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  • ‘The Apprentice’ Misses Its Target

    ‘The Apprentice’ Misses Its Target

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    In 2002, Donald Trump told Errol Morris that his favorite movie was Orson Welles’s 1941 classic Citizen Kane—an opinion that aligns surprisingly well with critical consensus. During the interview, Trump spoke candidly about Kane’s allegory of avarice and ambition, and where its story of a man trying to bend the world to his will intersected with his own legacy. He even offered a bit of passable formal analysis when discussing the famous sequence in which the protagonist’s self-imposed stint in domestic purgatory is visualized in a montage set entirely in his dining room. “The table getting larger, and larger, and larger, with [Kane] and his wife getting further and further apart as he got wealthier and wealthier … perhaps I can understand that,” Trump said. “I think you learn in [Citizen] Kane that maybe wealth isn’t everything. Because he had the wealth, but he didn’t have the happiness.”

    The sinister relationship between extreme wealth and extreme depression, and how the latter can metastasize into an all-obliterating megalomania, is an enduring American theme, and it’s at the heart—such as it is—of Ali Abbasi’s new Donald Trump biopic, The Apprentice. The film, which premiered earlier this year at Cannes, has already incited predictable ire (and threats of litigation) on behalf of its namesake, as well as complaints from one of its own financiers pertaining to its content: When former Washington Commanders owner (and Trump donor) Dan Snyder saw a rough cut, he reportedly walked out of the screening room. For a while, the media narrative was that no U.S. distributor would touch The Apprentice because the material was just too dangerous; in June, New York Times columnist Michelle Goldberg speculated that it would be suppressed for political reasons. Such well-publicized anxieties are usually just another form of hype, however, and the film is being released this week as a potential Oscar contender, as well as an election-season intervention against its antihero and his latest bid for the White House. The cinematic equivalent of an October surprise.

    That most of the revelations in The Apprentice are already a matter of public record is beside the point. Scripted by Roger Ailes biographer Gabriel Sherman—a journalist making his screenwriting debut—the film has been styled, aggressively and unapologetically, as a tactically unflattering portrait-of-the-mogul-as-a-young-man. Instead of a full life-and-times epic, we get a carefully curated series of snapshots, set in the 1970s and ’80s against the backdrop of a rapidly gentrifying but spiritually dilapidated New York City, whose downtown core is seemingly ready and willing to be rebranded by a real estate mogul with the will to put his name on anything above street level. Enter the 27-year-old Donald Trump, who, as played by Sebastian Stan, is savvy and charismatic but also doughy and unformed. The narrative through line is his molding into a killer at the hands of the legendary lawyer and power broker Roy Cohn (Jeremy Strong). Imagine Pygmalion with a literally porcine protégé. “You create your own reality,” Cohn tells his new client. “Truth is a malleable thing.”

    The incalculable wreckage left in the wake of Cohn’s life and career—and the tragic, seismic schadenfreude of a virulent public homophobe succumbing to AIDS behind the doors of his own lavishly appointed private closet—was already dramatized by Tony Kushner in his Pulitzer Prize–winning play Angels in America, which inventoried the self-styled Cold Warrior’s résumé as one of the masterminds behind McCarthyism, as well as a principal bogeyman in the Lavender Scare. That Sherman has brazenly borrowed his own script’s mentor-student dynamic—as well as the desolate poignancy of Cohn becoming a piece of collateral damage in his own scorched-earth prejudice—from Angels in America is perhaps fair enough: One of the functions of great works is to inspire variations.

    It’s also fair enough to think that, after providing decades of fodder for irony-mongers like Spy magazine and Saturday Night Live, a figure as monolithic as Trump warrants his own pop-Mephistophelean origin story à la Citizen Kane—a movie sufficiently weaponized to take the once (and future?) president down to size. But when Welles took on the right-wing newspaper baron William Randolph Hearst, he had plenty of stylistic ammunition. Welles was one of the greatest film artists who ever lived—a prodigy with the skill to make every mock-heroic close-up and muscle-flexing tracking shot count. When he showed the title character (played with bristling charisma by the director himself) refracted in a hall of mirrors, the image crystallized the concept of a man who contained multitudes while also being profoundly ordinary. It wasn’t just Charles Foster Kane that Welles had in his sights, but a culture where the ability to reproduce and project identity into infinity could potentially make demagogues of us all.

    That Ali Abbasi isn’t Orson Welles is, once again, fair enough. But after watching the ugly misfire of The Apprentice—a movie as slovenly and obvious as Citizen Kane is sophisticated and spacious, and which makes even the 2016 Funny or Die short “The Art of the Deal” look like, well, Citizen Kane—the question remains: How the fuck do you miss a target as wide as Donald Trump?

    There are few things more depressing than a cheap-shot artist who thinks he’s a marksman, which was the main takeaway from Abbasi’s previous feature, Holy Spider, a fact-based account of a serial killer preying on Iranian sex workers that trafficked in morbid sensationalism while cloaking itself in the vestments of moralizing social commentary. The opening scenes of The Apprentice, meanwhile, suggest a filmmaker aiming squarely below the belt in both senses of the word: When Donald locks eyes with Roy across a crowded dining room at Le Club, it’s framed as a diabolical meet-cute between a pair of anti-soul-mates, each in love with the archetypal idea of the other. It would be one thing if Abbasi showed the ability—or even the desire—to get inside the mix of self-infatuation and self-loathing driving this incarnation of Trump, but the best he can do is compel us to gawk at the people on-screen with cozily vicarious disapproval, secure in the knowledge that they exist across some vast chasm of history and experience. By clearly demarcating the line between their characters and the audience, Abbasi and Sherman sidestep the demands of genuine art, or even the honest vulgarity of a director like Paul Verhoeven, whose RoboCop burlesqued the cutthroat misanthropy (and unscrupulously privatized skylines) of the Reagan ’80s in real time without any pretenses to awards-season prestige.

    It may be that Sebastian Stan will find himself nominated for Best Actor early next year; hopefully it will be for his superlative work in Aaron Schimberg’s surreal comedy A Different Man, which channels the rage and alienation of a loner trapped in his own skin—and also the concept of New York as an emotionally parched hellscape—with exponentially more poetry and humor than The Apprentice. It’s not that Stan is bad, exactly. He plays the role as written, which is to say that he’s allowed to be (relatively) subtle in the first half of the narrative before swapping out any sense of naturalism for a collection of recognizable verbal and physical tics in the second. In theory, the performance is shaped around the idea that the version of Trump that’s come to dominate the public consciousness was gradually willed into being as a hybrid form of behavioral modification and performance art. But because Abbasi can’t abide anything like contradiction or complexity, the process doesn’t so much deepen the characterization as flatten it, stranding a gifted and resourceful performer in the no-man’s-land of sketch-comedy impersonation.

    As for Strong, whose casting is shadowed by Al Pacino’s phenomenal portrayal of Cohn in the TV adaptation of Angels in America (as well as his role on Succession), he’s reached the point—endemic to being a certain kind of great actor—where the nobility of his commitment to the bit is, paradoxically, what keeps him from actually nailing it. The most extraordinary aspect of Strong’s presence on Succession was how he managed to convey how a person as emotionally fragile and psychologically transparent as Kendall Roy could still be a mystery to himself and the people around him. Whether trying to live up to his best ideas or succumbing to his worst impulses, you could register the wires crossing behind the character’s eyes. The impression was of an actor building a character from the ground up as well as the inside out, and capturing something true about the multiplicity of privileged pseudo-visionaries hovering above us: that their lack of conviction gives them an ethical permission slip to support the most noxious causes imaginable (remember that Kendall’s flight jacket get-up while pitching “Living+” was based on Elon Musk). The difference with Roy Cohn, of course, is that he was a rabid, unrepentant ideologue—closer in spirit, if not self-presentation, to Logan Roy—and the only thing Strong can do with his interpretation of the role is clobber it (and us) so that every scene feels like he’s working a speed bag—a show of exertion that only intermittently syncs with Cohn’s own notorious showmanship.

    Beyond Stan and Strong’s strained double act, The Apprentice doesn’t have much going on at the margins; the ostensible emotional impact of the scenes depicting Donald’s courtship of, and progressively dysfunctional marriage to, the late Ivana Zelnickova (Maria Bakalova) is undermined by the same faux-austere grandstanding that marred the putative anti-misogyny of Holy Spider. Abbasi and Sherman clearly care less about what happened to Ivana than the fact that depicting incidents of psychological, physical, and sexual abuse helps them cinch what’s already an open-and-shut case against her husband. That same attitude pervades the film’s presentation of the social, cultural, and political realities surrounding Trump’s rise to power, which resorts to the laziest kind of shorthand—i.e., a brief cutaway to an irate Black man decrying Trump’s racist attitudes after a group of compromised city planners grant the latter rights to refurbish the Commodore Hotel—instead of trying to work through the attitudes that made such predatory, discriminatory practices possible. Instead of contextualizing Trump and Cohn’s relationship in the larger context of a nationwide swing to the right, The Apprentice simply inventories their monstrous actions (and appetites) while feigning clear-eyed impartiality. It’s one thing to craft a fable about bad men insulating themselves from the consequences of their actions beneath impenetrably stratified layers of wealth; it’s another to make a movie that feels trapped in a similarly hollow sort of echo chamber, saying the same basic thing over and over again until the volume and the redundancy become integrated on a molecular level.

    Near the climax of the film, Abbasi gives us the hypothetically potent spectacle of Stan lying supine and unconscious on an operating table during a nip-and-tuck—a clinical yet grotesque image that’s supposed to be the movie’s trump card. It is, indeed, a perfect visual metaphor. But only because it confirms The Apprentice as a purely cosmetic exercise, slicing away futilely at Donald Trump while ultimately confirming his indestructibility.

    Adam Nayman is a film critic, teacher, and author based in Toronto; his book The Coen Brothers: This Book Really Ties the Films Together is available now from Abrams.

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    Adam Nayman

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  • Instant Reactions to the Tim Walz–JD Vance Debate With Semafor’s Benjy Sarlin. Plus: Gabriel Sherman on Writing ‘The Apprentice.’

    Instant Reactions to the Tim Walz–JD Vance Debate With Semafor’s Benjy Sarlin. Plus: Gabriel Sherman on Writing ‘The Apprentice.’

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    Hello, media consumers! In a special bonus edition of The Press Box, Bryan has two guests. First, he speaks with Semafor’s Benjy Sarlin for instant reactions to the Tim Walz–JD Vance vice presidential debate. They discuss the following:

    • The biggest surprise of the debate (1:22)
    • Who looked more confident, Tim Walz or JD Vance (9:35)
    • The January 6 exchange (16:40)
    • Whether or not this will be the last debate (26:04)

    Then he speaks with screenwriter Gabriel Sherman about writing The Apprentice, a story about Donald Trump (30:44). He discusses the following about the film:

    • How he went about writing the story (31:10)
    • Trump’s relationship with Roy Cohn (32:36)
    • How Cohn’s rules of winning influenced Trump (37:04)
    • Deciding on Sebastian Stan to play Trump (47:02)

    Hosts: Bryan Curtis
    Guests: Benjy Sarlin and Gabriel Sherman
    Producer: Brian H. Waters

    Subscribe: Spotify / Apple Podcasts

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    Bryan Curtis

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  • Trump VP selection will be like ‘The Apprentice,’ McCarthy says

    Trump VP selection will be like ‘The Apprentice,’ McCarthy says

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    Former House Speaker Kevin McCarthy reminisced about his time in Congress on Tuesday and predicted GOP success in November.

    Asked whether he missed the chamber where he was ousted as speaker in October, the Bakersfield resident responded, “Some days, yes. Some people, no.”

    “I loved every minute of every time I was in office. Good days, bad days,” McCarthy said during an interview with Wall Street Journal Editor-at-Large Gerard Baker at the Milken Institute’s annual conference in Beverly Hills. “The sad part is it’s much more broken now.”

    McCarthy continued his feud with Rep. Matt Gaetz, saying the Florida Republican engineered his ouster solely to block a House investigation into his relationship with a teenage girl.

    “That’s what he wanted to stop and he’s willing to risk the House for it, and Democrats went along. He was successful,” he said, before adding that a brewing effort to oust his successor, House Speaker Mike Johnson “is different. This won’t be successful.”

    There’s no obvious successor, McCarthy said. Republicans don’t want to harm their chances of holding onto control of the House, while Democrats want to avoid a slowdown of government that would reflect on President Biden.

    McCarthy predicted that Trump would win the White House in November because of President Biden’s reduced favorability ratings, and named North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum and Arkansas Gov. Sarah Huckabee Sanders as potential running mates.

    “I think Trump’s gonna play this like ‘Apprentice.’ He’s gonna play it out. He’s gonna make you join Truth” Social, the former president’s social media platform, McCarthy said. “He’s gonna make you follow it. And whoever you think’s in the lead, somebody’s gonna come up from behind. It’s gonna make great television. And you’re all gonna pay attention the day he announces.”

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    Seema Mehta

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  • Why Republican Politicians Do Whatever Trump Says

    Why Republican Politicians Do Whatever Trump Says

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    The story Donald Trump tells about himself—and to himself—has always been one of domination. It runs through the canonical texts of his personal mythology. In The Art of the Deal, he filled page after page with examples of his hard-nosed negotiating tactics. On The Apprentice, he lorded over a boardroom full of supplicants competing for his approval. And at his campaign rallies, he routinely regales crowds with tales of strong-arming various world leaders in the Oval Office.

    This image of Trump has always been dubious. Those boardroom scenes were, after all, reality-TV contrivances; those stories in his book were, by his own ghostwriter’s account, exaggerated in many cases to make Trump appear savvier than he was. And there’s been ample reporting to suggest that many of the world leaders with whom Trump interacted as president saw him more as an easily manipulated mark than as a domineering statesman to be feared.

    The truth is that Trump, for all of his tough-guy posturing, spent most of his career failing to push people around and bend them to his will.

    That is, until he started dealing with Republican politicians.

    For nearly a decade now, Trump has demonstrated a remarkable ability to make congressional Republicans do what he wants. He threatens them. He bullies them. He extracts from them theatrical displays of devotion—and if they cross him, he makes them pay. If there is one arena of American power in which Trump has been able to actually be the merciless alpha he played on TV—and there may, indeed, be only one—it is Republican politics. His influence was on full display this week, when he derailed a bipartisan border-security bill reportedly because he wants to campaign on the immigration “crisis” this year.

    Sam Nunberg, a former adviser to Trump, has observed this dynamic with some amusement. “It’s funny,” he told me in a recent phone interview. “In the business world and in the entertainment world, I don’t think Donald was able to intimidate people as much.”

    He pointed to Trump’s salary negotiations with NBC during Trump’s Apprentice years. Jeff Zucker, who ran the network at the time, has said that Trump once came to him demanding a raise. At the time, Trump was making $40,000 an episode, but he wanted to make as much as the entire cast of Friends combined: $6 million an episode. Zucker countered with $60,000. When Trump balked, Zucker said he’d find someone else to host the show. The next day, according to Zucker, Trump’s lawyer called to accept the $60,000. (A spokesperson for the Trump campaign did not respond to a request for comment.)

    Contrast that with the power Trump wields on Capitol Hill—how he can kill a bill or tank a speakership bid with a single post on social media; how high-ranking congressmen are so desperate for his approval that they’ll task staffers to sort through packs of Starbursts and pick out just the pinks and reds so Trump can be presented with his favorite flavors.

    “I just remember that there’d be a lot of stuff that didn’t go his way,” Nunberg told me, referring to Trump’s business career. “But he has all these senators in the fetal position! They do whatever he wants.”

    Why exactly congressional Republicans have proved so much more pliable than anyone else Trump has contended with is a matter of interpretation. One explanation is that Trump has simply achieved much more success in politics than he ever did, relatively speaking, in New York City real estate or on network TV. For all of his tabloid omnipresence, Trump never had anything like the presidential bully pulpit.

    “It stands to reason that [when] the president and leader of your party is pushing for something … that’s what’s going to happen,” a former chief of staff to a Republican senator, who requested anonymity in order to candidly describe former colleagues’ thinking, told me. “Take away the office and put him back in a business setting, where facts and core principles matter, and it doesn’t surprise me that it wasn’t as easy.”

    But, of course, Trump is not the president anymore—and there is also something unique about the sway he continues to have over Republicans on Capitol Hill. In his previous life, Trump had viewers, readers, fans—but he never commanded a movement that could end the careers of the people on the other side of the negotiating table.

    And Trump—whose animal instinct for weakness is one of his defining traits—seemed to intuit something early on about the psychology of the Republicans he would one day reign over.

    Nunberg told me about a speech he drafted for Trump in 2015 that included this line about the Republican establishment: “They’re good at keeping their jobs, not their promises.” When Trump read it, he chuckled. “It’s so true,” he said, according to Nunberg. “That’s all they care about.” (Nunberg was eventually fired from Trump’s 2016 campaign.)

    This ethos of job preservation at all costs is not a strictly partisan phenomenon in Washington—nor is it new. As I reported in my recent biography of Mitt Romney, the Utah senator was surprised, when he arrived in Congress, by the enormous psychic currency his colleagues attached to their positions. One senator told Romney that his first consideration when voting on any bill should be “Will this help me win reelection?”

    But the Republican Party of 2015 was uniquely vulnerable to a hostile takeover by someone like Trump. Riven by years of infighting and ideological incoherence, and plagued by a growing misalignment between its base and its political class, the GOP was effectively one big institutional power vacuum. The litmus tests kept changing. The formula for getting reelected was obsolete. Republicans with solidly conservative records, such as House Majority Leader Eric Cantor, were getting taken out in primaries by obscure Tea Party upstarts.

    To many elected Republicans, it probably felt like an answer to their prayers when a strongman finally parachuted in and started telling them what to do. Maybe his orders were reckless and contradictory. But as long as you did your best to look like you were obeying, you could expect to keep winning your primaries.

    As for Trump, it’s easy to see the ongoing appeal of this arrangement. The Apprentice was canceled long ago, and the Manhattan-real-estate war stories have worn thin. Republicans in Congress might be the only ostensibly powerful people in America who will allow him to boss them around, humiliate them, and assert unbridled dominance over them. They’ve made the myth true. How could he possibly walk away now?

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    McKay Coppins

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  • Trump accuses NBC of ‘treason’ in online demand for an investigation

    Trump accuses NBC of ‘treason’ in online demand for an investigation

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    Former President Donald Trump is calling for NBC to be investigated for “Country Threatening Treason” on account of reporting abour him by the media outlet and its affiliates.

    “I say up front, openly, and proudly, that when I WIN the Presidency of the United States, they and others of the LameStream Media will be thoroughly scrutinized for their knowingly dishonest and corrupt coverage of people, things, and events,” Trump said in a social media rant aimed at NBC’s parent company Comcast Sunday night.

    Among Trump’s grievances is coverage by NBC and other networks of his convivial relationship with Russian leader Vladimir Putin, whose agenda is at odds with that of the United States government.

    NBC Meet the Press Handout

    Trump, appearing on NBC’s “Meet the Press.”

    “They are a true threat to Democracy and are, in fact, THE ENEMY OF THE PEOPLE!” the 45th president ranted on Truth Social. “The Fake News Media should pay a big price for what they have done to our once great Country!”

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    Brian Niemietz

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  • IEC Foundation Receives Equipment Grant From Schneider Electric/Square D

    IEC Foundation Receives Equipment Grant From Schneider Electric/Square D

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    The Independent Electrical Contractors (IEC) Foundation has received an in-kind training equipment donation from Schneider Electric/Square D valued at $75,453.52. This equipment will be used at the following IEC Chapter Training Centers: Northern Ohio, Central Ohio, and Atlanta. 

    The IEC Foundation works with industry partners of IEC National to help secure corporate donations of materials and equipment for updating the student labs in IEC campuses on an annual basis through the IEC Foundation Equipment Grant program. To date, the Equipment Grant program has provided over $5M in new laboratory equipment to IEC career schools nationwide. These upgrades in equipment complement the world-class IEC 4-year electrical apprenticeship education program and directly benefit the hands-on learning experience of IEC students, helping to ensure that IEC produces the highest-caliber electricians in the industry.

    This game-changing support from Schneider Electric enables IEC campuses throughout the country with some of the best technology in the electrical and systems contracting industry. Together, with this tremendous support, we will ensure a stronger future for our skilled tradespeople in America.

    Spenser Villwock, IEC Foundation CEO

    About Schneider Electric/Square D
    Between energy generation and its usage, Schneider Electric provides technology and integrated solutions to optimize energy usage in markets like energy and infrastructure, industry, data centers, buildings, and residential. With a unique portfolio in electrical distribution, industrial automation, critical power and cooling, building management, and security, Schneider Electric is the only global specialist in energy management and a world leader in energy efficiency. With more than 130,000 employees in over 100 countries, Schneider Electric leverages its people diversity as a strength to understand its customers and the world we are living in. 

    Schneider Electric evolves in an industry tackling the most exciting challenge of our time: the energy and climate change challenge. Since 2004, the Group has created a unique business portfolio and doubled its size in terms of revenue and people, both by a strong organic growth and a selective acquisition strategy. Schneider Electric has also built a balanced footprint in terms of end-markets and geographies to be more resilient and agile in capturing growth opportunities.

    For more information about Schneider Electric/Square D, visit www.schneider-electric.com

    Thank you, Schneider Electric/Square D, for all you do for the IEC Foundation and our students.

    About IEC Foundation
    Founded in 1996, the IEC Foundation has provided nearly $5 million in cash and equipment to IEC training centers across the country. The Foundation seeks to support not-for-profit organizations to create opportunities introducing and guiding men and women to successful and satisfying careers in the electrical and communications industries through Equipment Grants for use by local training and education centers. 

    Source: Independent Electrical Contractors Foundation

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  • IEC Foundation Receives Equipment Grant From Eaton

    IEC Foundation Receives Equipment Grant From Eaton

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    The Independent Electrical Contractors (IEC) Foundation has received an in-kind training equipment donation from Eaton valued at $223,220. This equipment will be used at the following IEC Chapter Training Centers: Atlanta, Austin, Central PA, Greater Cincinnati, Central Ohio, El Paso, Kentucky & Southern Indiana, Northern Colorado, Northwest Pennsylvania, Oklahoma City, Oregon, and Greater St. Louis.

    The IEC Foundation works with industry partners of IEC National to help secure corporate donations of materials and equipment for updating the student labs in IEC campuses on an annual basis through the IEC Foundation Equipment Grant program. To date, the Equipment Grant program has provided over $5M in new laboratory equipment to IEC career schools nationwide. These upgrades in equipment complement the world-class IEC 4-year electrical apprenticeship education program and directly benefit the hands-on learning experience of IEC students, helping to ensure that IEC produces the highest-caliber electricians in the industry.

    This commitment from Eaton is crucial in elevating the ability of our IEC nonprofit training campuses across the country to educate and train the skilled workers of tomorrow. We are grateful for the partnership in paving the way for our collective future success in the electrical and systems contracting industry.

    Spenser Villwock, IEC Foundation CEO

    About Eaton
    Eaton is a power management company that had 2016 sales of $19.7 billion. They provide energy-efficient solutions that help their customers effectively manage electrical, hydraulic and mechanical power more efficiently, safely, and sustainably. Eaton is dedicated to improving the quality of life and the environment through the use of power management technologies and services. Eaton has approximately 95,000 employees and sells products to customers in more than 175 countries.

    Because of the pivotal role they play, Eaton is committed to creating and maintaining powerful customer relationships built on a foundation of excellence. From the products they manufacture to their dedicated customer service and support, they know what’s important to you.

    For more information about Eaton, visit www.eaton.com/Eaton/index.htm 

    Thank you, Eaton, for all you do! 

    About IEC Foundation
    Founded in 1996, the IEC Foundation has provided nearly $5 million in cash and equipment to IEC training centers across the country. The Foundation seeks to support not-for-profit organizations to create opportunities introducing and guiding men and women to successful and satisfying careers in the electrical and communications industries through Equipment Grants for use by local training and education centers. 

    Source: Independent Electrical Contractors Foundation

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