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Tag: Armenia

  • Armenian Officials Visit Los Angeles to Push Diplomacy

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    Senior officials from the Republic of Armenia traveled to Southern California this week to strengthen U.S.–Armenian ties, counter misinformation, and explain their government’s foreign policy priorities to Armenian-American leaders. The delegation was led by Lilit Makunts, chief adviser to Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and included Arayik Harutyunyan, Armenia’s Chief of Staff. Officials said the visit reflected Armenia’s broader effort to deepen Western partnerships during a period of political and security uncertainty.

    During the event, officials emphasized Armenia’s push for stronger international backing as the country prepares for parliamentary elections in June. They also addressed unresolved regional disputes, economic pressures, and concerns over national security.

    Harut Sassounian, publisher and editor of The California Courier and a longtime Armenian-American journalist, has written a weekly political column for more than four decades. He also served for 10 years as a non-governmental delegate on human rights at the United Nations in Geneva and has led major humanitarian efforts supporting Armenia and Artsakh.

    “Armenia has to have good relations with a variety of other foreign nations, whether they’re East, West, North, or South,” Sassounian said. “Armenia cannot rely on any one of them.”

    Historic U.S. Engagement Sets the Stage

    Armenian officials framed the trip around what they described as a historic shift in U.S.–Armenia relations. They pointed to last week’s visit to Yerevan by U.S. Vice President JD Vance, which marked the highest-level American visit to Armenia in modern history.

    Makunts called the visit a turning point and said it demonstrated Washington’s commitment to Armenia’s stability, security, and long-term development.

    Makunts says the partnership is intended to help Armenia diversify its energy security through expanded cooperation in civil energy and technology. She pointed to a joint statement on peaceful nuclear cooperation signed by Prime Minister Pashinyan and Vice President Vance as a central part of that effort.

    Sassounian, however, questions whether recent agreements reflect long-term planning.

    “Unfortunately, we have a prime minister who has zero experience in foreign relations,” he said. “He is not able to maintain proper relations that are in the interest of the Republic of Armenia.”

    He also raised concerns about the financial burden of proposed nuclear projects.

    “Nine billion dollars is a huge amount of money for Armenia,” Sassounian said. “Armenia’s annual budget is about nine and a half billion. It’s something Armenia cannot afford.”

    He added that the proposed technology remains unproven.

    “It’s a brand new technology. It’s untested,” he said. “We don’t know what the risks are with this new system.”

    The visit also revealed diplomatic sensitivities that continue to shape bilateral relations. Vance’s team deleted a social media post referencing the Armenian Genocide Memorial after describing it as honoring genocide victims. The move sparked backlash among Armenian-Americans, many of whom view public recognition as central to historical accountability. The White House later attributed the deletion to a staff error, but the incident underscored ongoing tensions around diplomatic language.

    The TRIPP Vision: Connectivity or Security Gamble?

    Another major focus of the visit was the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP). The transit corridor, agreed upon in 2025, aims to connect the South Caucasus with Europe and Central Asia. Armenian officials describe the project as central to the country’s economic and strategic future, arguing that it could expand trade routes, attract long-term investment, and improve regional integration.

    Makunts and other Armenian officials say regional stability is a prerequisite for economic growth, emphasizing that long-term development depends on sustained peace in the South Caucasus. Government statements and policy documents frame TRIPP as a project designed to expand trade routes and improve regional connectivity. Supporters say the corridor could reduce Armenia’s dependence on Russian-controlled infrastructure by creating alternative transit links supported by Western partners. Analysts and officials argue that broader connectivity would strengthen Armenia’s negotiating position and lower economic vulnerability by diversifying access to regional and international markets.

    Critics, however, remain cautious.

    Sassounian warns that language in the agreement could affect Armenia’s sovereignty.

    “A corridor has sovereignty implications,” he said. “That road belongs to Azerbaijan, even though it’s inside Armenia.”

    Russian officials have also criticized U.S. involvement in Armenia’s energy sector, arguing that Moscow can deliver infrastructure more efficiently. Iran has warned that Western-backed transit corridors near its northern border could shift regional security dynamics.

    Elections, Disinformation, and Domestic Pressures

    Armenia’s parliamentary elections, scheduled for June 7, remain a central concern for government officials. During the forum, they warned of rising disinformation campaigns targeting voters and diaspora communities. Makunts claims a surge in online and abroad of misleading narratives, which may undermine confidence in democratic institutions.

    She urges Armenian-Americans to rely on verified information and official channels, warning that misinformation can undermine public trust. Although diaspora communities cannot vote in Armenian elections, officials emphasized that they influence public opinion, media coverage, and international perceptions. As a result, they described Armenian-Americans as key partners in countering false narratives and misleading information.

    The visit additionally addressed lingering humanitarian concerns stemming from the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. These include detainees and prisoners of war, as well as unresolved border and security issues. Despite a cease-fire, negotiations remain fragile. Makunts said talks continue behind closed doors and declined to provide details, citing the sensitivity of ongoing diplomatic efforts.

    Diaspora: Beyond Symbolism to Strategic Stakeholder

    With one of the largest Armenian populations outside the country, Los Angeles has long played an outsized role in Armenia’s political and civic life. Officials in Yerevan view the region as a center of advocacy, fundraising, and cultural leadership, where community networks help shape international awareness and policy conversations.

    Makunts pointed to decades of diaspora involvement, including charitable donations, community initiatives, and educational investments that have supported Armenia’s development since independence. She described diaspora engagement not as symbolic outreach, but as a strategic component of diplomacy that strengthens Armenia’s global influence and political standing.

    “We all care deeply about what’s happening in Armenia,” Sassounian said. “When leaders are making wrong choices, we have no qualms about speaking up.”

    At a Geopolitical Crossroads

    Armenia faces pressure from multiple directions as it recalibrates its foreign policy. The government is seeking closer ties with the United States while continuing to manage long-standing relationships with Russia and Iran. Meanwhile, regional instability, unresolved conflicts, and shifting alliances remain central factors shaping policy decisions.

    Officials portrayed their government as pursuing balance through economic diversification, diplomatic engagement, and long-term security planning. The Los Angeles visit reflected that strategy, aiming to reassure diaspora leaders and build political support abroad. Whether TRIPP will deliver economic gains and whether peace negotiations will succeed remain uncertain.

    The coming months will test Armenia as it prepares for parliamentary elections on June 7. The government has engaged in ongoing peace negotiations with Azerbaijan following the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, including talks over border demarcation and detainee issues. At the same time, Armenia continues to adjust its foreign policy, expanding cooperation with the United States while managing longstanding ties with Russia and maintaining relations with neighboring Iran.

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  • Turkey Says Black Box Analysis, Initial Findings on Cargo Plane Crash to Take at Least Two Months

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    ANKARA (Reuters) -Turkish Defence Minister Yasar Guler said on Monday it would take at least two months to reach initial findings and analyse the black box of a Turkish cargo plane that crashed in Georgia last week and left 20 soldiers dead.

    The C-130 cargo aircraft had left Azerbaijan for Turkey and crashed in Georgia, marking the NATO member’s highest military death toll since 2020. Ankara has said it was investigating the cause of the crash.

    Speaking to reporters after a cabinet meeting in Ankara, Guler said the black box of the aircraft was being inspected by Turkish Aerospace Industries (TUSAS), adding that despite the crash, the C-130 planes – which Turkey has been operating since 1957 – were “generally safe”.

    “According to preliminary findings, although not definitive, the tail breaks off first. It then splits into three. This will be found in the (inspection of the) black box,” he said, and added that, apart from an engine fire in 1999 after which the aircraft had landed safely, there had been no issues with the C-130s.

    Turkey’s defence ministry said last week the aircraft was carrying a 10-person maintenance team for Turkish F-16s that had earlier taken part in Victory Day celebrations in Azerbaijan, as well as the flight crew and maintenance equipment.

    Turkey’s defence ministry announced last month an agreement with Britain to procure 12 C-130 aircraft that need to undergo modernisation and maintenance.

    It also said last week that the crashed plane was bought from Saudi Arabia in 2012, started flights in 2022, and completed its last maintenance a month ago, adding all planned flights by Turkey’s 18 C-130s were suspended pending inspection.

    (Reporting by Huseyin Hayatsever; Writing by Tuvan Gumrukcu; Editing by Toby Chopra)

    Copyright 2025 Thomson Reuters.

    Photos You Should See – Oct. 2025

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    Reuters

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  • AUA Raises Over $2 Million at Inaugural Gala in New York City

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    On October 25, the American University of Armenia (AUA) hosted the “Reporting Live from NYC! gala celebrating AUA’s growing role in shaping Armenia’s future media leaders through its newly launched Master of Arts in Multiplatform Journalism (MAMJ) program. The evening raised over $2 million toward AUA’s Voice of a New Generation: Transforming Armenia’s Media Landscape with AUA scholarship campaign in support of the MAMJ program.

    Held at the Yale Club of New York City, the event, co-chaired by AUA Trustees Arda Nazerian Haratunian and Lusine Poghosyan, brought together AUA supporters, alumni, and distinguished guests to celebrate journalism, education, and philanthropy.

    Throughout the evening, four AUA alumni shared their journeys and reflections on how the University has shaped their professional and personal growth, underscoring AUA’s role in nurturing thoughtful, creative, and socially responsible leaders.

    In a powerful and emotional address, Nina Shahverdyan (BAEC ’21) reflected on her journey from Artsakh to Columbia University, highlighting the transformative impact of AUA’s community. AUA President Dr. Bruce Boghosian then celebrated the success of the Voice of a New Generation campaign and the launch of MAMJ: “The future belongs to those who ask hard questions, seek honest answers, and master storytelling. Together, we are giving voice to a new generation of media professionals in Armenia.”

    AUA alumna Anahit Melkonyan (BAB ’23), now a J.D. student at Harvard Law School, reflected on the lessons and relationships that shaped her academic journey, sharing stories of mentorship and courage that defined her AUA experience.

    Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Stephen Kurkjian took to the podium for his keynote address, in which he emphasized the critical role of news outlets in keeping the population informed and influencing public opinion and welcomed the launch of the program: “This is an investment in Armenian students. With it, they will learn the most recent advances in media technology, artificial intelligence, and digital programming, enabling them to bring news to the widest audience possible.”

    Sharing her journey, Elina Harutyunyan (BAB ’17) described how the community and academic rigor at AUA gave her the confidence to excel beyond borders, crediting her professors and peers for nurturing a spirit of curiosity and collaboration.

    Special appreciation was extended to Aregi LLC for providing the beautifully crafted tokens of gratitude presented to guests.

    Gaiane Khachatrian, vice president of development at AUA, then expressed deep appreciation for the community’s continued support, while Zaven P. Akian, chair of the AUA Board of Trustees, delivered concluding remarks: “I am inspired by what we have already accomplished together, and even more by what lies ahead. At AUA, we believe that education is the most powerful investment we can make in Armenia’s future, and that learning doesn’t stop at graduation – it’s a lifelong journey.”

    The spirit of generosity and shared vision that defines the AUA community shone brightly throughout the evening, reminding all that education remains the key to Armenia’s sustainable progress and prosperity.

    Source: American University of Armenia

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  • This International, Long-Distance Hiking Trail In The Caucasus Is A Spectacular Journey

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    When you imagine must-visit destinations around the world for avid hikers, you might not think of including the Caucasus on that list. But Armenia, a landlocked country that has underrated beaches surrounded by mountain views, and Georgia, a country known for epic hiking trails, are both well worth a dedicated hiking trip. Add Azerbaijan to that list and you have a trifecta of hiking bliss. But what about a combination of all three? Touted as the first international hiking trail within the Caucasus, the Transcaucasian Trail will span across all three of these countries and two continents. The trail takes hikers through vast valleys, rural meadows, and over mountain peaks, connecting shepherd paths to ATV routes and other pathways.

    The Transcaucasian Trail is notably the new kid on the block when it comes to long-distance hiking trails. Recently opened in 2022, the lesser-known trail has been in the works since 2015 and is sure to make the lists of avid hikers. As of 2025, the trail can be hiked in several different portions in all three countries, including a long portion in Armenia that stretches over 500 miles and takes up to 45 days. Once fully completed, the trail will test the endurance of hikers, winding 1,864 miles through diverse landscapes in Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan.

    Read more: The Safest Countries For Travelers In 2025, According To Previous Visitors

    How to hike the Transcaucasian Trail

    An aerial view of Dilijan National Park in Armenia – trabantos/Shutterstock

    The Transcaucasian Trail made our list of 25 best long-distance hiking trails around the world, and with good reason; it’s full of off-the-beaten-path natural beauty. Because the trail is still broken up into portions, when to hike the trail will depend on which country you’ll be trekking through. In Armenia, the trail is best hiked from mid-May to mid-October. For Georgia sections, you’ll likely need a later start due to high altitudes, making early-July to mid-October the most ideal time to head out. Because the Azerbaijan portions are a bit milder in climate, you’ll likely be able to hike in all seasons with some variations.

    For those who decide to trek the largest portion of the completed trail through Armenia, most hikers embark from Yerevan, the country’s capital city, to make sure they stock up on supplies. From Yerevan, they then catch a bus to Meghri or Gyumri and take a taxi to Lake Arpi to begin the trail. This hike requires plenty of planning, so it would be best to spend a few days in Yerevan triple-checking your list of essentials before heading out.

    Along the trail, you’ll come across gorgeous views of the Gegham Mountains and Lake Sevan, and you’ll make your way through traditional villages and Arevik National Park. Most of the hike will require wild camping, but there are a few Armenian Drams, cash-only guesthouses, along the route that cost anywhere from $13 to $16 per night and include breakfast. If you’re not feeling ambitious enough to complete the whole trek, you can also hire guides for multi-day hikes on portions of the trail in Dilijan National Park, the Gegham Mountains, and the Vayots Dzor province.

    Other helpful information for hiking the Transcaucasian Trail

    Sevanavank Monastery overlooking Lake Sevan in Armenia

    Sevanavank Monastery overlooking Lake Sevan in Armenia – Christophe_cerisier/Getty Images

    On the r/Ultralight subreddit thread, Redditor u/Prestigious-Mango479 speaks about their experience hiking the Transcaucasian Trail from July to October 2023. “This trail has a little bit of everything: beautiful mountains, deserts, forests, tiny villages with lovely people, amazing food, wild camping, guest houses, historic sites, off-trail adventure, and more.” In the thread, u/Prestigious-Mango479 also breaks down necessary information like costs, length, gear they used, as well as how and where to resupply food, and what the trail conditions were like.

    Keep in mind that there are no physical trail maps available, which means that downloading route planning apps is a must. Interactive maps, guides, and GPS data for the routes can be found on the TCT’s official website. Hikers will also be added to a Slack channel, which gives you direct access to trail planners, as well as recent hikers who are a wealth of information. Some hikers have started to connect unfinished portions of the trail through Georgia and Armenia. You can join the TCT Trailblazers program, a thru-hiking support program that provides helpful maps, advice, and other resources for completing the more undeveloped sections.

    Ready to discover more hidden gems and expert travel tips? Subscribe to our free newsletter for access to the world’s best-kept travel secrets. You can also add us as a preferred search source on Google.

    Read the original article on Explore.

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  • Putin Tells Azerbaijan’s Aliyev How Russian Air Defences Downed a Passenger Plane

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    MOSCOW (Reuters) -Russian President Vladimir Putin told Azerbaijan’s leader that two Russian missiles had detonated beside an Azerbaijan Airlines plane last year after Ukrainian drones entered Russian air space and promised compensation to those affected.

    Flight J2-8243, en route from Baku to the Chechen capital Grozny, crash-landed on December 25 near Aktau in Kazakhstan after diverting from southern Russia, where Ukrainian drones were reported to be attacking several targets.

    At least 38 people were killed.

    Video footage on Thursday showed Putin and Aliyev shaking hands and smiling before a bilateral meeting in Tajikistan at which Putin spoke about the plane crash.

    Putin last year issued a rare public apology to Aliyev for what the Kremlin called a “tragic incident” over Russia in which the plane crashed after Russian air defences were deployed against Ukrainian drones.

    On Thursday, he went further.

    “Of course, everything that is required in such tragic cases will be done by the Russian side on compensation and a legal assessment of all official things will be given,” Putin told Aliyev..

    “It is our duty, I repeat once again… to give an objective assessment of everything that happened and to identify the true causes.”

    Putin told Aliyev that two Russian air defence missiles had detonated several metres away from the plane after Ukrainian drones entered Russian airspace.

    The Embraer jet had flown from Azerbaijan’s capital Baku to Grozny, in Russia’s southern republic of Chechnya, where the incident occurred, and had then travelled, badly damaged, another 280 miles (450 km) across the Caspian Sea.

    Aliyev was angry about the crash and has publicly criticised the initial reactions from Moscow which he said sought to cover up the cause of the incident.

    (Reporting by Reuters; Writing by Guy Faulconbridge Editing by Andrew Osborn)

    Copyright 2025 Thomson Reuters.

    Photos You Should See – Oct. 2025

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    Reuters

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  • Trump says he’s ended 6 or 7 wars. Here’s what the record shows.

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    In recent weeks, President Trump has repeatedly claimed he deserves credit for ending six or seven wars during his first months in office, arguing that he should receive the Nobel Peace Prize for his work.

    “I stopped seven wars, and they were, they’re big ones too,” Mr. Trump said Friday. 

    “I’ve settled six wars, and a lot of people say seven because there’s one that nobody knows about,” he said in an August 19 interview.

    A White House official provided a list of seven conflicts the president is referencing: Israel and Iran, Rwanda and Democratic Republic of the Congo, Armenia and Azerbaijan, Thailand and Cambodia, India and Pakistan, Egypt and Ethiopia, and Serbia and Kosovo.

    “There has been more progress towards peace than ever before because of this President’s leadership,” the official wrote.

    The recipient of the 2025 Nobel Peace prize is expected to be announced next month. 

    Over 100 people have received the award since the 19th-century chemist Alfred Nobel created the prize to honor a “person who shall have done the most or the best work for fraternity between nations, the abolition or reduction of standing armies and for the holding and promotion of peace congresses.” 

    Four U.S. presidents have been past laureates, most recently Barack Obama who received the prize for supporting nuclear nonproliferation and international diplomacy.

    Foreign policy experts say that while Mr. Trump has helped broker ceasefires, including one between Israel and Iran, several of the foreign conflicts cited by the administration were not full-scale wars — and many remain unresolved. The White House did not respond to a request for clarification on why the president has repeatedly labeled all seven conflicts as settled wars.

    Some of these peace efforts involved limited U.S. involvement, and in other instances, it remains unclear whether Mr. Trump’s role was decisive. 

    Here’s a look at the conflicts:

    Israel and Iran 

    After Israel attacked Iran’s nuclear facilities in June, a 12-day conflict resulted in the deaths of  about 28 Israelis and hundreds of Iranians before a ceasefire was reached with U.S. and Qatari involvement. Mr. Trump claimed credit, saying he had ordered U.S. airstrikes on Iran’s uranium enrichment sites and pressed Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to hold back from further strikes.

    Michael O’Hanlon, a senior fellow at Brookings, said Mr. Trump deserves some credit for this ceasefire. “He managed to use a combination of a good relationship with Netanyahu, but also a willingness to put a little pressure on Netanyahu that I think contributed to the at least temporary cessation of hostilities,” O’Hanlon said.

    But other foreign policy experts said tensions between the nations are far from resolved, and Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell said in early July that the Defense Department estimated the U.S. strikes likely delayed Iran’s nuclear program by “one to two years.”

    Larry Haas, a senior fellow at the American Foreign Policy Council said, “I very strongly disagree with the notion that the president brought peace to Iran and Israel. We may be in a quiet period in terms of direct confrontation, but Iran right now is trying to regroup.”

    Rwanda and Democratic Republic of the Congo 

    In June, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo announced a peace deal after multiple days of talks in Washington mediated by President Trump and Qatar.

    The deal aimed to end three decades of fighting over Congo’s mineral reserves. Yet the violence has continued, with both sides accusing each other of violating peace terms. Human Rights Watch reported that M23, an armed group that U.S. officials believe is backed by Rwanda, killed over 140 civilians in eastern Congo in July.

    “It’s a premature declaration of success, when in fact we are just getting to the starting line,” O’Hanlon said.

    Armenia and Azerbaijan 

    In August, Mr. Trump helped negotiate an agreement aimed at normalizing relations and  reopening transportation routes between Armenia and Azerbaijan, which have spent decades fighting for control of the Karabakh region. 

    O’Hanlon and Haas agreed the Trump administration pushed the deal forward in part by inviting both leaders to the White House. Leaders of both countries also credited Mr. Trump for the agreement, saying he should receive the Nobel Peace Prize.

    But the deal is not a formal peace agreement and requires ratification. One remaining sticking point is that Azerbaijan wants Armenia to remove any mention of territorial claims to Azerbaijan’s land from its constitution before officials sign a final deal.  Armenia’s prime minister has expressed willingness to change the constitution but has not specified a date for a referendum. 

    Thailand and Cambodia

    In late July, Thailand and Cambodia agreed to a ceasefire after an outbreak of fighting killed at least 35 people. President Trump said that he had pressured both sides to come to the table by threatening trade consequences. 

    The U.S. is a top importer for both counties, and foreign policy experts CBS News spoke to said Mr. Trump’s tariff threats played a significant role in securing a ceasefire. “He helped move things along with economic pressure,” Haas said. 

    The border dispute is continuing, though, with Thai officials accusing Cambodia of laying new landmines. Cambodia denied doing so. 

    India and Pakistan 

    India and Pakistan agreed to a ceasefire in May after weeks of cross-border missile and drone strikes. The deal ended the latest flare-up in their long-running dispute over Kashmir, which both nuclear-armed nations claim as their territory.

    Pakistan credited the Trump administration’s efforts in U.S.-led talks, and nominated him for the Nobel Peace prize. But India insisted its own pressure on Pakistan, not U.S. diplomacy, drove the deal. 

    Josh Kurlantzick, a senior fellow for Southeast Asia and South Asia at the Council on Foreign Relations, said it’s a stretch to call the dispute over Kashmir settled.

    “There is no real ending to this conflict,” he said, noting that future negotiations could be complicated by Mr. Trump’s decision to impose steep tariffs on India, a key partner. 

    Egypt and Ethiopia

    Mr. Trump also claims he brokered peace between Ethiopia and Egypt, which have disagreed about Ethiopia’s decision to construct a hydroelectric dam in the Nile. 

    During his first term, Mr. Trump tried to broker a deal between the countries and suspended some aid to Ethiopia because of a lack of progress. In June, the president mentioned the dispute on Truth Social, writing, “There is peace, at least for now, because of my intervention, and it will stay that way!”

    No deals have been announced, however. Ethiopia still plans to officially open its dam in September over Egypt’s objections that it will restrict the flow of water to its country. And while Egypt previously threatened to go to war over the dam, this conflict has remained a diplomatic one.

    O’Hanlon said of the dispute, “I would not call the Egypt-Ethiopia interaction a war.” 

    Serbia and Kosovo 

    In 2020, President Trump helped negotiate a deal between Serbia and Kosovo to help normalize economic ties, but progress stalled afterwards. 

    Talks have continued with European leaders, but no breakthroughs have emerged. Kosovo declared its independence from Serbia in 2008, which Serbia still does not recognize.

    “His deal-making, to the extent that it existed, actually occurred in his first term, and he really hasn’t stopped what’s going on,” Haas said. 

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  • Contributor: Armenians deserve more than a transactional peace deal with Azerbaijan

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    On Aug. 8, as the White House hosted the trilateral signing of a peace agreement between Armenia, Azerbaijan and the United States, I spoke to a group of Armenian high school students from Los Angeles. We paused to watch the news conference on a laptop in the corner of our crowded room. Their faces — curious, cautious and skeptical — mirrored a sentiment across the Armenian diaspora: hope tempered by doubt, pride shadowed by mistrust.

    This conflict’s roots run deep. After the Soviet Union collapsed, Armenia and Azerbaijan fought a brutal war over a region within Azerbaijan’s borders but claimed by both nations. Azerbaijanis call it Nagorno-Karabakh; Armenians call it Artsakh. A ceasefire held for years but left core disputes unresolved — over territory, governance and the right of self-determination for the region’s Armenian population.

    War erupted again in 2020. Backed by Turkey and armed with advanced weapons, Azerbaijan gained control of much of the disputed territory. The Trump administration did nothing to meaningfully intervene. For Armenians, it was a devastating loss — of land, security, trust and cultural heritage. For Azerbaijan, it was a political and military victory that shifted the balance of power.

    In December 2022, Azerbaijan launched a blockade of the Lachin corridor — the only road linking Nagorno-Karabakh/Artsakh to Armenia — tightening its grip on a region already reeling from war. For the next 10 months, gas, electricity, internet, food and medicine were cut off to 120,000 Armenians, many of them children and elderly. Families rationed bread. Surgeries were postponed. Schools closed.

    I visited the region during this time and stood at the Armenian end of the corridor, where a silent convoy of trucks stretched out of sight up the road — each loaded with food, medicine and basic supplies, each driver knowing they might never be allowed to deliver them. The air was heavy with frustration and helplessness. In the limited coverage of the siege, the isolated Armenians spoke in hushed tones, their faces drawn from months of fear and deprivation. The International Court of Justice ordered Azerbaijan to reopen the corridor, but Baku ignored it.

    I took pride when President Biden officially recognized the Armenian genocide — a moral milestone decades overdue. But his administration failed to punish Azerbaijan during the blockade, and it failed to prevent what came next: Azerbaijan’s full-scale military assault on Nagorno-Karabakh/Artsakh in September 2023. The attack lasted just 24 hours but forced more than 100,000 ethnic Armenians — virtually the entire population of the region — to flee their homes. Centuries-old communities were emptied almost overnight, and families left behind homes, businesses and places of worship, uncertain if they would ever return.

    I’ve felt conflicted watching the Trump administration’s peace-making efforts between Armenia and Azerbaijan. On one hand, I love seeing my country, the United States, stand with Armenia and prioritize Armenian issues on the world stage. On the other, this moment feels hollow. And to me, this reflects a deeper problem: U.S. policy toward the South Caucasus has long lacked consistency, accountability and the will to confront aggressors, no matter which party is in power. And in Washington, Armenians have few friends and weak representation.

    This agreement — like much of U.S. foreign policy in the current administration — is unmistakably transactional. Armenia gains U.S. security assurances and cooperation on artificial intelligence, including support for an emerging AI hub, which is meant to anchor its Western trajectory. Azerbaijan walks away with de facto immunity instead of being held accountable for its actions against the Armenians of Artsakh, as well as arms sales and a transit corridor to Turkey. The United States gets a geopolitical trophy: Trump’s name on the corridor to Turkey, leverage in the region and an apparent diplomatic “win” to market at home.

    But this deal is far from complete. It omits the right of return for displaced Armenians to Artsakh, ignores the destruction of Armenians’ towns, homes and businesses, makes no commitment to preserve Artsakh’s cultural heritage and says nothing about prisoners of war. For many in the Armenian diaspora, these are glaring and unacceptable omissions.

    On paper, the newly named Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity, the link from Azerbaijan to Turkey, is billed as a neutral, cooperative route to be administered by the U.S. In reality, it raises serious questions about Armenia’s sovereignty. The corridor will run through Armenia’s southern Syunik province — its only direct land link to Iran — and could weaken Yerevan’s ability to fully control its own borders, regulate trade and ensure unimpeded access to a vital southern lifeline.

    At best, the Aug. 8 agreement offers a slim hope for a real resolution of the region’s conflicts. If implemented fully, it could help build a more stable and prosperous Armenia for future generations. The challenge is in ensuring this deal yields a U.S. investment in reconstruction, accountability and lasting security, something more than a photo op.

    And even incomplete, flawed agreements can create openings. Armenia’s pivot West, which the deal underlines, carries risk, but it also offers the possibility of stronger security partnerships, economic renewal and cultural preservation, if those benefits reach the people who have endured war and blockade, not just the leaders who signed the papers. In recent years, Armenia has seen a surprising economic boom, driven by tech investment, tourism and a wave of returning diaspora talent. This fragile momentum could be strengthened or squandered depending on what comes next.

    I respect President Trump for pursuing peace agreements — leaders everywhere should make peace their highest priority. The Armenian American students I met on Aug. 8, who carry the inherited pain of their parents and grandparents, deserve more than symbolic gestures or transactional deals. They deserve justice and the freedom to envision a better future for their ancestors’ homeland. Ultimately, that is the hope we all share.

    Jirair Ratevosian served as senior policy advisor for the State Department in the Biden administration.

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    Jirair Ratevosian

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  • Leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan shake hands as they join Trump, sign agreement at peace summit

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    Leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan shake hands as they join Trump, sign agreement at peace summit

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  • 50 of the world’s best breads | CNN

    50 of the world’s best breads | CNN

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    CNN
     — 

    What is bread? You likely don’t have to think for long, and whether you’re hungry for a slice of sourdough or craving some tortillas, what you imagine says a lot about where you’re from.

    But if bread is easy to picture, it’s hard to define.

    Bread historian William Rubel argues that creating a strict definition of bread is unnecessary, even counterproductive. “Bread is basically what your culture says it is,” says Rubel, the author of “Bread: A Global History.” “It doesn’t need to be made with any particular kind of flour.”

    Instead, he likes to focus on what bread does: It turns staple grains such as wheat, rye or corn into durable foods that can be carried into the fields, used to feed an army or stored for winter.

    Even before the first agricultural societies formed around 10,000 BCE, hunter-gatherers in Jordan’s Black Desert made bread with tubers and domesticated grain.

    Today, the descendants of those early breads showcase the remarkable breadth of our world’s food traditions.

    In the rugged mountains of Germany’s Westphalia region, bakers steam loaves of dense rye for up to 24 hours, while a round of Armenian lavash made from wheat turns blistered and brown after 30 seconds inside a tandoor oven.

    Ethiopian cooks ferment injera’s ground-teff batter into a tart, bubbling brew, while the corn dough for Venezuelan arepas is patted straight onto a sizzling griddle.

    This list reflects that diversity. Along with memorable flavor, these breads are chosen for their unique ingredients, iconic status and the sheer, homey pleasure of eating them.

    From the rich layers of Malaysian roti canai to Turkey’s seed-crusted simit, they’re a journey through the essence of global comfort food – and a reminder that creativity, like bread, is a human inheritance.

    In alphabetical order by location, here are 50 of the world’s most wonderful breads.

    Golden blisters of crisp dough speckle a perfectly made bolani, but the real treasure of Afghanistan’s favorite flatbread is hidden inside.

    After rolling out the yeast-leavened dough into a thin sheet, Afghan bakers layer bolani with a generous filling of potatoes, spinach or lentils. Fresh herbs and scallions add bright flavor to the chewy, comforting dish, which gets a crispy crust when it’s fried in shimmering-hot oil.

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    When your Armenian mother-in-law comes towards you wielding a hula hoop-sized flatbread, don’t duck: Lavash is draped over the country’s newlyweds to ensure a life of abundance and prosperity.

    Maybe that’s because making lavash takes friends.

    To shape the traditional breads, groups of women gather to roll and stretch dough across a cushion padded with hay or wool. It takes a practiced hand to slap the enormous sheets onto the inside of conical clay ovens, where they bake quickly in the intense heat.

    The bread is so central to Armenia’s culture it’s been designated UNESCO Intangible Heritage.

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    A traveler’s staple suited to life on the road, damper recalls Australia’s frontier days.

    It’s a simple blend of water, flour and salt that can be cooked directly in the ashes, pressed into a cast iron pan or even toasted at the end of a stick. These days, recipes often include some chemical leavening, butter and milk, turning the hearty backwoods fare into a more refined treat similar to Irish soda bread.

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    A dunk in hot oil turns soft wheat dough into a blistered, golden flatbread that’s a perfect pairing with the country’s aromatic curries.

    It’s a popular choice for breakfast in Bangladesh, often served with white potato curry, but you can find the puffy breads everywhere from Dhaka sidewalk stalls to home kitchens.

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    It’s a triumph of kitchen ingenuity that South America’s native cassava is eaten at all: The starchy root has enough naturally occurring cyanide to kill a human being.

    But by carefully treating cassava with a cycle of soaking, pressing and drying, many of the continent’s indigenous groups found a way to turn the root into an unlikely culinary star. Now, it’s the base for one of Brazil’s most snackable treats, a cheesy bread roll whose crisp crust gives way to a tender, lightly sour interior.

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    The fire is always lit at Montreal’s Fairmount Bagel, which became the city’s first bagel bakery when it opened in 1919 under the name Montreal Bagel Bakery.

    Inside, bakers use long, slender wooden paddles to slide rows of bagels into the wood-fired oven, where they toast to a deep golden color.

    New Yorkers might think they have a monopoly on bagels, but the Montreal version is an entirely different delicacy.

    Here, bagel dough is mixed with egg and honey, and the hand-shaped rings are boiled in honey water before baking. The result is dense, chewy and lightly sweet, and you can buy them hot from the oven 24 hours a day.

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    An influx of European immigrants brought their wheat-bread traditions to Chile in the 19th and early 20th centuries, and the country’s favorite snack has descended from that cultural collision.

    Split into four lobes, the marraqueta has a pale, fluffy interior, but the ubiquitous roll is all about the crust. Bakers slide a pan of water into the oven to achieve an addictively crispy exterior that is a favorite part of the marraqueta for many Chileans.

    It’s a nourishing part of daily life, to the extent that when a Chilean wants to describe a child born to a life of plenty, they might say “nació con la marraqueta bajo el brazo,” or “they were born with a marraqueta under their arm.”

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    Crack into the sesame-seed crust of a shaobing to reveal tender layers that are rich with wheat flavor.

    Expert shaobing bakers whirl and slap the dough so thin that the finished product has 18 or more layers. The north Chinese flatbread can then be spiked with sweet or savory fillings, from black sesame paste to smoked meat or Sichuan pepper.

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    Melted lard lends a hint of savory flavor to loaves of pan Cubano, whose fluffy crumb offers a tender contrast to the crisp, cracker-like crust.

    Duck into a Cuban bakery, and you’ll likely spot the long, golden loaf with a pale seam down the center: Some bakers press a stripped palmetto leaf into the dough before baking to create a distinctive crack along the length of the bread.

    It’s popular from Havana to Miami, but it’s only stateside that you’ll find the loaves in “Cuban sandwiches,” which are thought to have been invented during the 19th century by Cubans living in Florida.

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    Bedouin tribes travel light in Egypt’s vast deserts, carrying sacks of wheat flour to make each day’s bread in the campfire.

    While some Bedouin breads are baked on hot metal sheets, libba is slapped directly into the embers. That powerful heat sears a crisp, browned crust onto the soft dough, leaving the inside steaming and moist.

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    Walk the streets of San Salvador, and you’ll never be far from the toasted-corn scent of cooking pupusas.

    The griddled corn bread is both a beloved snack and a national icon.

    To make pupusas, a cook wraps a filling of cheese, pork or spiced beans into tender corn dough, then pats the mixture onto a blazing-hot griddle. A bright topping of slaw-like curtido cuts through the fat and salt for a satisfying meal.

    It’s a flavor that’s endured through the centuries. At the UNESCO-listed site of Joya de Cerén, a Maya city buried by an erupting volcano, archaeologists have found cooking tools like those used to make pupusas that date to around 600 A.D.

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    A constellation of bubbles pocks injera’s spongy surface, making this Ethiopian bread the perfect foil for the country’s rich sauces and stews.

    Also beloved in neighboring Eritrea and Somalia, injera is both a mealtime staple and the ultimate utensil – tear off tender pieces of moist, rolled-up bread to scoop food served on a communal platter.

    Made from an ancient – and ultra-nutritious – grain called teff, injera has a characteristically sour taste. It’s the result of a fermentation process that starts by blending fresh batter with cultures from a previous batch, then leaving the mixture to grow more flavorful over several days.

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    The French may frown on eating on the go, but there’s an unofficial exception for “le quignon,” the crisp-baked end of a slender baguette.

    You’re allowed to break that off and munch it as you walk down the street – perhaps because the baguette has pride of place as a symbol of French culture.

    But like some of the greatest traditions, the baguette is a relatively recent invention.

    According to Paris food historian Jim Chevallier, long, narrow breads similar to modern baguettes gained prominence in the 19th century, and the first official mention is in a 1920 price list. (French President Emmanuel Macron nonetheless argues that the baguette deserves UNESCO status.)

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    Bubbling with fresh imeruli and sulguni cheeses, khachapuri might be the country of Georgia’s most beloved snack.

    The savory flatbread starts with soft, yeasted dough that’s pinched into a boat-shaped cradle, then baked with a generous filling of egg and cheese. An elongated shape maximizes the contrast in texture, from the tender interior to crisp, brown tips. Khachapuri experts know to break off the ends for swabbing in the rich, oozing filling.

    It’s such a key feature of Georgian cuisine that the Khachapuri Index is one measure of the country’s economic welfare; and in 2019, the country’s National Agency for Cultural Heritage Preservation named traditional khachapuri as UNESCO Intangible Heritage of Georgia.

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    Pure rye flour lends these iconic north German loaves impressive heft, along with a distinctive, mahogany hue.

    The most traditional versions are baked in a warm, steamy oven for up to 24 hours. It’s an unusual technique that helps transform sugars in the rye flour, turning naturally occurring sweetness into depth of flavor.

    Pumpernickel has been a specialty in Germany’s Westphalia region for hundreds of years, and there’s even a family-owned bakery in the town of Soest that’s made the hearty bread using the same recipe since 1570.

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    Hong Kong bakers outdo each other by crafting the softest, fluffiest breads imaginable, turning wheat flour into pillowy confections.

    Pai bao might be loftier than all the rest, thanks to a technique known as the Tangzhong method.

    When mixing the wheat dough, bakers add a small amount of cooked flour and water to the rest of the ingredients, a minor change with major impact on the bread’s structural development. The results? A wonderfully tender loaf that retains moisture for days, with a milky flavor that invites snacking out of hand.

    Dökkt rúgbrauð, Iceland

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    The simmering, geothermal heat that powers Iceland’s geysers, hot springs and steam vents also provides a natural oven for this slow-baked Icelandic rye bread.

    Made with dark rye flour, the dough is enclosed in a metal pot before it’s buried in the warm ground near geothermal springs and other hotspots. When baked in the traditional method, dökkt rúgbrauð takes a full 24 hours to cook in the subterranean “oven.”

    It’s an ingenious use of an explosive natural resource, and in the hot-springs town of Laugarvatn, visitors can try loaves of dökkt rúgbrauð when it’s fresh from a hole in the black sand.

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    Flatbreads go wonderfully flaky in this whole-wheat Indian treat, which can be eaten plain or studded with savory fillings.

    Folding and rolling the dough over thinly spread fat creates sumptuous layers that are rich with flavor, employing a technique similar to that used for croissants or puff pastry.

    Stuffed wheat bread has been made in India for hundreds of years, and several varieties even get a shout-out in the “Manasollasa,” a 12th-century Sanskrit text that contains some of the earliest written descriptions of the region’s food.

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    Palm sugar and cinnamon lend a light, aromatic sweetness to roti gambang, a tender wheat bread that’s an old-fashioned favorite at Jakarta bakeries.

    The name evokes the gambang, a traditional Indonesian instrument with a resemblance to the slender, brown loaves.

    For the recipe, though, cooks look back to the colonial era: From spiced holiday cookies to cheese sticks topped with Gouda or Edam, Indonesian baking has adapted Dutch ingredients and techniques to local tastes.

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    It takes a pair of deft bakers to craft this addictive Iranian flatbread, which is cooked directly on a bed of hot pebbles.

    That blazing-hot surface pocks the wheat dough with golden blisters, and it gives sangak – also known as nan-e sangak – a characteristic chewiness.

    If you’re lucky enough to taste sangak hot from the oven, enjoy a heavenly contrast of crisp crust and tender crumb. Eat the flatbread on its own, or turn it into an Iranian-style breakfast: Use a piece of sangak to wrap salty cheese and a bundle of aromatic green herbs.

    Soda bread, Ireland

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    You don’t need yeast to get lofty bread: Chemical leavening can add air through an explosive combination of acidic and basic ingredients. While Native Americans used refined potash to leaven griddled breads – an early example of chemical leavening – this version became popular during the lean years of the Irish Potato Famine.

    With potato crops failing, impoverished Irish people started mixing loaves using soft wheat flour, sour milk and baking soda.

    Now, dense loaves of soda bread are a nostalgic treat that’s a perfect pairing with salted Irish butter.

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    If you think challah is limited to pillowy, braided loaves, think again – traditionally, challah is any bread used in Jewish ritual.

    And Jewish bakers have long made breads as diverse as the diaspora itself: Think blistered flatbreads, hearty European loaves and Hungarian confections dotted with poppy seeds.

    Israel’s modern-day bakers draw on that rich heritage. But on Friday afternoons in Tel Aviv, you’ll still spot plenty of the classic Ashkenazi versions that many people in the United States know as challah.

    Those golden loaves are tender with eggs, and shiny under a generous glaze. It’s the braid, though, that catches the eye. By wrapping dough strands together, bakers create 12 distinctive mounds said to represent 12 loaves in the ancient Temple of Jerusalem.

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    Between an emphasis on “ancient grains” and centuries of floury traditions, it can seem like breadmaking is stuck in the past.

    But bread is continually evolving, and there’s no better example than this iconic Italian loaf, which was only invented in the 1980s.

    In 1982, Italian baker Arnaldo Cavallari created the low, chewy loaf in defiance of the baguette-style breads he saw taking over Roman bakeries.

    It was a watershed moment in the comeback of artisanal breads, which has roots in the 1960s and 1970s backlash against the increasingly industrialized food system.

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    Pan-fried cassava cakes are delicious comfort food in Jamaica, where rounds of bammy bread are a hearty pairing for the island’s ultra-fresh seafood.

    The traditional process for making bammy bread starts with processing grated cassava to get rid of naturally occurring cyanide; next, sifted cassava pulp is pressed into metal rings.

    It’s a recipe with ancient roots – cassava has been a staple in South America and the Caribbean since long before the arrival of Europeans here, and it’s believed that the native Arawak people used the root to make flatbreads as well.

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    Yeasted wheat dough makes a convenient package for Japanese curry, turning a sit-down meal into a snack that can be eaten out of hand.

    Kare pan, or curry bread, is rolled in panko before a dunk in the deep fryer, ensuring a crispy crust that provides maximum textural contrast with the soft, saucy interior.

    Kare pan is so beloved that there’s even a crime-fighting superhero named for the savory treat: A star of the anime series “Soreike! Anpanman,” Karepanman fights villains by shooting out a burning-hot curry filling.

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    Follow the aroma of baking bread in Amman, and you’ll find bakers in roadside stalls stacking this classic flatbread into steaming piles.

    When shaping taboon, bakers press rounds of soft, wheat dough over a convex form, then slap them onto the interior of a conical clay oven.

    What emerges is a chewy round that’s crackling with steam, wafting a rich smell of grain and smoke. It’s the ideal foil for a plate of Jordanian mouttabal, a roasted eggplant dip that’s blended with ground sesame seeds and yogurt.

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    Roti flatbread may have arrived in Malaysia with Indian immigrants, but the country’s made the flaky, rich bread their own.

    When cooked on a hot griddle, roti canai puffs into a stack of overlapping layers rich with buttery flavor. Irresistible when served with Malaysian dips and curries, roti canai becomes a meal all its own with the addition of stuffings from sweet, ripe bananas to fried eggs.

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    The tawny crust of Malta’s sourdough gives way to a pillow-soft interior, ideal for rubbing with a fresh tomato or soaking up the islands’ prized olive oils.

    Classic versions take more than a day to prepare, and were traditionally baked in shared, wood-fired ovens that served as community gathering places.

    Even now that few Maltese bake their own bread, Ħobż tal-Malti has a powerful symbolism for the Mediterranean island nation.

    When trying to discover someone’s true nature, a Maltese person might ask “x’ħobz jiekol dan?,” literally, “what kind of bread does he eat?”

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    Thin rounds of corn dough turn blistered and brown on a hot comal, the traditional griddles that have been used in Mexico since at least 700 BCE.

    Whether folded into a taco or eaten out of hand, corn tortillas are one of the country’s most universally loved foods. The ground-corn dough is deceptively simple; made from just a few ingredients, it’s nonetheless a triumph of culinary ingenuity.

    Before being ground, the corn is mixed with an alkaline ingredient such as lime, a process called nixtamalization that makes the grain more nutritious and easier to digest.

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    Follow the rich scent of baking bread through a Moroccan medina, and you may find yourself at one of the communal neighborhood ovens called ferran. This is where locals bring rounds of tender wheat dough ready to bake into khobz kesra, one of the country’s homiest breads.

    The low, rounded loaves have a slightly crisp exterior that earns them pride of place on the Moroccan table, where their fluffy texture is ideal for absorbing aromatic tajine sauce.

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    Golden, crisp rounds of fry bread are a taste of home for many in the Navajo Nation, as well as a reminder of a tragic history.

    When Navajo people were forced out of their Arizona lands by the US government in 1864, they resettled in New Mexican landscapes where growing traditional crops of beans and vegetables proved difficult.

    To survive, they used government-provided stores of white flour, lard and sugar, creating fry bread out of stark necessity.

    Now, fry bread is a symbol of perseverance and tradition, and a favorite treat everywhere from powwows to family gatherings.

    Tijgerbrood, Netherlands

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    Putting the “Dutch” in Dutch crunch, tijgerbrood is a crust-lover’s masterpiece in every crispy bite.

    To create the mottled top of tijgerbrood, bakers spread unbaked loaves of white bread with a soft mixture of rice flour, sesame oil, water and yeast.

    Heat transforms the exterior into a crispy pattern of snackable pieces, and loaves of tijgerbrood are beloved for sandwiches. (An ocean away from Amsterdam’s Old World bakeries, San Francisco has made Dutch crunch its sandwich bread of choice as well.)

    Rēwena parāoa, New Zealand

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    When European settlers brought potatoes and wheat to New Zealand, indigenous Maori people made the imported ingredients their own with this innovative bread.

    To mix the dough, potatoes are boiled then fermented into a sourdough-like starter that gives the finished bread a sweet-and-sour taste.

    Now, rēwena parāoa is a favorite treat when layered with butter and jam or served with a hearty portion of raw fish, a longtime delicacy for Maori people.

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    If you don’t think of northern Europe as flatbread country, you haven’t tasted lefse.

    The Norwegian potato flatbread is a favorite at holidays, when there are many hands to roll the soft dough with a grooved pin, then cook it on a hot griddle. For a taste of Norwegian comfort food, eat a warm lefse spiraled with butter, sugar and a dash of cinnamon.

    While potatoes are just an 18th-century addition to the Norwegian diet, Scandinavian flatbread is at least as old as the Vikings.

    Podplomyk, Poland

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    Slather a hot round of podplomyk with white cheese and fruit preserves for a taste of old-fashioned, Polish home cooking.

    The unyeasted flatbread is blistered brown. With ingredients limited to wheat flour, salt and water, podplomyk is a deliciously simple entry in the sprawling family tree of flatbreads.

    Since dough for podplomyk is rolled thin, it was traditionally baked before other loaves are ready for the oven. In the Middle Ages, the portable breads were shared with neighbors and household members as a sign of friendship. (Today, that tradition is carried on with the exchange of oplatek wafers at Christmastime.)

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    Corn and buckwheat are stone-milled, sifted and kneaded in a wooden trough for the most traditional version of this hearty peasant bread from northern Portugal.

    When the loaves are baked in wood-fired, stone ovens, an archipelago of floury crust shards expands over deep cracks. The ovens themselves are sealed with bread dough, which acts as a natural oven timer: The bread is ready when the dough strips turn toasty brown.

    Europeans didn’t taste corn until they arrived in the Americas, but it would be eagerly adopted in northern Portuguese regions where soil conditions are poorly suited to growing wheat.

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    Bread baking becomes art on Russian holidays, when golden loaves of karavai are decked in dough flowers, animals and swirls.

    The bread plays a starring role at weddings, with elaborate rules to govern the baking process: Traditionally, a happily married woman must mix the dough, and a married man slides the round loaf into the oven.

    Even the round shape has an ancient symbolism and is thought to date back to ancient sun worship. Now, it’s baked to ensure health and prosperity for a new couple.

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    Once part of the Kingdom of Piedmont-Sardinia, this mountainous island’s cuisine remains distinct from mainland Italy. Among the most iconic foods here is pane carasau, parchment-thin flatbread with a melodic nickname: carta de musica, or sheet music.

    While pane carasau starts like a classic flatbread, there’s a Sardinian twist that makes it an ideal traveling companion; after the flatbreads puff up in the oven, they’re sliced horizontally into two thinner pieces. Those pieces are baked a second time, drying out the bread enough to last for months.

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    Warm squares of Serbian proja, or cornbread, are a favorite accompaniment to the country’s lush meat stews.

    It’s a homey dish that’s often cooked fresh for family meals, then served hot from the oven. Ground corn offers a lightly sweet foil to salty toppings, from salty kajmak cheese to a scattering of cracklings.

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    There’s buried treasure within every loaf of gyeran-ppang, individually sized wheat breads with a whole egg baked inside.

    Translating simply to “egg bread,” gyeran-ppang is a favorite in the streets of Seoul, eaten hot for breakfast – or at any other time of day.

    The addition of ham, cheese and chopped parsley adds a savory twist to the sweet-and-salty treat, a belly-warming snack that keeps South Korea fueled through the country’s long winters.

    40 best breads travel

    A thin, fermented batter of rice flour and coconut milk turns crisp in the bowl-shaped pans used for cooking appam, one of Sri Lanka’s most ubiquitous treats.

    Often called hoppers, this whisper-thin pancake is best eaten hot – preferably while standing around a Colombo street food stall.

    Favorite toppings for appam in Sri Lanka include coconut sambal and chicken curry, or you can order one with egg. For egg hoppers, a whole egg is cracked into the center of an appam, then topped with a richly aromatic chili paste. Appam is also popular in southern India.

    Kisra, Sudan and South Sudan

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    Overnight fermentation lends a delicious tang to this Sudanese flatbread, balancing the mild, earthy flavor of sorghum flour with a tart bite.

    Making the crepe-like kisra takes practice and patience, but perfect the art of cooking these on a flat metal pan and you’ll be in for a classic Sudanese treat.

    Like Ethiopian injera, kisra is both staple food and an edible utensil – use pieces of the spongy bread to scoop up spicy bites of the hearty stews that are some of Sudan’s most beloved foods.

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    Before commercial yeast was available, brewers and bakers worked in tandem: Brewers harvested yeast from their batches of beer, passing it off to bakers whose bread would be infused with a light beer flavor.

    That legacy lives on in Sweden’s vörtlimpa: Limpa means loaf, while vört refers to a tart dose of brewer’s wort. Known as limpa bread in English, the light rye now gets acidity from orange juice, not brewers wort.

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    Crops of cold-hardy barley have thrived on the Tibetan Plateau for thousands of years, and the grain has long been a staple of high-altitude diets there.

    While balep korkun is often made with wheat, traditional versions of this flatbread are shaped from tsampa, a roasted barley flour with nutty flavor.

    That rich-tasting flour is so central to Tibetan identity that it’s been turned into a hashtag and been called out in rap songs. (The Dalai Lama even eats it for breakfast.)

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    Dredged in sesame seeds and spiraled into rings, simit might be Turkey’s ultimate on-the-go treat.

    A few decades ago, vendors wound through the Istanbul streets carrying trays piled high with the breads, but roving bread-sellers are now rare in the capital.

    Instead, commuters pick up their daily simit at roadside stands, where the deep-colored rings are stacked by the dozen. A burnished crust infuses the breads with a light sweetness – before sliding into wood fired ovens, simit is dunked in sugar-water or thinned molasses, a slick glaze that turns to caramel in the intense heat.

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    Yeasted wheat batter bubbles into a spongy cake for this griddled treat, a British favorite when smeared with jam, butter or clotted cream.

    Ring molds contain the pourable batter on an oiled griddle, which cooks one side of each crumpet to a golden hue. Like Eastern European zwieback and crisp rusks, crumpets are mostly eaten as a twice-baked bread – the rounds are split and toasted before serving.

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    Smeared with butter or dripping in gravy, biscuits are one of the United States’ homiest tastes. That’s not to say they’re easy to make: Achieving soft, fluffy biscuits requires quick hands and gentle mixing.

    In the antebellum South, biscuits were seen as a special treat for Sunday dinner. These days they’re nearly ubiquitous, from gas station barbecue joints to home-cooked meals.

    Part of the secret is in the flour, typically a low-protein flour like White Lily. The soft wheat used for White Lily was long grown in Southern states – before long-distance food shipping. (It’s now milled in the Midwest.)

    47 best breads travel

    Flatbreads become art in Uzbekistan’s traditional tandoor ovens, which turn out rounds adorned with twists, swirls and stamps.

    Uzbek non varies across regions, from Tashkent’s chewy versions to Samarkand loaves showered in black nigella seeds. As soon as the breads emerge from the oven, they’re turned over to a swarm of bicycle messengers who ferry the hot loaves to markets and cafes.

    48 best breads travel

    Areperos – Venezuelan arepa-makers – pat golden rounds of corn dough onto hot griddles to give the plump flatbreads a deliciously toasted crust and tender, steaming interior.

    Arepas have been made in Venezuela and surrounding regions since long before the arrival of Europeans in South America, and the nourishing corn breads can range from simple to elaborate.

    At breakfast, try them split and buttered. Stuffed with savory fillings, creamy sauces and fiery salsa, arepas can become a hearty meal all their own.

    49 best breads travel

    A family tree of flatbreads stretches across the Middle East and beyond, but Yemen’s Jewish community’s version is a richer treat than most.

    To make malawach, bakers roll wheat dough into a delicate sheet and fold it over a slick of melted butter. The dough is twisted into a loose topknot, then re-rolled, sending veins of butter through overlapping layers.

    When the pan-fried dough emerges steaming from the stovetop, a final shower of black nigella or sesame seeds add texture and savory crunch.

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  • Azerbaijan gets nod to host COP29 climate summit 

    Azerbaijan gets nod to host COP29 climate summit 

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    DUBAI, United Arab Emirates — Next year’s COP29 climate summit is set to take place in oil-rich Azerbaijan after Eastern European countries resolved a political deadlock on Saturday. 

    Geopolitical tensions had left the 2024 conference in limbo for months, with Russia blocking EU countries from hosting and feuding neighbors Armenia and Azerbaijan vetoing each other. 

    But after Armenia and Bulgaria formally withdrew their bids earlier this week, the 23-country Eastern European group backed Azerbaijan during a meeting on Saturday, Bulgarian Environment Minister Julian Popov told POLITICO. 

    Earlier on Saturday, Mukhtar Babayev, Azerbaijan’s minister of ecology and natural resources, said in a speech that he was “delighted” to announce that there was overall consensus on Azerbaijan’s candidacy to host COP29. 

    “We are very grateful to all countries, in particular to the Eastern European group and the host United Arab Emirates for their support,” said Babayev. “We are committed to working inclusively and collaboratively with everyone to ensure the success of COP29. May COP28 lead us forward toward a more sustainable and secure future for all.”

    Baku’s bid will still have to be voted on by the entire COP plenary, but that is usually a formality. 

    If confirmed, next year’s summit will once again take place in a major oil- and gas-producing country.

    The UAE, host of this year’s COP28, is the world’s seventh-largest oil producer. Fossil fuels make up more than 90 percent of Azerbaijan’s exports. And the host of the COP30 climate talks in 2025, Brazil, has just announced it would join the OPEC+ oil cartel.

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    Zia Weise and Sara Schonhardt

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  • Russia is holding next year’s global climate summit ‘hostage’ 

    Russia is holding next year’s global climate summit ‘hostage’ 

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    Voiced by artificial intelligence.

    Think the location of this year’s global climate summit is contentious? Wait till you hear about the next one. 

    When COP28 kicks off next week in the United Arab Emirates, the oil kingdom presiding over the talks will face pressure to show its fossil fuel interests won’t capture negotiations.

    But at least the conference has a host. Next year’s summit, COP29, is currently homeless. 

    That’s because regional tensions have created a deadlock. The conference is meant to take place in Eastern Europe, but Russia is preventing any European Union country from hosting, while warring neighbors Azerbaijan and Armenia are blocking each other, and no one has been able to agree on a way forward.

    The result: COP29 is in limbo, and global efforts to secure a liveable future risk being left leaderless. If no one picks up the baton, the current host may remain in place until COP30 starts in 2025 — likely leaving the UAE in charge of talks on major decisions like a new finance goal and getting governments to commit to post-2030 climate targets. 

    Officially, Russia’s line of reasoning “is that they don’t believe that Bulgaria or any other EU country will be impartial in running COP29,” said Julian Popov, the environment minister for Bulgaria, which has offered to host next year’s climate summit.

    But behind closed doors, “their argument is that they are being blocked by EU countries about various things in relation to the war against Ukraine,” he told POLITICO in an interview. 

    “They are,” he said, “basically retaliating.” 

    The dispute now risks disrupting both COP28 and COP29, as diplomats scramble to resolve the issue before departing Dubai in mid-December. 

    “Russia has chosen to hold these negotiations almost hostage,” said Tom Evans, policy advisor on climate diplomacy and geopolitics at think tank E3G. 

    Race against time

    The hosting dispute is inflaming geopolitical tensions heading into COP28, which takes place amid growing global discord related to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the Israel-Hamas war, and an evolving debt crisis looming over developing nations. 

    The COP climate summits typically rotate among the United Nations’ five regional groups, and next year is Eastern Europe’s turn. The 23-country Eastern Europe group has to decide on the host country by consensus. 

    COP28 President-Designate Dr. Sultan Al Jaber | Bryan Bedder/Getty Images for Bloomberg Philanthropies

    In the past, that wasn’t hard: The COP conference would just rubber-stamp the host chosen by the regional group. Now, however, the decision will have to be taken at the height of tricky talks on a host of issues ranging from the future of fossil fuels to financial help for poorer countries. 

    “It’s unfortunate,” said Popov, that the hosting dispute may “distract” from the actual negotiations in Dubai. 

    Then there’s the issue of preparation. COP locations are usually chosen well in advance — the UAE was announced as host in 2021, and COP30 will take place in Brazil — to allow host cities to ready themselves for the arrival of tens of thousands of delegates. 

    The host country usually, but not always, also takes on the COP presidency, which plays a crucial role in leading negotiations before, during and after the summit.  

    “We still don’t know who will run the process next year,” Popov said. “This is damaging the whole COP process and will inevitably have a negative impact on the quality of negotiations.” 

    Among the key issues to be settled at COP29 is a new financial target for funding climate action in developing countries from 2025 onward. Ahead of COP30, countries are meant to submit a new round of climate pledges, including targets to reduce emissions by 2035.

    “You really need months of diplomacy in advance to set these COPs up for success,” Evans said. 

    Geopolitical stalemate

    Besides Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Belarus and Armenia also said last year they would throw their hats in the ring for 2024. 

    Prague eventually withdrew, proposing instead to host the annual pre-COP summit ahead of the main event in Bulgaria. But this past spring, Russia sent an email to other Eastern European representatives saying it would prevent EU countries from hosting, accusing them of blocking Russia-backed countries. 

    The email, obtained by Reuters, read: “It is reasonable to believe that EU countries, driven by politics from Brussels, do not have the capacity to serve as honest and effective brokers of global climate negotiations under the UNFCCC,” the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change. 

    In the summer, Azerbaijan joined the race to host COP29 — a few months before launching a large-scale offensive to retake the breakaway Nagorno-Karabakh region, forcing tens of thousands to flee to Armenia. 

    Azerbaijan and Armenia are now opposing each other’s bids, said Gayane Gabrielyan, Armenia’s deputy environment minister. 

    “Russia is blocking any EU country, and Armenia and Azerbaijan can’t find a solution,” she told POLITICO. “We have more than 100,000 refugees … In this situation, we will not be able to discuss anything with them.” 

    The foreign and environment ministries of Russia and Azerbaijan did not respond to requests for comment. 

    The Eastern Europeans could also swap with another regional group or a specific country outside the region to host — like Spain stepped in for Chile in 2019 — but that would also require consensus, as well as the formal withdrawal of all host candidates. 

    “The only option now is going to Bonn,” Gabrielyan said. “The motherland of the UNFCCC.” 

    Bonn-bound? 

    Bonn is where the U.N. climate body is headquartered. The conference guidelines indicate that the summit would default to the former West German capital if no agreement is found among the Eastern European group. 

    But hosting a climate conference “isn’t trivial,” Evans said. “There’s a cost involved, and there’s a huge logistical headache.” 

    Several European diplomats, granted anonymity to discuss sensitive matters, told POLITICO that Germany was less than keen, something German officials would neither confirm nor deny. 

    Asked if Germany was prepared to host, a foreign office spokesperson said that discussions within the Eastern European group were ongoing, “with the aim of COP28 taking a decision.” 

    While Bonn may end up serving as the venue, the presidency would likely remain in the hands of the UAE if the Eastern Europeans can’t find consensus, a spokesperson for the U.N. climate body said. 

    Yet the UAE, which has faced a barrage of criticism since naming national oil company CEO Sultan al-Jaber as conference president, appears reluctant to continue in its role.

    COP28 Director-General Majid al-Suwaidi said last month that his country would not host again. Asked to clarify whether that also meant not extending the presidency, a COP28 spokesperson declined to comment.

    The predicament has prompted Bulgaria to suggest a novel solution to, as Popov put it, “save COP29” —  splitting the mega-event across several nations in Eastern Europe. 

    “Here’s what we suggested: A distributed COP — have the pre-COP, the presidency and the COP held by three different countries, and have some events organized in different Eastern European countries,” he said. 

    But that, too, would need the backing of all regional group members. Gabrielyan said Armenia was “ready to discuss” this option, but that Azerbaijan had signaled opposition. 

    The uncertainty over who will host COP29 may come with one positive side-effect, however: Diplomats might be wary of postponing difficult decisions to next year. 

    “It’s not uncommon for COPs, when they reach some of the trickiest issues, to kick the can down the road,” said Evans. “I don’t feel like this is an option this time.” 

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  • US-EU unity ruptures over climate damage payments

    US-EU unity ruptures over climate damage payments

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    A Brussels promise has exposed the yawning gap between the United States and European Union over payments to climate-ravaged countries — just ahead of a major climate summit.

    The vow came Monday from Wopke Hoekstra, the EU’s climate commissioner, who said the EU was “ready to announce a substantial financial contribution” for a new climate damage fund. 

    The pronouncement flew in the face of the more cautious U.S. approach — and will inevitably raise pressure on Washington and other wealthy governments to follow suit. 

    The emerging divide reflects how contentious the debate is over a fund to support countries scarred by extreme weather and other global warming harms, often referred to as “loss and damage.” Even settling on a framework for the fund faced challenges until climate negotiators reached a fragile agreement earlier this month in Abu Dhabi. 

    The dispute has often pitted rich, heavy-emitting countries like the U.S. and the EU against the developing countries facing the impacts of those emissions. But long-simmering differences between Brussels and Washington are now also bubbling over as the new fund takes shape — especially as calls mount for wealthy countries to pay up.

    In Abu Dhabi, Germany’s lead negotiator went out of her way to clarify that even though she was speaking for a group of developed countries, “our constituency is not one single group with one single voice.” 

    That transatlantic divide risks complicating rich countries’ efforts to get developing nations to sign up for more ambitious climate action at the COP28 climate summit starting later this month in Dubai. Cracks in the EU-U.S. alliance will make negotiating against the likes of China and Saudi Arabia trickier, and Washington’s reluctance to pay is impeding efforts to build trust between the poorest and most vulnerable nations and those with the resources to help them. 

    U.S. climate envoy John Kerry told an event on Friday he was “confident” that Washington would contribute “several millions,” though it’s unclear when it could be delivered. The Biden administration has struggled to get finance for international climate efforts through Congress and tends to take a more hardline stance on climate disaster funding — for both strategic and ideological reasons. 

    The EU is no longer waiting around. 

    “We, the EU, are not only prepared to lead, but we are capable of showing leadership,” a senior EU diplomat, granted anonymity to speak candidly about the matter, told POLITICO. 

    Differing philosophies 

    The divide stems partly from a different sense of the moral responsibility borne by the U.S. and EU. 

    As the climate talks earlier this month concluded in Abu Dhabi, European representatives reluctantly supported the framework, while the U.S. continued to press for changes even after the meeting had ended, claiming the adopted text was “not a consensus document.” 

    A house destroyed by the sea on the island of Carti Sugtupu, in the Indigenous Guna Yala Comarca, Panama | Luis Acosta/AFP via Getty Images

    A State Department official told POLITICO the U.S. “did not consider it sufficiently clear what the members were being asked to agree to, particularly on the issue of sources of funding.” The text has now been clarified, the official added, putting the U.S. in a position to welcome the negotiators’ recommendations. 

    “So I hope we’re going to avoid an implosion in Dubai because we now have agreed … on the way in which we can manage this fund,” Kerry said on Friday. 

    But the tiff over punctuation — the Americans were largely concerned about the placement of a comma they argued could indicate developed countries had a particular responsibility to pay — is another sign of the divergence between Washington and Brussels. 

    The EU and the U.S. are aligned on core issues: Both want a fund for vulnerable countries that doesn’t pin a unique responsibility on developed countries to provide the cash. 

    But Europe has been more comfortable with a document calling on wealthy nations to take the lead on money. “These distinctions can cut in both directions — if we’re taking the lead, then we’re expecting someone else to follow,” the EU diplomat said. 

    The EU’s more relaxed approach stands in contrast to Washington’s obsession with legally watertight language. The U.S. worries that any suggestion that rich polluting nations might have a responsibility toward countries hit by climate disasters could lead to legal obligations to pay compensation. 

    “As always, the European team is more flexible, and they’re the first who are ready to invest,” said Gayane Gabrielyan, Armenia’s deputy environment minister, who participated in the Abu Dhabi talks.

    America’s political trump card

    Cash-strapped countries argue such financial pledges are the incentive they need to make their own emissions-slashing commitments.

    “You can’t ask developing countries to have a faster, greater green transformation than any developed country ever did and then on the other side say, ‘Oh, well we feel no obligation, and feel no responsibility for their climate loss and damage,’” said Avinash Persaud, climate envoy of Barbados, who participated in the talks in Abu Dhabi. 

    “I think the Europeans get that but our American partners don’t always appear to — or local politics trumps that,” he added. 

    Those politics are quite tricky for the U.S., however. President Joe Biden must get international climate finance pledges through Congress — a momentous challenge given the Republican-controlled House and a slim Democratic majority in the Senate, not to mention a potential looming government shutdown that would stall all funding bills. 

    Officials bring that challenge with them into climate finance negotiations, observers say. 

    President Joe Biden must get international climate finance pledges through Congress | Stefani Reynolds/AFP via Getty Images

    “They try to create funds or agreements that are going to be more palatable in Congress,” said Brandon Wu, director of policy and campaigns at ActionAid USA. “But historically, the results of that has been the U.S. has just consistently watered stuff down and has not been a reliable partner in joining agreements or contributing funds.”

    That’s true for all kinds of climate funding, not just loss and damage. When Germany hosted a replenishment conference of the U.N.’s Green Climate Fund last month, Berlin put forward a record €2 billion, with other EU countries also contributing. The U.S. pledged nothing. 

    In another interview on Friday in Singapore, Kerry promised that Washington would “make a good-faith effort” when it comes to helping victims of climate disasters. 

    “But we need everyone to take part — it can’t be just a few countries, we need everyone to help to the degree that they can,” he said. 

    Leading or ceding leverage?

    Some see the Europeans’ flexibility as a strategic mistake. 

    A former U.K. official, granted anonymity in order to discuss a sensitive diplomatic matter, said that at last year’s COP27 in Egypt, the European Commission team undermined the position of other wealthy countries by backing a climate disaster fund before developing countries had agreed to cut emissions in return.

    The EU appears to have taken that message on board this year, with Hoekstra strongly implying Brussels will use climate disaster funding as a bargaining chip to obtain emission-cutting concessions.

    If countries make enough pledges at COP28 to slash emissions, the new climate disaster fund “can be launched in Dubai, with the first pledges, too,” he said in a speech in Kenya last week. “Because if we don’t cut greenhouse gas emissions, no amount of money will be able to pay [for] the damages.” 

    But the EU is already gathering money. A senior European climate negotiator, who could only speak on condition of anonymity because of their sensitive position, said Hoekstra had been touring European capitals asking them to prepare contributions, something the Commission would not confirm but did not deny. 

    No official POLITICO spoke to would say on the record whether and how much their country would pay into the fund — except for Denmark’s climate minister Dan Jørgensen. 

    “We were the first country to pledge money last year … and we will also be ready to do that again now,” Jørgensen told POLITICO and four European newspapers last week, promising a “generous pledge.” 

    Asked for more details later, his office asked POLITICO not to publish the comment — implying that the minister should not have revealed Denmark’s intention to pay just yet. 

    Still, the EU let the cat out of the bag on Monday with its promise to pay into the fund, even as it declined to detail how much. The precise amount, a diplomat from a European country represented at the recent loss and damage talks, was the “big fat carrot” in the COP28 negotiations.  

    But asked if Brussels was also bringing a stick to Dubai, the diplomat conceded: “I think the Americans are the ones swinging a stick.” 

    Abby Wallace contributed reporting. 

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    Zia Weise, Sara Schonhardt and Karl Mathiesen

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  • Europe’s power outage: How Israel-Hamas war exposed EU’s irrelevance

    Europe’s power outage: How Israel-Hamas war exposed EU’s irrelevance

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    At least Europe no longer has to endure that hackneyed Henry Kissinger quip about whom to call if you want “to call Europe.”  

    No one’s calling anyway. 

    Of the myriad geostrategic illusions that have been destroyed in recent days, the most sobering realization for anyone residing on the Continent should be this: No one cares what Europe thinks. Across an array of global flashpoints, from Nagorno-Karabakh to Kosovo to Israel, Europe has been relegated to the role of a well-meaning NGO, whose humanitarian contributions are welcomed, but is otherwise ignored. 

    The 27-member bloc has always struggled to articulate a coherent foreign policy, given the diverse national interests at play. Even so, it still mattered, mainly due to the size of its market. The EU’s global influence is waning, however, amid the secular decline of its economy and its inability to project military might at a time of growing global instability. 

    Instead of the “geopolitical” powerhouse Commission President Ursula von der Leyen promised when she took office in 2019, the EU has devolved into a pan-Europeanminnow, offering a degree of bemusement to the real players at the top table, while mostly just embarrassing itself amid its cacophony of contradictions. 

    If that sounds harsh, consider the past 72 hours: In the wake of Hamas’ massacre of hundreds of Israeli civilians over the weekend, European Enlargement Commissioner Olivér Várhelyi announced on Monday that the bloc would “immediately” suspend €691 million in aid to the Palestinian Authority. A few hours later, Slovenian Commissioner Janez Lenarčič contradicted his Hungarian colleague, insisting the aid “will continue as long as needed.” 

    The Commission’s press operation followed up with a statement that the EU would conduct an “urgent review” of some aid programs to ensure that funds not be funneled into terrorism, implying such safeguards were not already in place. 

    As far as the EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell was concerned, the outcome of any review of assistance for the Palestinians was a foregone conclusion: “We will have to support more, not less,” he said on Tuesday. 

    To sum up: Over the course of just 24 hours, the Commission went from announcing it would suspend all aid to the Palestinians to signaling it would increase the flow of funds. 

    The EU’s response to the events on the ground in Israel was no less confused. Even as Israel was still counting the bodies from the most horrific massacre in the Jewish state’s history, Borrell, a longtime critic of the country who has effectively been declared persona non grata there, resorted to bothsidesing. 

    Borrell, a Spanish socialist, condemned Hamas’ “barbaric and terrorist attack,” while also chiding Israel for its blockade of Gaza and highlighting the “suffering” of the Palestinians who voted Hamas into power. 

    The Spaniard’s approach stood in sharp contrast to that of von der Leyen, who unequivocally condemned the attacks (albeit in a series of tweets) and had the Israeli flag projected onto the façade of her office. 

    Borrell organized an emergency meeting of EU foreign ministers in Oman to discuss the situation in Israel, but Israel’s foreign minister declined to participate, even remotely | AFP via Getty Images

    Those moves immediately drew protest from other corners of the EU, however, with Clare Daly, a firebrand leftist MEP from Ireland, questioning von der Leyen’s legitimacy and telling her to “shut up.”

    By mid-week, ascertaining Europe’s position on the crisis was like throwing darts — blindfolded. 

    Bloody hands

    Compare that with the messaging from Washington. 

    “In this moment, we must be crystal clear,” U.S. President Joe Biden said in a special White House address Tuesday. “We stand with Israel. We stand with Israel. And we will make sure Israel has what it needs to take care of its citizens, defend itself, and respond to this attack.”

    Biden noted that he’d called France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom to discuss the crisis. Notably not on the list: any of the EU’s “leaders.” 

    On Tuesday, Borrell organized an emergency meeting of EU foreign ministers in Oman, where they were already gathering, to discuss the situation in Israel. Israel’s foreign minister, Eli Cohen, declined to participate, even remotely. 

    That’s not too surprising, considering Europe’s record on Iran, which has supported Hamas for decades and whose leadership celebrated the weekend attacks. Though Iran denies direct involvement, many analysts say Hamas’ carefully planned assault would not have been possible without training and logistical support from Tehran.

    “Hamas would not exist if not for Iran’s support,” U.S. Senator Chris Murphy, a Democrat on the Senate foreign relations committee, said on Wednesday. “And so it is a bit of splitting hairs as to whether they were intimately involved in the planning of these attacks, or simply funded Hamas for decades to give them the ability to plan these attacks. There’s no doubt that Iran has blood on its hands.”

    Despite persistent signs of Tehran’s malevolent activities across the region, including the detention of a European diplomat vacationing in Iran, Borrell has repeatedly sought to engage with the country’s hard-line regime in the hope of reigniting the so-called nuclear deal with global powers that then-U.S. President Donald Trump exited in 2018. 

    Last year, Borrell even traveled to Iran in a bid to restart talks, despite the loud objections of Israel’s then-foreign minister, Yair Lapid. 

    If nothing else, Borrell is consistent.

    “Iran wants to wipe out Israel? Nothing new about that,” he told POLITICO in 2019 when he was still Spanish foreign minister. “You have to live with it.”

    European Council President Charles Michel mounted an ambitious diplomatic effort earlier this year amid a resurgence in tensions | Jorge Guererro/AFP via Getty Images

    Now Europe has to live with the consequences of that misguided policy and its loss of credibility in Israel, the region’s only democracy.  

    The Charles Michel Show 

    Another glaring example of Europe’s geopolitical impotence is Nagorno-Karabakh, the disputed, predominantly Armenian, region in Azerbaijan. 

    The long-simmering conflict there was all but forgotten by most of the world, but not by European Council President Charles Michel, who mounted an ambitious diplomatic effort earlier this year amid a resurgence in tensions.  

    In July, Michel hosted leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan in Brussels, the sixth such meeting. He described the discussions as “frank, honest and substantive.” He even invited the leaders to a special summit in October for a “pentalateral meeting” with Germany and France in Granada. 

    It wasn’t meant to be. By then, Azerbaijan had seized the region, sending more than 100,000 refugees fleeing to Armenia. Europe, in dire need of natural gas from Azerbaijan, was powerless to do anything but watch. 

    Earlier this month, Michel blamed Russia, traditionally Armenia’s protector in the region, for the fiasco. 

    “It is clear for everyone to see that Russia has betrayed the Armenian people,” Michel told Euronews. 

    A similar pattern has played out in Kosovo, where the Europeans have been trying for years to broker a lasting peace between its Albanian and Serbian populations. The main sticking point there is the status of the northern part of Kosovo, bordering Serbia, where Serbs comprise a majority of the roughly 40,000 residents. 

    Borrell even appointed a “Special Representative for the Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue and other Western Balkan Regional Issues.” 

    The incumbent in the post, Miroslav Lajčák, Slovakia’s former foreign minister, hasn’t had much luck. Though Lajčák was awarded the grandiose title more than three years ago, the parties are, if anything, further apart today than ever. 

    The EU has spent untold millions trying to stabilize the region, funding civil society organizations, schools and even a police force.  

    When tensions threatened to devolve into all-out combat following an incursion into northern Kosovo by Serbian militiamen last month, however, the EU was forced to resort to its tried-and-true crisis resolution mechanism: Uncle Sam.  

    ”We get criticized for too little leadership in Europe and then for too much,” U.S. diplomat Richard Holbrooke said in 1998, after Washington dragged its reluctant European allies into an effort to halt the “ethnic cleansing” campaign unleashed by Yugoslavian leader Slobodan Milošević in Kosovo. 

    ”The fact is the Europeans are not going to have a common security policy for the foreseeable future,” Holbrooke added. “We have done our best to keep them involved. But you can imagine how far I would have got with Mr. Milošević if I’d said, ‘Excuse me, Mr. President, I’ll be back in 24 hours after I’ve talked to the Europeans.”’ 

    Risky business 

    One needn’t look further than Ukraine for proof that his point is no less valid today. Though the EU has done what it can, providing tens of billions in financial, humanitarian and military aid, it’s not nearly enough to help Ukraine keep the Russians at bay. If it weren’t for American support, Russian troops would be stationed all along the EU’s eastern flank, from the Baltic to the Black Sea. 

    Ukraine’s plight highlights the divide between Europe’s geostrategic aspirations and reality. Even though Europe didn’t anticipate Russia’s full-scale invasion, it had been talking for years about the need to improve its defense capabilities. 

    “We must fight for our future ourselves, as Europeans, for our destiny,” then-German Chancellor Angela Merkel declared in 2017. 

    And then nothing happened. 

    The reality is that it will always be easier to lean on Washington than to achieve European consensus around foreign policy and military capabilities. 

    That’s why Europe’s discussions about security sound more like fantasy football than Risk. 

    After Biden decided to send a U.S. aircraft carrier to the eastern Mediterranean in response to the Hamas attack this week, Thierry Breton, France’s EU commissioner, said Europe needed to think about building its own aircraft carrier. Even in Brussels, the comment generated little more than comic relief.  

    Despite all the rhetoric about the necessity for Europe to play a more global role, not even the leaders of the EU’s biggest members, France and Germany, seem to be serious about it.  

    As Biden hunkered down in the White House Situation Room to discuss the crisis in Israel, French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz were busy conferring in Hamburg. 

    After agreeing to redouble their efforts to cut red tape in the EU, they took a harbor cruise with their partners. 

    The leaders celebrated their successful deliberations on a local wharf with beer and Fischbrötchen, a Hamburg fish sandwich. The sun even came out. 

    But most important: No one’s phone rang.   

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    Matthew Karnitschnig

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  • EU, Russia and US held secret talks days before Nagorno-Karabakh blitz

    EU, Russia and US held secret talks days before Nagorno-Karabakh blitz

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    Top officials from the United States and the EU met with their Russian counterparts for undisclosed emergency talks in Turkey designed to resolve the standoff over Nagorno-Karabakh, just days before Azerbaijan launched a military offensive last month to seize the breakaway territory from ethnic Armenian control.

    The off-diary meeting marks a rare — if ultimately unsuccessful — contact between Moscow and the West on a major security concern, after Russian President Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 upended regular diplomacy.

    A senior diplomat with knowledge of the discussions told POLITICO the meeting took place on September 17 in Istanbul as part of efforts to pressure Azerbaijan to end its nine-month blockade of the enclave and allow in humanitarian aid convoys from Armenia. According to the envoy, the meeting focused on “how to get the bloody trucks moving” and ensure supplies of food and fuel could reach its estimated 100,000 residents.

    The U.S. was represented by Louis Bono, Washington’s senior adviser for Caucasus negotiations, while the EU dispatched Toivo Klaar, its representative for the region. Russia, meanwhile, sent Igor Khovaev, who serves as Putin’s special envoy on relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

    Such high-level diplomatic interaction is rare. In March, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov came face to face on the sidelines of the G20 meeting in India — but Moscow insisted the exchange happened “on the move” and no negotiations were held.

    In a statement provided to POLITICO, an EU official said “we believe it is important to maintain channels of communications with relevant interlocutors to avoid misunderstandings.” The official also observed Klaar had sought to keep lines open on numerous fronts over the “past years,” including in talks with Khovaev and Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Mikhail Galuzin.

    A spokesperson for the U.S. State Department declined to comment on the meeting, saying only that “we do not comment on private diplomatic discussions.”

    However, a U.S. official familiar with the matter who was granted anonymity to discuss sensitive diplomatic matters explained the discussions came out of an understanding that the Kremlin still holds sway in the region. “We need to be able to work with the Russians on this because they do have influence over the parties, especially as we’re at a precarious moment right now,” the American official said.

    Azerbaijan launched a lightning offensive against Nagorno-Karabakh on September 19, sending tanks and troops into the region under the cover of heavy artillery bombardment. Karabakh Armenian leaders were forced to surrender following 24 hours of fierce fighting that killed hundreds on both sides. Since then, the Armenian government says more than 100,000 people have fled their homes and crossed the border, fearing for their lives.

    Azerbaijan insists it has the right to take action against “illegal armed formations” on its internationally recognized territory, and has pledged to “reintegrate” those who have stayed behind. European Council President Charles Michel described the military operation as “devastating,” while Blinken has joined calls for Azerbaijan “to refrain from further hostilities in Nagorno-Karabakh and provide unhindered humanitarian access.”

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  • Armenia accuses Azerbaijan of

    Armenia accuses Azerbaijan of

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    Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan accused neighboring Azerbaijan on Thursday of “ethnic cleansing” as tens of thousands of people fled the Azerbaijani region of Nagorno-Karabakh into Armenia. Pashinyan predicted that all ethnic Armenians would flee the region in “the coming days” amid an ongoing Azerbaijani military operation there.

    “Our analysis shows that in the coming days there will be no Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh,” Pashinyan told his cabinet members on Thursday, according to the French news agency AFP. “This is an act of ethnic cleansing of which we were warning the international community for a long time.”

    Nagorno-Karabakh is internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan, but it has been populated and run by ethnic Armenian separatists for several decades. About a week ago, Azerbaijan launched a lightning military offensive to bring the breakaway region — home to fewer than 150,000 people before the exodus began — fully under its control.

    Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh on outline map
    The breakaway region of Nagorno-Karabakh, recognized internationally as part of Azerbaijan, is seen in red. 

    Getty/iStockphoto


    Over the last week, amid what Azerbaijan calls “anti-terrorist” operations in Nagorno-Karabakh, almost a quarter of its population has fled to Armenia.

    Armenian government spokeswoman Nazeli Baghdasaryan said in a statement that some “65,036 forcefully displaced persons” had crossed into Armenia from the region by Thursday morning, according to AFP.

    Some of the ethnic Armenian residents have said they had only minutes to decide to pack up their things and abandon their homes to join the exodus down the only road into neighboring Armenia.

    “We ran away to survive,” an elderly woman holding her granddaughter told the Reuters news agency. “It was horrible, children were hungry and crying.”

    ARMENIA-AZERBAIJAN-CONFLICT
    Refugees load a truck in Goris, Armenia, Sept. 26, 2023, before leaving to the capital Yerevan. A continuous stream of vehicles crept along the only road out of the Nagorno-Karabakh region toward Armenia, carrying tens of thousands of refugees.

    ALAIN JOCARD/AFP/Getty


    Samantha Powers, the head of the U.S. government’s primary aid agency, was in Armenia this week and announced that the U.S. government would provide $11.5 million worth of assistance.

    “It is absolutely critical that independent monitors, as well as humanitarian organizations, get access to the people in Nagorno-Karabakh who still have dire needs,” she said, adding that “there are injured civilians in Nagorno-Karabakh who need to be evacuated and it is absolutely essential that evacuation be facilitated by the government of Azerbaijan.”

    The conflict between the Armenian separatists in Nagorno-Karabakh and Azerbaijan had simmered for years, but after the recent invasion was launched, the separatists agreed to lay down their arms, leaving the future of their region and their people shrouded in uncertainty.

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  • Armenia warns of ‘ethnic cleansing’ as thousands flee the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave

    Armenia warns of ‘ethnic cleansing’ as thousands flee the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave

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    Armenian police officers walks near refugees as they queue in vehicles near the border town of Kornidzor, arriving from Nagorno-Karabakh, on September 26, 2023.

    Alain Jocard | Afp | Getty Images

    Thousands of ethnic Armenians on Tuesday fled their homes in the breakaway enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh, as Armenia’s prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan, publicly blamed Russia for failing to ensure the country’s security.

    The mass exodus comes after a lightning military operation by Azerbaijan last week that saw it take full control of the region that has endured more than three decades of conflict.

    The 24-hour offensive ratcheted up fears of major unrest throughout the Caucasus — the border region between southeast Europe and west Asia.

    The U.S. has called for Azerbaijan to maintain a cease-fire and “take concrete steps” to protect the rights of civilians in Nagorno-Karabakh.

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    The landlocked territory of Nagorno-Karabakh declared independence from Azerbaijan in 1991 and, with the support of Armenia, has fought two wars with Azerbaijan in the space of 30 years. The territory is currently home to an estimated 120,000 ethnic Armenians.

    Hundreds of cars, buses and open-top trucks were seen Tuesday snaking their way through the last Azerbaijani checkpoint to enter Armenia via the so-called Lachin Corridor, a mountain road that connects Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh.

    The first convoys of civilians leaving the region began on Sunday. As of Tuesday morning, at least 13,350 people were estimated to have entered Armenia from Nagorno-Karabakh, according to the Armenian government.

    A refugee waits in a car with her baby as she waits to cross the border, leaving Karabakh to Armenia, in Lachin, on September 26, 2023.

    Emmanuel Dunand | Afp | Getty Images

    It said it would provide accommodation to all those fleeing Nagorno-Karabakh who have no place to live.

    Separately, at least 20 people were reported to have been killed on Monday in an explosion at a fuel depot in Nagorno-Karabakh, according to local Armenian authorities. The cause of the blast remains unclear.

    Local human rights official Gegham Stepanyan said via X, formerly known as Twitter, that the number of people injured in the explosion exceeded 200.

    ‘Unacceptable insinuations’

    Armenia, which has typically looked to Russia as a security guarantor, said Azerbaijan’s military operation last week was an attempt to ethnically cleanse Nagorno-Karabakh, a charge it denies.

    Speaking on Sunday in an address to the nation, Armenia’s prime minister said the likelihood was rising that people would seek to flee the Nagorno-Karabakh region “as the only way to save their lives and identity,” Reuters reported.

    “Responsibility for such a development of events will fall entirely on Azerbaijan, which adopted a policy of ethnic cleansing, and on the Russian peacekeeping contingent in Nagorno-Karabakh,” Pashinyan said. He added that the government’s strategic partnership with Moscow was not enough to protect the country’s external security.

    Russia on Monday hit back against Pashinyan’s assertions, saying his address “contained unacceptable insinuations against Russia and can only elicit repudiation.”

    “The most recent utterances by Nikol Pashinyan confirm our earlier conclusions that the processes driven by Western influence and encouraged by official Yerevan are systemic rather than sporadic and detrimental to their own country and our alliance,” Russia’s Foreign Ministry said in a statement.

    Despite decades of security backing from Russia, Armenian authorities have grown increasingly frustrated with what they perceive as a lack of willingness from the Kremlin to support the country.

    Russia, alongside Armenia, is a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organization. Formed in 2002, the Moscow-led security bloc is a military alliance composed of six post-Soviet states. Like NATO, the CSTO is based on the principle of collective defense, meaning that an attack on one member is recognized as an attack on all members.

    Azerbaijan soldiers regulate the traffic as refugees wait in their cars to leave Karabakh for Armenia, at the in Lachin border, on September 26, 2023.

    Emmanuel Dunand | Afp | Getty Images

    Armenia’s prime minister suggested earlier in the year that the country was considering withdrawing from the CSTO due to a lack of support from Russia. More recently, Pashinyan admitted that it had been a strategic mistake to depend solely on the Kremlin to guarantee the country’s security.

    Analysts told CNBC last week that Pashinyan’s grip on power was being “weakened by the minute” over the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis, particularly given that the prime minister does not appear to enjoy either internal or external support.

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  • Aid convoys set course for Nagorno-Karabakh under new pact with Azerbaijan

    Aid convoys set course for Nagorno-Karabakh under new pact with Azerbaijan

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    KORNIDZOR, Armenia — Tons of humanitarian aid were en route on Saturday to Nagorno-Karabakh under the terms of a deal struck with the breakaway region’s Armenian leadership, Azerbaijan said.

    The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) on Saturday said it had dispatched its first shipment of food and fuel to reach the mountainous territory from Armenia since Azerbaijan launched its military offensive earlier this week. The convoy of four trucks drove across the Hakari Bridge, crossing the border amid warnings of a growing humanitarian crisis among the civilian population.

    “We are looking at the different needs of the population,” a spokesperson for the ICRC told POLITICO. “And, underlining our role as a neutral intermediary, we are of course in dialog with all the decision-makers to be able to provide assistance that is much needed.”

    The delivery marks only the second time civilian aid will reach Nagorno-Karabakh from Armenia since Azerbaijan closed a checkpoint on the internationally recognized border after a firefight with Armenian troops on June 15. The ICRC has previously warned that without access, a humanitarian crisis could quickly unfold — and that situation has only been compounded by reports of mass displacements as Azerbaijani forces took territory inside the ethnic Armenian-held enclave in a 24-hour attack that began on Tuesday.

    While the ICRC has been able to transfer wounded people to hospitals inside Nagorno-Karabakh, a mooted evacuation of the injured to Armenia has not yet materialized.

    Azerbaijan has since said the local leadership must disband, its soldiers must lay down their weapons, and those living there will have to accept being governed as part of Azerbaijan, or else leave.

    A U.S. congressional delegation visited the road leading to the Hakari Bridge moments before the ICRC convoy passed. Addressing reporters, Senator Gary Peters, a Michigan Democrat, said Washington was deeply concerned by the unfolding crisis and called for support for civilians “suffering as a result of the blockade for many months.”

    Shortly afterwards, a long convoy of Russian peacekeepers’ vehicles raced down the road toward Nagorno-Karabakh, and Azerbaijan said that it had dispatched two tanker trucks full of fuel to the de facto capital, Stepanakert. Moscow’s personnel had also been prevented from regularly using the road since June, reportedly only bringing in essentials for their own troops by helicopter.

    Speaking to POLITICO, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s foreign policy adviser, Hikmet Hajiyev, said the guarantee for humanitarian aid access “once again shows the good intentions and seriousness of the Azerbaijan government to meet the needs and requirements of Armenian residents and also to ensure a safe and decent reintegration process.”

    A special government working group has been established, he added, to address the humanitarian, economic and social aspects of absorbing Nagorno-Karabakh and its tens of thousands of ethnic Armenians into Azerbaijan after 30 years of self-declared independence. The leadership of the unrecognized state said on Wednesday that it had been forced to accept a Moscow-brokered surrender agreement as its troops were routed. Azerbaijan says Armenian fighters have already begun surrendering their weapons under the terms of the deal.

    “Karabakh was a powder keg and the most militarized zone in the world,” Hajiyev added. “But now that is in the past. Under these circumstances, there are much better chances for peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan.”

    However, concerns remain that tens of thousands of civilians trapped in the crisis-hit region could be forced to flee their homes, with local officials warning of “ethnic cleansing.”

    According to Laurence Broers, an expert on the conflict at Chatham House, the question is now whether the apparent goodwill gestures solidify into something more permanent.

    “We’ve got to end this stop-start humanitarian aid paradigm,” he said. “We need to have a long-term solution around access and, just as importantly, we have to have concentrated attention so that those who want to get out of Karabakh can still do so.”

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  • Azerbaijan declares victory in lightning Nagorno-Karabakh offensive

    Azerbaijan declares victory in lightning Nagorno-Karabakh offensive

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    YEREVAN, Armenia — Azerbaijan on Wednesday declared victory after a daylong military assault on Nagorno-Karabakh, during which Baku pounded the ethnic-Armenian controlled region with artillery fire.

    Nagorno-Karabakh’s ethnic Armenian leadership on Wednesday morning agreed to a cease-fire in an effort to prevent further bloodshed as Azerbaijani forces made major advances in the breakaway region.

    According to Azerbaijan’s ministry of defense, quoted by state media, the Karabakh Armenian side has agreed to “lay down their weapons, leave their combat positions and military posts and disarm completely. Units of the Armenian armed forces [will] leave the territories of Azerbaijan, illegal Armenian armed groups [will be] dissolved.”

    The fragile cease-fire throws into doubt the future for the region’s estimated 100,000 Armenian residents, who have for three decades maintained their autonomy from Azerbaijan, behind a fortified line of bunkers, land mines and trenches. Azerbaijan took back swathes of territory in Nagorno-Karabakh during a war in 2020, triggering a complete exodus of residents from the areas that changed hands.

    Azerbaijan insists it will offer the Karabakh Armenians rights and securities if they accept Azerbaijani citizenship, but international observers including the EU have been quick to warn that years of violence combined with fiery racial rhetoric from Baku’s authoritarian government make reconciliation more difficult.

    Clips shot by locals in the breakaway region over the past 24 hours, seen by POLITICO, show civilians burning piles of documents, while Russia says its peacekeepers on the ground have “evacuated” more than 2,000 people — giving rise to fears of forced displacement.

    In a statement, the government of ethnic-Armenian controlled Nagorno-Karabakh said that Azerbaijan had inflicted casualties and captured strategic locations, despite its own troops fighting to hold the line.

    “Regrettably, the defense army has casualties too,” the Karabakh Armenian officials wrote. “While in some parts the enemy succeeded in penetrating into defense army outposts, capturing several heights and strategic road junctions.”

    “In the current situation, the international community’s actions in the direction of ending the war and resolving the situation are insufficient. Taking this into consideration, the authorities of the Republic of Artsakh accept the proposal of the Russian peacekeeping contingent’s command regarding a ceasefire,” the Nagorno-Karabakh Presidential Office said.

    Previous truce agreements have failed to bring peace to the region, with the Russian peacekeepers unable or unwilling to enforce terms amid near-daily reports of deadly clashes along the line of contact.

    Nagorno-Karabakh — which lies inside Azerbaijan’s internationally recognized borders but has been controlled by its ethnic Armenian population since a war which followed the fall of the Soviet Union — has been fought over by the two countries for decades, with the Azerbaijani government insisting it has the right to suppress “illegal” military units on the territory.

    Bomb shelter

    Dozens of people were reportedly killed in Nagorno-Karabakh as Azerbaijan’s military offensive against the breakaway region stretched into a second day.

    Residents of the ethnic-Armenian controlled region, surrounded on all sides by Azerbaijani troops, sought refuge in basements Tuesday night amid a massive artillery barrage. Siranush Sargsyan, a local journalist, wrote online that she had spent the night in a bomb shelter. “I don’t know if we will wake up,” she said.

    In a briefing Wednesday morning, Azerbaijan’s ministry of defense spokesman, Anar Eyvazov, insisted Azerbaijan was not targeting civilians, but the South Caucasus country accuses Armenian commanders of stationing troops in residential areas.

    “The Azerbaijani army is reported to have suppressed by now the resistance of Armenian military units and to have broken the line of contact in several directions,” Vaqif Sadiqov, Azerbaijan’s EU ambassador, wrote online. “The Armenian military must lay down their arms and surrender, or face the consequences.”

    Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said Tuesday night that he would not allow Azerbaijan “to drag the Republic of Armenia into military operations,” refusing to become embroiled in the conflict across the border.

    Tens of thousands of people took to the streets of the capital, Yerevan, calling for Armenia to intervene in Nagorno-Karabakh, with police forced to deploy stun grenades to prevent government buildings being stormed. Major demonstrations were also held outside the Russian embassy, with Moscow’s peacekeeping contingent in Nagorno-Karabakh failing to prevent the bloodshed.

    ‘A new war in Karabakh’

    According to Gegham Stepanyan, a human rights ombudsman for the unrecognized Karabakh Armenian state of Artsakh, as of the early hours of Wednesday morning, “there are 35 injured persons among the civilian population: 13 children, 15 women and seven men.”

    He added at least 27 people were known to have died, but in the absence of stable communications the numbers could be far higher.

    While reports from the front line are sparse, given internet access and telephone signal have been largely cut off, Azerbaijan says its troops have several sites inside territory held until now by Karabakh Armenian forces.

    Armenian media reported the historic Amaras monastery, dating from the fourth century, has come under Azerbaijani control, raising fears for its survival given Azerbaijan has previously been accused of leveling hundreds of Armenian churches.

    Tom de Waal, a senior fellow at Carnegie Europe, said the escalation marks “a new war in Karabakh” and “a terrible day for Western diplomacy” given the failure of efforts to convince Azerbaijan not to use force to resolve the conflict. “It has the potential to get a whole lot worse,” he added.

    The EU’s top diplomat, Josep Borrell, has called “for the immediate cessation of hostilities and for Azerbaijan to stop the current military activities.” The U.S. State Department said Washington is “pressing for an immediate end to hostilities” and, amid concerns the war could spill out of Nagorno-Karabakh, “reaffirmed U.S. support for Armenia’s sovereignty and independence.”

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  • The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict explained

    The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict explained

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    Fierce firefights and heavy shelling echo once again around the mountains of Nagorno-Karabakh, an isolated region at the very edge of Europe that has seen several major wars since the fall of the Soviet Union.

    On Tuesday, the South Caucasus nation of Azerbaijan announced its armed forces launched “local anti-terrorist activities” in Nagorno-Karabakh, which is inside Azerbaijan’s borders but is controlled as a breakaway state by its ethnic Armenian population.

    Now, with fighting raging and allegations of an impending “genocide” reaching fever pitch, all eyes are on the decades-old conflict that threatens to draw in some of the world’s leading military powers.

    What is happening?

    For weeks, Armenia and international observers have warned that Azerbaijan was massing its armed forces along the heavily fortified line of contact in Nagorno-Karabakh, preparing to stage an offensive against local ethnic Armenian troops. Clips shared online showed Azerbaijani vehicles daubed with an upside-down ‘A’-symbol, reminiscent of the ‘Z’ sign painted onto Russian vehicles ahead of the invasion of Ukraine last year.

    In the early hours of Tuesday, Karabakh Armenian officials reported a major offensive by Azerbaijan was underway, with air raid sirens sounding in Stepankert, the de facto capital. The region’s estimated 100,000 residents have been told by Azerbaijan to “evacuate” via “humanitarian corridors” leading to Armenia. However, Azerbaijani forces control all of the entry and exit points and many locals fear they will not be allowed to pass safely.

    Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev’s top foreign policy advisor, Hikmet Hajiyev, insisted to POLITICO the “goal is to neutralize military infrastructure” and denied civilians were being targeted. However, unverified photographs posted online appear to show damaged apartment buildings, and the Karabakh Armenian human rights ombudsman, Gegham Stepanyan, reported several children have been injured in the attacks.

    Concern is growing over the fate of the civilians effectively trapped in the crossfire, as well as the risk of yet another full-blown war in the former Soviet Union.

    How did we get here?

    During the Soviet era, Nagorno-Karabakh was an autonomous region inside the Azerbaijani Soviet Socialist Republic, home to both ethnic Armenians and Azerbaijanis, but the absence of internal borders made its status largely unimportant. That all changed when Moscow lost control of its peripheral republics, and Nagorno-Karabakh was formally left inside Azerbaijan’s internationally recognized territory.

    Amid the collapse of the USSR from 1988 to 1994, Armenian and Azerbaijani forces fought a grueling series of battles over the region, with the Armenians taking control of swathes of land and forcing the mass exodus of hundreds of thousands of ethnic Azerbaijanis, razing several cities to the ground. Since then, citing a 1991 referendum — boycotted by Azerbaijanis — the Karabakh-Armenians have unilaterally declared independence and maintained a de facto independent state.

    For nearly three decades that situation remained stable, with the two sides locked in a stalemate that was maintained by a line of bunkers, landmines and anti-tank defenses, frequently given as an example of one of the world’s few “frozen conflicts.”

    However, that all changed in 2020, when Azerbaijan launched a 44-day war to regain territory, conquering hundreds of square kilometers around all sides of Nagorno-Karabakh. That left the ethnic Armenian exclave connected to Armenia proper by a single road, the Lachin Corridor — supposedly under the protection of Russian peacekeepers as part of a Moscow-brokered ceasefire agreement.

    What is the blockade?

    With Russia’s ability to maintain the status quo rapidly dwindling in the face of its increasingly catastrophic war in Ukraine, Azerbaijan has moved to take control of all access to the region. In December, as part of a dispute supposedly over illegal gold mining, self-declared “eco-activists” — operating with the support of the country’s authoritarian government — staged a sit-in on the road, stopping civilian traffic and forcing the local population to rely on Russian peacekeepers and the Red Cross for supplies.

    That situation has worsened in the past two months, with an Azerbaijani checkpoint newly erected on the Lachin Corridor refusing to allow the passage of any humanitarian aid, save for the occasional one-off delivery. In August, amid warnings of empty shelves, malnourishment and a worsening humanitarian crisis, Luis Moreno Ocampo, the former chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, published a report calling the situation “an ongoing genocide.”

    Azerbaijan denies it is blockading Nagorno-Karabakh, with Hajiyev telling POLITICO the country was prepared to reopen the Lachin Corridor if the Karabakh-Armenians accepted transport routes from inside Azerbaijani-held territory. Aliyev has repeatedly called on Armenian forces in Nagorno-Karabakh to stand down, local politicians to resign and those living there to accept being ruled as part of Azerbaijan.

    Why have things escalated now?

    Over the past few months, the U.S., EU and Russia have urged Azerbaijan to keep faith during diplomatic talks designed to end the conflict once and for all, rather than seeking a military solution to assert control over the entire region.

    As part of the talks in Washington, Brussels and Moscow, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan made a series of unprecedented concessions, going as far as recognizing Nagorno-Karabakh as Azerbaijani territory. However, his government maintains it cannot sign a peace deal that does not include internationally guaranteed rights and securities for the Karabakh-Armenians.

    The situation has worsened in the past two months, with an Azerbaijani checkpoint newly erected on the Lachin Corridor refusing to allow the passage of any humanitarian aid | Tofik babayev/AFP via Getty Images

    Aliyev has rejected any such arrangement outright, insisting there should be no foreign presence on Azerbaijan’s sovereign territory. He insists that as citizens of Azerbaijan, those living there will have the same rights as any other citizen — but has continued fierce anti-Armenian rhetoric including describing the separatists as “dogs,” while the government issued a postage stamp following the 2020 war featuring a worker in a hazmat suit “decontaminating” Nagorno-Karabakh.

    Unwilling to accept the compromise, Azerbaijan has accused Armenia of stalling the peace process. According to former Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Elmar Mammadyarov, a military escalation is needed to force an agreement. “It can be a short-term clash, or it can be a war,” he added.

    Facing growing domestic pressure amid dwindling supplies, former Karabakh-Armenian President Arayik Harutyunyan stood down and called elections, lambasted as a provocation by Azerbaijan and condemned by the EU, Ukraine and others.

    Azerbaijan also alleged Armenian saboteurs were behind landmine blasts it says killed six military personnel in the region, while presenting no evidence to support the claim.

    What’s Russia doing?

    Armenia is formally an ally of Russia, and a member of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) military bloc. However, Russian peacekeepers deployed to Nagorno-Karabakh have proven entirely unwilling or unable to keep Azerbaijani advances in check, while Moscow declined to offer Pashinyan the support he demanded after strategic high ground inside Armenia’s borders were captured in an Azerbaijani offensive last September.

    Belarusian dictator Alexander Lukashenko previously said Azerbaijan has better relations with the CSTO than Armenia, despite not being a member, and described Aliyev as “our guy.”

    Since then, Armenia — the most democratic country in the region — has sought to distance itself from the Kremlin, inviting in an EU civilian observer mission to the border. That strategy has picked up pace in recent days, with Pashinyan telling POLITICO in an interview that the country can no longer rely on Russia for its security. Instead, the South Caucasus nation has dispatched humanitarian aid to Ukraine and Pashinyan’s wife visited Kyiv to show her support, while hosting U.S. troops for exercises.

    Moscow, which has a close economic and political relationship with Azerbaijan, reacted furiously, summoning the Armenian ambassador.

    In a message posted on Telegram on Tuesday, Dmitry Medvedev, former president of Russia and secretary of its security council, said Pashinyan “decided to blame Russia for his botched defeat. He gave up part of his country’s territory. He decided to flirt with NATO, and his wife took biscuits to our enemies. Guess what fate awaits him…”

    Who supports whom?

    The South Caucasus is a tangled web of shifting alliances.

    Russia aside, Armenia has built close relations with neighboring Iran, which has vowed to protect it, as well as India and France. French President Emmanuel Macron has previously joined negotiations in support of Pashinyan and the country is home to a large and historic Armenian diaspora.

    Azerbaijan, meanwhile, operates on a “one nation, two states” basis with Turkey, with which it has deep cultural, linguistic and historical ties. It also receives large shipments of weaponry and military hardware from Israel, while providing the Middle Eastern nation with gas.

    The EU has turned to Azerbaijan to help replace Russia as a provider of energy. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen made an official visit to the capital, Baku, last summer in a bid to secure increased exports of natural gas, describing the country as a “reliable, trustworthy partner.”

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  • Kim Kardashian Sends Urgent Message To Biden: ‘Stop Another Armenian Genocide’

    Kim Kardashian Sends Urgent Message To Biden: ‘Stop Another Armenian Genocide’

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    Kim Kardashian has issued a public plea for President Joe Biden to “stop another Armenian genocide,” asking the U.S. to protect Armenians from Azerbaijan.

    In a Rolling Stone piece published Friday, the reality TV star urged Biden and Secretary of State Antony Blinken to “take a stand immediately” by bringing sanctions and cutting off foreign aid to Azerbaijan, writing that the country has blockaded “the only lifeline between the indigenous Christian Armenians of Artsakh (also known as Nagorno-Karabakh) and the rest of the world” since December.

    “We are the descendants of Armenian Genocide survivors, and we do not want to be talking about the recognition or commemoration of yet another genocide in the future,” read the op-ed, which was co-written with physician Eric Esrailian.

    Their message follows decades of conflict in the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh, a region that’s internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan but is known to Armenians as the Republic of Artsakh.

    The op-ed’s authors said that the blockade of the Lachin Corridor, the only road that connects Armenia to Nagorno-Karabakh, “has emboldened the autocratic Azeri government to use starvation as a weapon against the Armenian population in the region.”

    “Blocking human rights groups, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), and the hateful rhetoric accompanying the blockade are signs of genocidal intent,” they wrote, asking Biden and Blinken to pressure Azerbaijan to open the corridor “without preconditions.”

    “It is clear that this ruthless blockade has crossed all red lines of human rights and humanitarian law.”

    The two also pointed to reports that attacks on Armenian soldiers have persisted, despite a cease-fire agreement after a war between Azerbaijan and Armenia in 2020.

    The pair later said that American taxpayer dollars are “facilitating and enabling this behavior” via foreign aid to Azerbaijan.

    “The United States has the ability to mobilize a response. Leaders who are effective and help our people will be remembered for their heroism,” they wrote. “The ones who are inert and ineffective will be remembered for allowing a genocide to take place under their watch. The choice is theirs.”

    In the past, Kardashian has frequently advocated for formally recognizing the mass killings of Armenians under the Ottoman Empire a century ago as a “genocide.” Biden did so in 2021.

    You can read more from Kardashian’s op-ed here.

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