producer: Craig Horlbeck

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    Bill Simmons

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  • The Republicans Have No Majority

    The Republicans Have No Majority

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    Mike Johnson now knows what Kevin McCarthy was dealing with.

    At the new speaker’s behest, House Republicans today relied on Democratic votes to avert a government shutdown by passing legislation that contains neither budget cuts nor conservative policy priorities. The bill was a near replica of the funding measure that McCarthy pushed through the House earlier this fall—a supposed surrender to Democrats that prompted hard-liners in his party to toss him from the speakership.

    Johnson is unlikely to suffer the same fate, at least not yet. But today’s vote laid bare a reality that’s become ever more apparent over the past year: Republicans may hold more seats than Democrats, but they don’t control the House.

    Under McCarthy and now Johnson, Republicans have been unable to pass just about any important legislation without significant help from Democrats. The three most consequential votes this year have been the spring budget deal that prevented a catastrophic U.S. debt default, September’s stopgap spending bill that averted a shutdown, and today’s proposal that keeps the government funded through early 2024. More Democrats than Republicans have voted for all three measures.

    GOP leaders have struggled to pass their own proposals on spending bills, leaving the party empty-handed in negotiations with the Democratic-led Senate and the Biden administration. Like McCarthy before him, Johnson pledged that Republicans would advance individual appropriations bills to counter the Senate’s plans to combine them into legislative packages that are too big for lawmakers to adequately review. But in the past week, he’s been forced to scrap votes on two of these proposals because of Republican opposition.

    McCarthy surrendered to Democrats in late September after his members refused to pass a temporary spending bill containing deep cuts and provisions to lock down the southern border. When it was his turn, Johnson didn’t even bother to try a conservative approach. On Saturday, he unveiled a bill that maintains current spending levels—enacted by Democratic majorities in 2022—for another two months. He did not include additional funding for either Israel or Ukraine, nor did he include any policy provisions that might turn off Democrats. Johnson’s only wrinkle was to create two different deadlines for the next funding extension; funding for some departments will run out on January 19, while money for the rest of the government, including the Defense Department, will continue for another two weeks after that.

    The Louisiana Republican said that the dual deadlines would spare Congress from having to consider a trillion-dollar omnibus spending package right before Christmas, as it has done repeatedly over the past several years. “That is no way to run a railroad,” Johnson said this morning on CNBC. “This innovation prevents that from happening, and I think we’ll have bipartisan agreement that that is a better way to do it.”

    Johnson’s decision to avoid a partisan shutdown fight seemed to catch Democrats off guard. The White House initially slammed his proposal, but once party leaders on Capitol Hill realized that the spending bill contained no poison pills, they warmed to it. Democratic support became necessary once it was clear that Republicans would not be able to pass the measure on their own. Conservatives couldn’t even agree to allow a floor vote on the proposal, forcing Johnson to bring it up using a procedure that ultimately required the bill to receive a two-thirds majority to pass.

    Republican hard-liners have been no more willing to compromise under Johnson than they were under McCarthy. The conservative House Freedom Caucus, which initially suggested the two-deadline approach, ultimately opposed the bill anyway. “It contains no spending reductions, no border security, and not a single meaningful win for the American People,” the group said in a statement. “While we remain committed to working with Speaker Johnson, we need bold change.”

    Buried in that final expression of support for Johnson was the first hint of a warning. Conservatives have given the untested speaker some leeway in his opening weeks. Even McCarthy received something of a grace period; when the speaker negotiated a debt-ceiling deal with President Joe Biden, conservatives voted against the bill but didn’t try to overthrow him. Hard-liners haven’t threatened to remove Johnson, but that could change if he keeps relying on Democratic votes. When McCarthy caved to Democrats on spending for the second time, he lost his job a few days later.

    The former speaker and his allies warned his GOP critics that his replacement would find themselves in the same position: managing a majority that isn’t large enough to exert its will. “I’m one of the archconservatives,” Johnson told reporters before the vote, trying to defend himself. “I want to cut spending right now, and I would have liked to put policy riders on this. But when you have a three-vote majority, as we do right now, we don’t have the votes to be able to advance that.”

    Johnson has now used up one of his free passes. The question is how many more he’ll get. In the coming weeks, the speaker will have to navigate a series of fiscal fights over funding for Israel, Ukraine, and the southern border. The bill that the House passed today buys Congress another two months to hash out its differences over spending, but it doesn’t resolve them. Johnson vowed not to agree to any more “short-term” extensions of federal funding, increasing the risk of a shutdown early next year. The speaker will also have to decide whether to press forward with an impeachment of Biden that could please conservatives but turn off Republicans in swing districts.

    In the meantime, frustrated lawmakers from both parties are racing to leave Congress. Since McCarthy’s ouster, nine members, five of them Republicans, have announced their plans to resign or forgo reelection. Many more are likely to do so before the end of the year. After fewer than two terms in the House, GOP Representative Pat Fallon of Texas even considered returning to his old seat in the state legislature, which Republicans have long dominated, before changing his mind today. The frustration extended to other corners of the House GOP. “We got nothing,” another Texas Republican, Representative Chip Roy, lamented to reporters yesterday.  He shouldn’t have been surprised. At the moment, Republicans in the House have a majority in name only.

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    Russell Berman

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  • ‘An Officer and a Gentleman’ With Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, and Sean Fennessey

    ‘An Officer and a Gentleman’ With Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, and Sean Fennessey

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    The Ringer’s Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, and Sean Fennessey rewatch the 1982 classic An Officer and a Gentleman because they’ve got nowhere else to go! They continue “Wait, This Movie Made HOW Much Money?” Month by rewatching the romantic hit starring Richard Gere, Debra Winger, and Louis Gossitt Jr. and directed by Taylor Hackford.

    Producer: Craig Horlbeck

    Subscribe: Spotify / Apple Podcasts / Stitcher / RSS

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    Bill Simmons

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  • ‘Robin Hood: Prince of Thieves’ With Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, and Van Lathan

    ‘Robin Hood: Prince of Thieves’ With Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, and Van Lathan

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    The Ringer’s Bill Simmons, Chris Ryan, and Van Lathan steal from the rich and pod for the poor as they kick off “Wait, this movie made HOW much money?” month with a rewatch of Robin Hood: Prince of Thieves, starring Kevin Costner, Morgan Freeman, Alan Rickman, and Mary Elizabeth Mastrantonio.

    Producer: Craig Horlbeck

    Subscribe: Spotify / Apple Podcasts / Stitcher / RSS

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    Bill Simmons

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  • Healthcare minimum wage expected to cost $4 billion in first year as California budget deficit looms

    Healthcare minimum wage expected to cost $4 billion in first year as California budget deficit looms

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    When Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a law that set a first-in-the-nation minimum wage for healthcare workers, three words in a bill analysis foretold potential concerns about its cost: “Fiscal impact unknown.”

    Now, three weeks after Newsom signed SB 525 into law — giving medical employees at least $25 an hour, including support staff such as cleaners and security guards — his administration has an estimated price tag: $4 billion in the 2024-25 fiscal year alone.

    Half of that will come directly from the state’s general fund, while the other half will be paid for by federal funds designated for providers of Medi-Cal, California’s Medicaid program, according to Newsom’s Department of Finance.

    SB 525 is one of the most expensive laws California has seen in years and comes as the state faces a $14-billion budget deficit that could grow larger, if revenue projections continue to fall short.

    The costly legislation — promoted by unions as a way to curb the healthcare worker shortage and in turn improve patient care — was signed into law even as Newsom has warned about the state’s shaky financial future, vetoing dozens of bills last month in the name of cost savings.

    “With our state facing continuing economic risk and revenue uncertainty, it is important to remain disciplined when considering bills with significant fiscal implications, such as this measure,” Newsom said repeatedly in veto messages, rejecting some bills that had far lower cost projections than SB 525.

    Among the many proposals that Newsom vetoed citing financial concerns was a bill that would have required that colleges pay for diagnostic assessments for students with disabilities, which would have cost the state $5 million annually, and a bill that would have expanded cash assistance for aged, blind and disabled immigrants, which would have cost the state at least $100 million.

    Unknowns remain about implementation of the new wide-reaching minimum wage law, including the exact long-term costs, in part because of significant amendments made to the bill in the final days of the legislation session — a result of a rare truce between union and health-industry leaders deemed necessary to its passage.

    Newsom officials declined to give The Times a cost estimate reflecting those amendments when the governor signed the bill last month. But the amendments were expected to significantly soften the immediate financial impact to the state and hospitals, since gradual wage schedules were introduced in lieu of an instantaneous increase for all.

    Despite the unknowns, Democrats in the state Legislature — including some who were first hesitant about potential costs — were quick to pass the legislation after a deal was made between powerful interest groups.

    The bill originally aimed to increase the minimum wage to $25 per hour for all healthcare employees starting Jan. 1. The opposition estimated that would have cost up to $8 billion annually.

    While leaders of appropriations committees killed bills based on cost in September, rejecting measures that cost millions less than SB 525, the healthcare minimum wage bill cleared that key fiscal hurdle even as the Department of Finance opposed it, citing “significant economic impacts.”

    It’s unclear whether other state programs will be cut to make room for the wage hikes, but expect state lawmakers to rush to write bills when the Legislature returns in January to try to address some financial concerns.

    Unlike a law passed in 2016 that mandated a $15-per-hour minimum wage statewide, the healthcare worker bill does not currently include any mechanism that allows the state to delay wage hikes during economic downturns.

    “This is an important law to ensure California has a robust healthcare workforce. We’re working with legislative leadership and stakeholders on accompanying legislation to account for state budget conditions and revenues,” Newsom spokesperson Alex Stack said on Friday when asked about cost concerns surrounding the bill.

    The $4-billion estimate could change when the Legislative Analyst’s Office releases its annual fiscal outlook expected later this month. The cost is only expected to grow in the future, as more groups of workers become eligible for raises.

    The latest estimated cost to the state reflects pay raises expected to go to half a million healthcare workers who provide services to Medi-Cal patients, plus 26,000 employees at state-owned facilities.

    But the cost to the state could decrease if hospitals pay a bigger share of labor costs, said Tia Orr, executive director of SEIU California, who was involved in shaping the policy. She pointed to billions already set aside for Medi-cal providers through revenue from a tax on managed healthcare organizations as one way to “help manage the impact of increased labor costs.”

    “SEIU California has committed to working with the administration and the Legislature to ensure safeguards are in place to guarantee that this critical measure is taken in a way that preserves California’s fiscal health, just as we did when negotiating the last statewide minimum wage increase,” Orr said. “This is how you make progress — through flexibility and compromise in achieving shared goals.”

    In a statement, David Simon, spokesperson for the California Hospital Association, which ultimately supported the bill, called the plan that Newsom signed a “better, more measured” approach to raising wages than past efforts, which the organization worried would hurt rural hospitals already struggling financially and potentially pass costs onto patients.

    Like Orr, Simon signaled more work to come.

    “As far as any future work related to this issue, we are committed to working with the Legislature and the governor to advance the joint goals of SB 525: investing in our state’s healthcare workforce and preserving access to healthcare,” Simon said.

    Under the law, workers at large healthcare facilities will earn $23 an hour starting in June, $24 an hour in 2025 and $25 in 2026. That applies to all staff, including launderers and hospital gift shop workers.

    Employees at independent rural hospitals and facilities that serve high rates of Medicare and Medi-Cal patients will see $18 an hour next year and won’t reach $25 an hour until 2033. Other smaller workplaces are required to pay employees $21 an hour next year, reaching $25 an hour in 2028.

    Newsom supporters see the legislation as bold national leadership amid labor unrest and worker strikes across industries, and as a more organized way to address local demands for $25 per hour already moving ahead in cities across California. His critics question if he approved it too soon without a concrete plan in order to gain political favor.

    Labor unions have long held outsize power in the California Legislature, but their wins this year were remarkable. Their influence in state politics is undeniable: the Service Employees International Union pumped nearly $4 million into eight independent expenditures alone to get their Democrats of choice elected to the Legislature this year.

    Michael Genest, founder of Capitol Matrix Consulting who served as a budget director for former Gov. Arnorld Schwarzenegger, pointed to union power — and pressure — as one reason why Newsom may have moved too soon.

    “This is no time to start adding really major costs to the state budget when it’s very possible we could go deeply in the wrong direction,” he said, noting the state’s economic uncertainty. “There’s always a reason to spend money, but some people care more about the reason than they do about what’s in the bank account.”

    H.D. Palmer, Newom’s Department of Finance spokesperson, has also acknowledged the state’s financial unknowns but was confident in the governor’s budgeting.

    “The governor is required under the state Constitution to present a balanced budget by Jan. 10 of next year, which he will do,” he said. “There are any number of actions that can be done to balance a budget. Obviously the major thing right now is: where are revenues going to go?”

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    Mackenzie Mays

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  • Prestige HOF: The ‘Studio 60’ Pilot With Bill Simmons and Chris Ryan

    Prestige HOF: The ‘Studio 60’ Pilot With Bill Simmons and Chris Ryan

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    ‌Bill and Chris join together to honor Matthew Perry by celebrating the success of the Studio 60 pilot. They discuss the impressive chemistry between Perry and costar Bradley Whitford, highlight the end of a television era with the shift from 22-episode seasons to more unscripted content, and explore the complicated history of Aaron Sorkin’s work.

    ‌Hosts: Bill Simmons and Chris Ryan
    Producer: Jack Sanders

    Subscribe: Spotify

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    Bill Simmons

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  • ‘The Omen’ With Bill Simmons and Chris Ryan

    ‘The Omen’ With Bill Simmons and Chris Ryan

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    The Ringer’s Bill Simmons and Chris Ryan recorded this podcast just for Damien. It’s all for you, Damien! It’s time for Richard Donner’s 1976 horror film, The Omen—starring Gregory Peck, Lee Remick, and Harvey Spencer Stephens.

    ‌Producer: Craig Horlbeck

    Subscribe: Spotify / Apple Podcasts / Stitcher / RSS

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    Chris Ryan

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  • California congressman offers bill to allow striking workers to collect unemployment pay

    California congressman offers bill to allow striking workers to collect unemployment pay

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    The political fight over whether workers on strike should be allowed to collect unemployment benefits is reigniting in Washington.

    U.S. Rep. Adam Schiff, a California Democrat who is running for Senate, is planning to introduce legislation on Tuesday that would provide unemployment benefits nationwide to workers on strike. Most states don’t allow striking workers to collect unemployment with the exception of New York and New Jersey. Eligibility requirements and the amount of weekly unemployment pay also varies by state.

    Under the Empowering Striking Workers Act of 2023, workers would be able to collect unemployment pay after two weeks on strike, according to a draft of the bill viewed by The Times. Workers would also be eligible for unemployment benefits starting on the date a lockout begins, when the employer hired permanent replacement workers or if the worker becomes unemployed after a strike or lock-out ends, whichever is earlier.

    Democratic U.S. Reps. Donald Norcross of New Jersey and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York also are sponsoring the bill. Labor unions SAG-AFTRA, the Writers Guild of America, the Teamsters and the AFL-CIO are supporting the legislation as well, according to Schiff’s office.

    But with Republicans controlling the House of Representatives, the odds that the bill will pass are slim. Businesses have strongly opposed the idea because they said it would lead to higher employer taxes. Employers pay state and federal payroll taxes to fund the unemployment insurance program.

    The expected introduction of a federal bill comes after California Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed state legislation in September to provide unemployment for striking workers. Newsom said he did so because of financial concerns, a move highly criticized by labor leaders.

    California borrowed billions of dollars from the federal government to cover unemployment benefits, and the state’s unemployment fund debt was projected to be nearly $20 billion by the end of the year. California’s unemployment pay is $450 a week for a maximum of 26 weeks. Business fought the bill because they said they would pay additional taxes annually to repay California’s loan from the federal government.

    The WGA and SAG-AFTRA lobbied for the expanded benefits, saying that they would help workers pay their bills. While members rely on side jobs and strike funds to stay afloat, that income dwindles the longer a strike goes on. The 148-day Hollywood writers strike ended after WGA members ratified a new contract. Actors and crew members represented by SAG-AFTRA have been on strike for more than 100 days.

    Democrats have expressed support for labor unions ahead of the 2024 elections. Labor unions including the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, the Communication Workers of America and the Amalgamated Transit Union have endorsed Schiff for Senate, while other unions have endorsed his main Democratic rivals in the race.

    During an October debate in Los Angeles, Schiff, along with California Democratic Senate candidates Barbara Lee and Katie Porter, disagreed with Newsom’s decision to veto the bill to provide striking workers unemployment benefits. He mentioned during that event he was working on federal legislation.

    “When they go and strike for better work and better wages for themselves and others, they need to have unemployment compensation, because they’re striking for all workers,” Schiff said at the debate.

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    Queenie Wong

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  • Column: Like Reagan, Schwarzenegger and Brown, Newsom uses veto pen to rein in spending by California lawmakers

    Column: Like Reagan, Schwarzenegger and Brown, Newsom uses veto pen to rein in spending by California lawmakers

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    It’s the job of a governor to play adult supervisor and not give adolescent state legislators all the spending money they’d like. Otherwise, they’d break the family bank.

    All modern California governors have performed this role, often in different ways and frequently with relish.

    Many, especially Republicans, have loved to use their “blue pencil,” striking individual spending items from the annual state budget before signing it. That’s a potent power California governors enjoy that U.S. presidents don’t even have.

    Gov. Ronald Reagan cherished the “line item veto” and often lamented not possessing the tool as president.

    Gov. Gavin Newsom, however, hardly ever picks up his blue pencil. He barely touches a spending plan before signing what he’s sent by the Democratic-controlled Legislature. That’s because he and legislative leaders already have negotiated the final version of the budget before lawmakers pass it.

    Then what Newsom does to slow spending by lawmakers is to emulate his predecessor, Gov. Jerry Brown. He vetoes lots of spending bills that legislators pass after the budget is enacted.

    It’s in legislators’ DNA to try to squeeze more dollars out of the state kitty after there’s already a spending plan in place for the year.

    “They’re always asking for more,” Brown once said. “There’s no natural limit. There’s no predator for this species of budgetary activity except the governor.”

    Lawmakers — Democrats, anyway — counter that it’s their constitutional right to keep dipping into the pot.

    “Many of my colleagues have important issues they’re trying to tackle on behalf of their constituents and they have costs,” Assemblyman Evan Low (D-Campbell) told me. “Just as the governor has the right to veto bills, it is the Legislature’s right to send him bills as part of our democratic process.”

    But Newsom’s admonition to legislators — implanted in veto messages on dozens of spending bills he recently rejected — is that if they want to tap into the state vault, they’d better follow a protocol. They need to seek approval through the annual budget process that’s supposed to end on June 30.

    Otherwise, spending veers out of control.

    This was Newsom’s basic boilerplate lecture that he tucked into spending vetoes:

    “We enacted a budget that closed a shortfall of more than $30 billion through balanced solutions that avoided deep program cuts…

    “This year, however, the Legislature sent me bills outside of this budget process that, if all enacted, would add nearly $19 billion of unaccounted costs in the budget…

    “With our state facing continuing economic risks and revenue uncertainty, it is important to remain disciplined.”

    It was a strong message. But a little humor now and then wouldn’t have hurt. Previous governors showed some occasional wit in their bill signing or veto messages.

    In inking a bill to legalize the stuffing and display of dead mountain lions, Brown wrote: “This presumably important bill earned overwhelming support by both Republicans and Democrats. If only that same energetic bipartisan spirit could be applied to creating clean energy jobs and ending tax laws that send jobs out of state.”

    Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger used a vulgar acrostic to veto a bill by an assemblyman who had heckled the Republican governor when he crashed a Democratic fundraiser. The second line of the message began with the letter “F” and lines six through eight started with the letters “y,” “o” and “u.”

    Gov. Pete Wilson enjoyed vetoing a bill that called for a state study of how best to dispose of discarded fluorescent light tubes. “Question: How many new legislative bills does it take to study the disposal of light bulbs?” Wilson wrote. “Answer: One less than you think.”

    Newsom recently signed 890 bills and vetoed 156 — a mediocre veto rate of 15%.

    In 2008, Schwarzenegger vetoed a record 35% of the bills lawmakers sent him, calling it collateral damage for them being 85 days late passing a budget. That was when budgets required a two-thirds legislative vote. In 2011, it was lowered to a simple majority.

    That year, tightwad Brown vetoed the entire budget. He complained it added billions of dollars in new debt to already red ink spending. It’s the only time an entire spending plan has been vetoed.

    Regardless of Newsom’s tough veto message — and his restriction on when spending can be approved — he’s hardly a piker.

    In his less than five years as governor, state spending has jumped by 53% — more than $100 billion, from the $203-billion budget Brown left him to $311 billion currently.

    The governor’s office would not provide a total amount of spending that Newsom vetoed. His boilerplate language was used in 64 vetoes.

    Neither would his spokespeople elaborate on the governor’s veto messages. Was it just about saving money? Or was that sometimes merely a cover for blocking policy he disliked?.

    “Just about every bill that is on the governor’s desk has some cost to it,” says Assembly Budget Committee Chairman Philip Ting (D-San Francisco). “Most of the time the governor has a reason other than the spending [for a veto]. Sometimes he gives the budget excuse.”

    One example: He vetoed a bill requiring high schools to provide free condoms for students. Was that just because of the “unfunded mandate” he cited? Or does the father of four children also question the policy?

    Another: He vetoed a measure that would have provided unemployment insurance benefits for striking union members. He said the unemployment fund was already $20 billion in debt. But did he also think it was nuts to subsidize strikers who voluntarily walk off their jobs?

    He vetoed a lot of spending bills that amounted to pocket change. And he was right.

    Once there’s an agreed-upon budget, lawmakers shouldn’t squeeze taxpayers for more money except in a dire emergency.

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    George Skelton

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