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  • Supreme Court hears arguments on whether states can ban conversion therapy for LBGTQ+ kids

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    The Supreme Court will hear arguments in its latest LGBTQ+ rights case Tuesday, weighing the constitutionality of bans passed by nearly half of U.S. states on the practice known as conversion therapy for children.The justices are hearing a lawsuit from a Christian counselor challenging a Colorado law that prohibits therapy aimed at changing sexual orientation or gender identity. Kaley Chiles, with support from President Donald Trump’s Republican administration, argues the law violates her freedom of speech by barring her from offering voluntary, faith-based therapy for kids.Colorado, on the other hand, says the measure simply regulates licensed therapists by barring a practice that’s been scientifically discredited and linked to serious harm.The arguments come months after the Supreme Court’s conservative majority found states can ban transition-related health care for transgender youths, a setback for LGBTQ rights. The justices are also expected to hear a case about sports participation by transgender players this term.State says therapy is health care and subject to regulationColorado has not sanctioned anyone under the 2019 law, which exempts religious ministries. State attorneys say it still allows any therapist to have wide-ranging, faith-based conversations with young patients about gender and sexuality.“The only thing that the law prohibits therapists from doing is performing a treatment that seeks the predetermined outcome of changing a minor’s sexual orientation or gender identity because that treatment is unsafe and ineffective,” Colorado state attorneys wrote.Therapy isn’t just speech, they said — it’s health care that governments have a responsibility to regulate. Violating the law carries potential fines of $5,000 and license suspension or even revocation.Linda Robertson is a Christian mom of four from Washington state whose son Ryan underwent therapy that promised to change his sexual orientation after he came out to her at age 12. The techniques led him to blame himself when it didn’t work, leaving him ashamed and depressed. He died in 2009, after multiple suicide attempts and a drug overdose at age 20.“What happened in conversion therapy, it devastated Ryan’s bond with me and my husband,” she said. “And it absolutely destroyed his confidence he could ever be loved or accepted by God.”Chiles contends her approach is different from the kind of conversion therapy once associated with practices like shock therapy decades ago. She said she believes “people flourish when they live consistently with God’s design, including their biological sex,” and she argues evidence of harm from her approach is lacking.Chiles says Colorado is discriminating because it allows counselors to affirm minors coming out as gay or identifying as transgender but bans counseling like hers for young patients who may want to change their behavior or feelings. “We’re not saying this counseling should be mandatory, but if someone wants the counseling they should be able to get it,” said one of her attorneys, Jonathan Scruggs.The Trump administration said there are First Amendment issues with Colorado’s law that should make the law subject to a higher legal standard that few measures pass.Similar laws also face court challengesChiles is represented by Alliance Defending Freedom, a conservative legal organization that has appeared frequently at the court in recent years. The group also represented a Christian website designer who doesn’t want to work with same-sex couples and successfully challenged a Colorado anti-discrimination law in 2023.The group’s argument in the conversion therapy case also builds on another victory from 2018: A Supreme Court decision found California could not force state-licensed anti-abortion crisis pregnancy centers to provide information about abortion. Chiles should also be free from that kind of state regulation, the group argued.Still, the Supreme Court has also found that regulations that only “incidentally” burden speech are permissible, and the state argues that striking down its law against conversion therapy would undercut states’ ability to regulate discredited health care of all kinds.The high court agreed to hear the case after the 10th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Denver upheld the law. Another appeals court, the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Atlanta, has struck down similar bans in Florida.Legal wrangling has continued elsewhere as well. In Wisconsin, the state’s highest court recently cleared the way for the state to enforce its ban. Virginia officials, by contrast, have agreed to scale back the enforcement of its law as part of an agreement with a faith-based conservative group that sued.

    The Supreme Court will hear arguments in its latest LGBTQ+ rights case Tuesday, weighing the constitutionality of bans passed by nearly half of U.S. states on the practice known as conversion therapy for children.

    The justices are hearing a lawsuit from a Christian counselor challenging a Colorado law that prohibits therapy aimed at changing sexual orientation or gender identity. Kaley Chiles, with support from President Donald Trump’s Republican administration, argues the law violates her freedom of speech by barring her from offering voluntary, faith-based therapy for kids.

    Colorado, on the other hand, says the measure simply regulates licensed therapists by barring a practice that’s been scientifically discredited and linked to serious harm.

    The arguments come months after the Supreme Court’s conservative majority found states can ban transition-related health care for transgender youths, a setback for LGBTQ rights. The justices are also expected to hear a case about sports participation by transgender players this term.

    State says therapy is health care and subject to regulation

    Colorado has not sanctioned anyone under the 2019 law, which exempts religious ministries. State attorneys say it still allows any therapist to have wide-ranging, faith-based conversations with young patients about gender and sexuality.

    “The only thing that the law prohibits therapists from doing is performing a treatment that seeks the predetermined outcome of changing a minor’s sexual orientation or gender identity because that treatment is unsafe and ineffective,” Colorado state attorneys wrote.

    Therapy isn’t just speech, they said — it’s health care that governments have a responsibility to regulate. Violating the law carries potential fines of $5,000 and license suspension or even revocation.

    Linda Robertson is a Christian mom of four from Washington state whose son Ryan underwent therapy that promised to change his sexual orientation after he came out to her at age 12. The techniques led him to blame himself when it didn’t work, leaving him ashamed and depressed. He died in 2009, after multiple suicide attempts and a drug overdose at age 20.

    “What happened in conversion therapy, it devastated Ryan’s bond with me and my husband,” she said. “And it absolutely destroyed his confidence he could ever be loved or accepted by God.”

    Chiles contends her approach is different from the kind of conversion therapy once associated with practices like shock therapy decades ago. She said she believes “people flourish when they live consistently with God’s design, including their biological sex,” and she argues evidence of harm from her approach is lacking.

    Chiles says Colorado is discriminating because it allows counselors to affirm minors coming out as gay or identifying as transgender but bans counseling like hers for young patients who may want to change their behavior or feelings. “We’re not saying this counseling should be mandatory, but if someone wants the counseling they should be able to get it,” said one of her attorneys, Jonathan Scruggs.

    The Trump administration said there are First Amendment issues with Colorado’s law that should make the law subject to a higher legal standard that few measures pass.

    Similar laws also face court challenges

    Chiles is represented by Alliance Defending Freedom, a conservative legal organization that has appeared frequently at the court in recent years. The group also represented a Christian website designer who doesn’t want to work with same-sex couples and successfully challenged a Colorado anti-discrimination law in 2023.

    The group’s argument in the conversion therapy case also builds on another victory from 2018: A Supreme Court decision found California could not force state-licensed anti-abortion crisis pregnancy centers to provide information about abortion. Chiles should also be free from that kind of state regulation, the group argued.

    Still, the Supreme Court has also found that regulations that only “incidentally” burden speech are permissible, and the state argues that striking down its law against conversion therapy would undercut states’ ability to regulate discredited health care of all kinds.

    The high court agreed to hear the case after the 10th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Denver upheld the law. Another appeals court, the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Atlanta, has struck down similar bans in Florida.

    Legal wrangling has continued elsewhere as well. In Wisconsin, the state’s highest court recently cleared the way for the state to enforce its ban. Virginia officials, by contrast, have agreed to scale back the enforcement of its law as part of an agreement with a faith-based conservative group that sued.

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  • Fighting for LGBTQ+ youth: The cases challenging conversion therapy bans

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    In 2022, licensed professional counselor (LPC) Kaley Chiles filed a lawsuit against Colorado over its ban on conversion therapies for minors. Chiles states she helps her minor clients to “reduce or eliminate unwanted sexual attractions, change sexual behaviors, or grow in the experience of physical harmony within one’s body” and contends that the ban violates her First Amendment right to free speech and the free exercise of religion. The Colorado Supreme Court and the United States Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit upheld the ban; however, the Supreme Court of the United States agreed to hear her case (Chiles v. Salazar) in their upcoming session in October of 2025, and the Alliance Defending Freedom will represent her.

    While this case will set a precedent, regardless of how the Supreme Court rules, this case is not unique.

    In 2012, Alan Chambers, then president of Exodus International, which was the leading ex-gay Christian organization and conversion therapy provider globally, publicly announced that conversion therapies could not change a person’s sexual orientation and that the practices were harmful. While many questioned the sincerity of his statements and accused him of overlooking his organization’s accusations of physical and sexual abuse of minors, the downfall of Exodus International a year later dovetailed with the beginning of the movement underway to ban conversion therapies on minors nationwide.

    And the Christian right immediately mobilized to stop those efforts.

    California and New Jersey were the first states to ban conversion therapy on minors in 2012 and 2013, respectively, and lawsuits were filed against both states not long after. Like Chiles v. Salazar, both plaintiffs in those cases (King v. Governor of New Jersey & Pickup v. Brown) insisted that the bans were a violation of free speech. In both cases, the plaintiffs’ supporters came from many of the same far-right anti-LBGTQ+ interest groups. However, the appellate courts upheld the ban on conversion therapies. But for the first time, the Supreme Court has agreed to hear a case regarding the constitutionality of conversion therapy bans, which has perplexed many legal pundits, as the Supreme Court declined to listen to a similar case from the state of Washington in 2023.

    It is also important to note that the bans on conversion therapies only apply to licensed mental health professionals. Conversion therapies have absolutely no evidence base that demonstrates their efficacy or safety, and there is no uniform model available that has undergone any scientific scrutiny. There is, however, a wealth of research that demonstrates people who undergo conversion therapies are at heightened risk of experiencing negative health and social outcomes, especially minors.

    While most research has focused on sexual minorities, there is a growing body of research demonstrating the adverse impacts that conversion therapies can have on trans and nonbinary youth, specifically that they are much more likely to attempt suicide after exposure to conversion therapies, compared to sexual minority youth.

    Any licensed mental health professional who is approached by a client of any age seeking conversion therapies has the ethical obligation to inform the client of the risks associated with the many so-called practices and refer the client to a clergy setting. It is striking to me that, outside of reaffirming their position that they oppose conversion therapies, the American Counseling Association, which Kaley Chiles maintains her license, has been virtually silent on this case. I contacted the American Counseling Association multiple times by phone and email and received no response.

    The involvement of the Alliance Defending Freedom (ADF) as legal representation for the plaintiff is also a major cause for concern. ADF is a well-funded think tank organization that has an extensive history of demonizing and persecuting the LGBTQ+ community and is classified as a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center. ADF has also been extremely outspoken in its support for the re-criminalization of sexual acts between consenting LGBTQ+ adults in the United States following the landmark ruling in Lawrence v. Texas in 2003, which struck down anti-sodomy laws in the United States.

    Collectively, it is apparent that this case is not about freedom of speech; this case is about right-wing identity politics, driven heavily by Christian nationalism. ADF is still riding the momentum from their previous victories, including the United States v. Skremetti, which upheld the ban on gender affirming care for minors in Tennessee and 303 Creative LLC v. Elenis which ruled the First Amendment prevents Colorado from forcing a website designer to create wedding websites for same-sex couples if doing so would violate her religious beliefs and expressive conduct. In an interesting turn of events, the entire foundation of that case was fictitious, as the gay male listed in the case was a straight man married to a woman.

    Given the Supreme Court’s increasing right-wing leanings and the outcome of recent freedom of religion cases, it is likely that the Court will side with the plaintiff in this case. But where will the line be drawn? What other social issues will the Christian right be able to circumvent using free speech as an excuse to justify their quest to eradicate the separation between church and state, and what harm will it cause other vulnerable populations?

    LGBTQ+ youth need our help and advocacy efforts, now more than ever, and it is time that we not only speak out but make concerted efforts at the local, state, and federal levels to keep them safe.

    Voices is dedicated to featuring a wide range of inspiring personal stories and impactful opinions from the LGBTQ+ community and its allies. Visit Advocate.com/submit to learn more about submission guidelines. Views expressed in Voices stories are those of the guest writers, columnists, and editors, and do not directly represent the views of The Advocate or our parent company, equalpride.

    This article originally appeared on Advocate: Fighting for LGBTQ+ youth: The cases challenging conversion therapy bans

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  • A State Changed Its Dual-Enrollment Rules. It Sparked a Fight Over Religious Freedom.

    A State Changed Its Dual-Enrollment Rules. It Sparked a Fight Over Religious Freedom.

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    Why are two colleges suing their state over a change to its dual-enrollment program?

    The fight mostly boils down to this: whether high-school students have the right to take college courses, supported by state funds, at the campus of their choice — regardless of their faith.

    The bigger picture, experts say, involves recent U.S. Supreme Court decisions and a series of similar standoffs nationwide over the rights of religious institutions.

    Last week, two Minnesota colleges joined two families in a lawsuit against Gov. Tim Walz, a Democrat, claiming that a provision in the state’s new budget is an infringement on religious liberty.

    The two colleges — the University of Northwestern, in St. Paul, and Crown College, in St. Bonifacius — are evangelical-Christian institutions that require all students taking classes on campus to sign a statement of faith. Northwestern and Crown enroll roughly one-fifth of the students in Minnesota’s popular dual-enrollment program, which allows high-school students to take college courses for free.

    So the two institutions took notice when Democratic state lawmakers inserted a paragraph into this year’s budget bill that changed the program’s eligibility rules.

    “An eligible institution must not require a faith statement from a secondary student seeking to enroll in a postsecondary course under this section during the application process or base any part of the admission decision on a student’s race, creed, ethnicity, disability, gender, or sexual orientation or religious beliefs or affiliations,” the provision stated.

    Proponents say the new dual-enrollment restriction prevents statements of faith from being “barriers” to high-school students’ choice of postsecondary credits. Minnesota Rep. Laurie Pryor, a Democrat, wrote the provision. Pryor described herself as a person of faith, but said she would not be able to affirm the statements of faith that these colleges require.

    She argued that the change protected students who could not truthfully sign the statements of faith from discrimination on the basis of religion.

    “We are talking about high-school students,” she said. “We are talking about public dollars and we’re saying, ‘Don’t discriminate against students based on characteristics and beliefs.’”

    But as Northwestern and Crown officials see it, faith-based colleges have the religious freedom to establish parameters around enrollment, even for a high-school student taking a course or two.

    The parents who are suing also claim that their religious freedom is under threat. The bill “forces the Loe family and the Erickson family to either forgo receipt of an otherwise-available benefit or forgo their right to seek an education in accordance with their religious beliefs,” states the lawsuit, which was filed in federal court.

    What the state of Minnesota has done, said Diana Verm Thomson, a Washington, D.C.-based lawyer representing the colleges and the parents, “is very blatantly unconstitutional and directly contradicts what the Supreme Court has recently said about government programs and religious discrimination.”

    The lawsuit names the governor, the state’s education commissioner, and the state Department of Education as defendants, but they have not publicly responded. A department spokesperson said the lawsuit had been received and is currently under review. The governor’s office did not respond to a request for comment.

    Nationwide Tensions

    The Minnesota case is another recent example of a state or local government attempting to restrict religious institutions from a benefit available to both public and private colleges.

    In April, Arizona Christian University sued a Phoenix school district that had decided to no longer allow the religious college to participate in its student-teacher program. School-board members argued that the university’s evangelical-Christian mission statement ran counter to the district’s efforts to support LGBTQ students.

    The Alliance Defending Freedom, which represented Arizona Christian, countered that excluding the college from the program — a benefit given to nonreligious colleges — violated its religious freedom. In a settlement, the school district agreed to reverse the decision and pay Arizona Christian $25,000.

    For the Minnesota colleges, the benefit in question is dual enrollment, a particularly salient issue because it’s a much-needed area of growth for higher ed. At a time of declining enrollment overall, many colleges are expanding their programs for high-school students to help fill the gap. That’s especially the case at Northwestern and Crown, with their large share of the state’s dual-enrollment students.

    “That, I believe, is the trigger here,” said Michael Hamilton, a professor emeritus of history at Seattle Pacific University who studies evangelical-Christian higher education. “If these were relatively small, insignificant programs, then I think the legislators wouldn’t have bothered.”

    Hamilton said he believes that the Minnesota legislation came out of a growing animosity toward some Christian colleges’ hardening of their moral convictions, particularly about sexuality.

    Many Christian colleges do not require students to sign a statement of faith, but some that do have recently added or strengthened language in their statements that affirm traditional Christian perspectives on sexuality. Both Northwestern’s and Crown’s statements oppose sexual relations outside the boundaries of monogamous heterosexual marriage.

    These colleges see their statements of faith as an exercise of their specific religious beliefs and intent for their educational environment.

    Such institutions are known as “covenantal colleges,” which aim to create a learning environment where members are united in certain base beliefs, said Joy Mosley, associate vice president for government and strategic relations at the Council for Christian Colleges and Universities. Such statements of faith are “built into the fabric of the institution,” Mosley said, and altering that approach would run counter to what these institutions stand for.

    Christian campuses without faith statements, known as “missional colleges,” are designed to “introduce [students] to the person of Jesus Christ” through the campus experience, Mosley said — a different educational goal.

    In emails to The Chronicle, the presidents of both Northwestern and Crown, Corbin Hoornbeek and Andrew C. Denton, respectively, reiterated their loyalty to faith statements, even if it means forfeiting state dollars and losing the enrollment of high-school students in their courses.

    “Even when faced with the threat of exclusion and reduced tuition dollars, we remain committed to equipping our students to grow intellectually and spiritually,” said Hoornbeek, who added that the legislation was “another opportunity to affirm” the university’s mission.

    One legal expert said the colleges have a compelling case — especially given precedents set by the current U.S. Supreme Court. In three recent cases, the court ruled that a government benefit available to public and private institutions must also be provided to religious institutions, whether it’s funding for playground maintenance in Missouri or vouchers for private school in Maine and Montana.

    Thus, observers of the case see a likely victory for the colleges and the families if the case goes to trial. Dmitry Bam, professor of law at the University of Maine School of Law, said that the federal district court would likely not want to risk being overruled by a higher court, and thus will probably let the precedent stand unless they can find a way to distinguish this case from the previous ones.

    “These days, the trend is so much more erring on the side of these religious-discrimination claims,” said Bam. “Because you see what the court is going to do with them.”

    Rep. Jim Nash, a Minnesota Republican, voiced strong opposition to the bill during its floor debate in April, and he’s not surprised that it is now the subject of litigation.

    “I anxiously await the findings of the courts,” he told The Chronicle. “Because I believe that, like the other three states, Minnesota will be decided in favor of the religious institutions. And it will have been a costly exercise that the authors of the bill foisted on the state of Minnesota.”

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    Helen Huiskes

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