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  • Violence, 16-hour days and no support: Why staff say they’re fleeing Colorado’s juvenile detention centers

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    Carissa Wallace started working at the Lookout Mountain Youth Services Center in Golden two years ago because she felt strongly about helping rehabilitate young people convicted of crimes.

    She loved the teens and loved the work.

    But staffing shortages began to take a toll. Management routinely mandated employees pull 16-hour shifts multiple days a week because they were so short-staffed. Fewer workers meant there was nobody to respond to crises or adequately monitor the young people in their care, she said. Safety concerns mounted.

    Wallace said she came home every day and cried. She went to the doctor for medication to help deal with all the anxiety the job brought.

    “After two years, I was mentally broken from that place,” she said in an interview. “When I had to think about my safety every second of the day, I could no longer make a difference. I could no longer help the kids.”

    Colorado’s youth detention centers are facing a staffing crisis, leading to serious safety concerns for employees and youth and low worker morale, current and former staffers told The Denver Post. The Division of Youth Services, which oversees the state’s 12 detention and commitment facilities, employs more than 1,000 employees, according to state data. Nearly 500 additional jobs remain vacant.

    Some facilities, such as the Mount View Youth Services Center in Lakewood, reported a 57% staff vacancy rate, according to June figures compiled by the state. At the Spring Creek Youth Services Center in Colorado Springs, nearly 10% of its staff at one point in November were out due to injuries sustained on the job.

    Current and former staff say leadership deserves a large chunk of the blame. Employees say they don’t feel management supports them or listens to their concerns. Higher-ups aren’t on the floor dealing with riots, they say, or leading programs. When situations do get out of control, staff say the brass simply looks for someone to blame.

    “The administration says they care,” said Kim Espinoza, a former Lookout Mountain staffer, “but their actions say otherwise.”

    Alex Stojsavljevic, the Division of Youth Services’ new director, acknowledged in an interview that working in youth detention is difficult. Retaining staff is a big priority with ample opportunities for improvement, he said. The division plans to be intentional about the people it hires into these roles, making sure that candidates know what they’re signing up for.

    He hopes to sell a vision that one can make youth corrections a long, fulfilling career.

    “Change is afoot in our department,” said Stojsavljevic, who took the mantle in October. “Just because we’ve done something for 20 or 30 years doesn’t mean we have to continue to do it that way.”

    Critical staffing levels

    Staffing shortages at Colorado prisons and youth centers have remained a persistent problem in recent years, though vacancy rates at the DYS facilities far outpace those at the state’s adult prisons.

    A lack of adequate employees means adult inmates can’t access essential services like medical, dental and mental health care, according to a 2024 report from the Colorado Criminal Justice Reform Coalition. Education, employment and treatment programs lag.

    “Simply put, because of the staff shortage, the (Department of Corrections) is not able to fulfill its organizational mission, responsibilities and constitutional mandates,” the report’s authors wrote.

    Studies point to a litany of physical and mental health issues facing corrections workers.

    Custody staff have a post-traumatic stress disorder rate of 34%, 10 times higher than the national average, according to One Voice United, a national organization of corrections officers. The average life expectancy for a corrections worker is 60, compared to 75 for the general population. Divorce and substance abuse rates are higher than in any other public safety profession, the organization noted, while suicide rates are double that of police officers.

    The Colorado Department of Corrections has a 12.6% overall department vacancy rate, according to state figures. Correctional officer vacancies sit at 11%, while clinical and medical staff openings are nearly 20%.

    Meanwhile, nearly one in three DYS positions is vacant.

    The most common open positions are for the lowest level correctional workers, called youth services specialists. The Betty. K. Marler Youth Services Center in Lakewood currently has 23 vacant positions for this classification of employee out of 63 total slots. The facility is also short 10 teachers. Platte Valley Youth Services Center in Greeley has 21 open positions for the lowest-tier youth services specialist role out of 71 total jobs.

    The same candidates who might work at DYS are also being recruited by adult corrections, public safety departments and behavioral health employers, Stojsavljevic said, leading to fierce competition for these applicants.

    Current and former DYS workers say the staffing issues serve as a vicious cycle: The fewer employees there are, the more mandated overtime and extra shifts that the current staff are forced to take on. Those people, then, quickly burn out from the long hours and dangerous working conditions, they say.

    Wallace, the former Lookout Mountain worker, said almost every day for the past year, leadership mandated staff stay late or work double shifts. This routinely meant working 16-hour days.

    “It got to the point where people weren’t answering their phones,” she said. “People were calling out sick because they were overworked and exhausted.”

    Wallace estimated that 80% of the time, the facility operated at critical staffing levels or below. State law requires juvenile detention facilities to have one staff member for every eight teens, but workers say that wasn’t always the case.

    Many days, staffers said, there weren’t enough employees to respond to emergencies. In some cases, that meant the young men themselves assisted staff in breaking up fights with their peers.

    One night, some of the teens set off the fire alarm at Lookout Mountain, which unlocked the doors and allowed the young people to run around campus, climb on buildings and break windows, workers said. Without enough staff to rein in the chaos, employees wanted to call 911.

    But they said they were told they would be fired if they did. Leadership, they learned, didn’t want it covered by the press.

    “Our jobs, our lives were threatened because they didn’t want media coverage,” Espinoza said.

    Stojsavljevic said the department is “acutely aware” of the mandated work problem, though he admitted that in 24-hour facilities, staff will occasionally be told to work certain shifts.

    The division has implemented a volunteer sign-up list, where staff can earn additional incentives for working these extra shifts.

    Since he’s been in the job, the state’s juvenile facilities have never dropped below minimum staffing standards, Stojsavljevic said.

    Routine violence in DYS facilities

    Staff say violence is an almost daily occurrence inside DYS facilities, which contributes to poor staff retention.

    The division, since Jan. 1, recorded 35 fights and 94 assaults at the Lookout Mountain complex, The Post reported in September. Since March 1, police officers have responded 77 times to the Golden campus for a variety of calls, including assaults on youth and staff, sexual assault, riots, criminal mischief and contraband, Golden Police Department records show.

    Twenty of these cases concerned assaults on staff by youth in their care.

    Multiple employees suffered concussions after being punched repeatedly in the head, the reports detailed. Others were spit on, bitten, placed in headlocks and verbally threatened with violence.

    Chaz Chapman, a former Lookout Mountain worker, previously told The Post that he reported three or four assaults to police during his tenure, adding, “I was expecting to get jumped every day.”

    “We were basically never able to handle situations physically, and the kids knew that; they were stronger than 90% of their staff,” Chapman told The Post in September. “The ones who stood in their way would get assaulted, such as myself.”

    Staff said leadership still expected them to show up to work, even while injured.

    Espinoza said she injured her knee during a restraint, requiring crutches. DYS continued to put her on the schedule, she said. So the staffer hobbled around the large Golden campus through the snow and ice.

    One supervisor had his head cracked open at work this year, Espinoza said. He went to the hospital and returned to Lookout. Wallace said she’s been to the doctor 20 times since she started the job due to injuries sustained at work. She said she still has long-lasting shoulder pain.

    “If they’re gonna keep hiring women who can’t restrain teenage boys, people are going to get hurt,” she said. “That was an everyday thing.”

    In November, 28 DYS employees were out of work on injury leave, according to data provided by the state. Spring Creek Youth Services Center in Colorado Springs had nine workers injured out of 91 total staff. The state did not divulge how these people were hurt.

    Stojsavljevic said safety is the division’s No. 1 focus area. If staff are injured on the job, he said, it’s important that they’re supported.

    “Staff have to be both physically healthy and emotionally healthy to do this work,” the director said.

    Division policies allow injured employees to take leave if they need it. Depending on the level of injury, some staff can return to work without having youth contact, Stojsavljevic said.

    ‘That place takes your soul’

    But workers interviewed by The Post overwhelmingly blamed management for the division’s poor staffing levels.

    As staff worked 16-hour days and were mandated to come in on their days off, they said administrators wouldn’t pitch in.

    “A lot of people felt it’s unfair,” Wallace said. “The people making a good amount of money weren’t truly being leaders. They were forcing us to pick up the slack, but they didn’t want to deal with youth. They wanted to sit at a desk, collect their check, and go home for the day.”

    New recruits were thrown into the deep end with barely any training or support, employees said. Those new staffers quickly saw the grueling hours and how tired their coworkers were all the time. Many left within weeks of starting the gig.

    “I could see their souls were literally gone,” Wallace said. “That place takes your soul.”

    After safety, Stojsavljevic said the department is prioritizing quality and innovation. Leadership wants to make sure that programs and policies are actually getting better results.

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  • CU’s Colorado Springs campus thought it could avoid Trump’s education crackdown. Here’s what happened

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    By BYRON TAU, The Associated Press

    COLORADO SPRINGS — Administrators at the University of Colorado’s campus in Colorado Springs thought they stood a solid chance of dodging the Trump administration’s offensive on higher education.

    Located on a picturesque bluff with a stunning view of Pikes Peak, the school is far removed from the Ivy League colleges that have drawn President Donald Trump’s ire. Most of its students are commuters, getting degrees while holding down full-time jobs. Students and faculty alike describe the university, which is in a conservative part of a blue state, as politically subdued, if not apolitical.

    That optimism was misplaced.

    An Associated Press review of thousands of pages of emails from school officials, as well as interviews with students and professors, reveals that school leaders, teachers and students soon found themselves in the Republican administration’s crosshairs, forcing them to navigate what they described as an unprecedented and haphazard degree of change.

    Whether Washington has downsized government departments, clawed back or launched investigations into diversity programs or campus antisemitism, the University of Colorado-Colorado Springs has confronted many of the same challenges as elite universities across the nation.

    The school lost three major federal grants and found itself under investigation by Trump’s Education Department. In the hopes of avoiding that scrutiny, the university renamed websites and job titles, all while dealing with pressure from students, faculty and staff who wanted the school to take a more combative stance.

    “Uncertainty is compounding,” the school’s chancellor told faculty at a February meeting, according to minutes of the session. “And the speed of which orders are coming has been a bit of a shock.”

    The college declined to make any administrators available to be interviewed. A spokesman asked the AP to make clear that any professors or students interviewed in this story were speaking for themselves and not the institution. Several faculty members also asked for anonymity, either because they did not have tenure or they did not want to call unnecessary attention to themselves and their scholarship in the current political environment.

    “Like our colleagues across higher education, we’ve spent considerable time working to understand the new directives from the federal government,” the chancellor, Jennifer Sobanet, said in a statement provided to the AP.

    Students said they have been able to sense the stress being felt by school administrators and professors.

    “We have administrators that are feeling pressure, because we want to maintain our funding here. It’s been tense,” said Ava Knox, a rising junior who covers the university administration for the school newspaper.

    Faculty, she added, “want to be very careful about how they’re conducting their research and about how they’re addressing the student population. They are also beholden to this new set of kind of ever-changing guidelines and stipulations by the federal government.”

    A White House spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment.

    Misplaced optimism

    Shortly after Trump won a second term in November, UCCS leaders were trying to gather information on the Republican’s plans. In December, Sobanet met the newly elected Republican congressman who represented the school’s district, a conservative one that Trump won with 53% of the vote. In her meeting notes obtained by the AP, the chancellor sketched out a scenario in which the college might avoid the drastic cuts and havoc under the incoming administration.

    “Research dollars –- hard to pull back grant dollars but Trump tried to pull back some last time. The money goes through Congress,” Sobanet wrote in notes prepared for the meeting. “Grant money will likely stay but just change how they are worded and what it will fund.”

    Sobanet also observed that dismantling the federal Education Department would require congressional authorization. That was unlikely, she suggested, given the U.S. Senate’s composition.

    Like many others, she did not fully anticipate how aggressively Trump would seek to transform the federal government.

    Conservatives’ desire to revamp higher education began well before Trump took office.

    They have long complained that universities have become bastions of liberal indoctrination and raucous protests. In 2023, Republicans in Congress had a contentious hearing with several Ivy League university leaders. Shortly after, the presidents of Harvard and the University of Pennsylvania resigned. During the presidential campaign last fall, Trump criticized campus protests about Gaza, as well as what he said was a liberal bias in classrooms.

    His new administration opened investigations into alleged antisemitism at several universities. It froze more than $400 million in research grants and contracts at Columbia, along with more than $2.6 billion at Harvard. Columbia reached an agreement last month to pay $220 million to resolve the investigation.

    When Harvard filed a lawsuit challenging Trump’s actions, his administration tried to block the school from enrolling international students. The Trump administration has also threatened to revoke Harvard’s tax-exempt status.

    Northwestern University, Penn, Princeton and Cornell have seen big chunks of funding cut over how they dealt with protests about Israel’s war in Gaza or over the schools’ support for transgender athletes.

    Trump’s decision to target the wealthiest, most prestigious institutions provided some comfort to administrators at the approximately 4,000 other colleges and universities in the country.

    Most higher education students in the United States are educated at regional public universities or community colleges. Such schools have not typically drawn attention from culture warriors.

    Students and professors at UCCS hoped Trump’s crackdown would bypass the school and others like it.

    “You’ve got everyone — liberals, conservatives, middle of the road,” said Jeffrey Scholes, a professor in the philosophy department. “You just don’t see the kind of unrest and polarization that you see at other campuses.”

    The purse strings

    The federal government has lots of leverage over higher education. It provides about $60 billion a year to universities for research. In addition, a majority of students in the U.S. need grants and loans from various federal programs to help pay tuition and living expenses.

    This budget year, UCCS got about $19 million in research funding from a combination of federal, state and private sources. Though that is a relatively small portion of the school’s overall $369 million budget, the college has made a push in recent years to bolster its campus research program by taking advantage of grant money from government agencies such as the U.S. Defense Department and National Institutes for Health. The widespread federal grant cut could derail those efforts.

    School officials were dismayed when the Trump administration terminated research grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities, the Defense Department and the National Science Foundation, emails show. The grants funded programs in civics, cultural preservation and boosting women in technology fields.

    School administrators scrambled to contact federal officials to learn if other grants were on the chopping block, but they struggled to find answers, the records show.

    School officials repeatedly sought out the assistance of federal officials only to learn those officials were not sure what was happening as the Trump administration halted grant payments, fired thousands of employees and shuttered agencies.

    “The sky is falling” at NIH, a university official reported in notes on a call in which the school’s lobbyists were providing reports of what was happening in Washington.

    There are also concerns about other changes in Washington that will affect how students pay for college, according to interviews with faculty and education policy experts.

    While only Congress can fully abolish the U.S. Department of Education, the Trump administration has tried to dramatically cut back its staff and parcel out many of its functions to other agencies. The administration laid off nearly 1,400 employees, and problems have been reported in the systems that handle student loans. Management of student loans is expected to shift to another agency entirely.

    In addition, an early version of a major funding bill in Congress included major cuts to tuition grants. Though that provision did not make it into the law, Congress did cap loans for students seeking graduate degrees. That policy could have ripple effects in the coming years on institutions such as UCCS that rely on tuition dollars for their operating expenses.

    DEI and transgender issues hit campus

    To force change on campus, the Trump administration has begun investigations targeting diversity programs and efforts to combat antisemitism.

    The Education Department, for example, opened an investigation in March targeting a Ph.D. scholarship program that partnered with 45 universities, including UCCS, to expand opportunities to women and nonwhites in graduate education. The administration alleged the program was only open to certain nonwhite students and amounted to racial discrimination.

    “Sorry to be the bearer of bad news UCCS is included on the list” of schools being investigated, wrote Annie Larson, assistant vice president of federal relations and outreach for the entire University of Colorado system.

    “Oh wow, this is surprising,” wrote back Hillary Fouts, dean of the graduate school at UCCS.

    UCCS also struggled with how to handle executive orders, particularly those on transgender issues.

    In response to an order that aimed to revoke funds to schools that allowed transwomen to play women’s sports, UCCS began a review of its athletic programs. It determined it had no transgender athletes, the records show. University officials were also relieved to discover that only one school in their athletic conference was affected by the order, and UCCS rarely if ever had matches or games against that school.

    “We do not have any students impacted by this and don’t compete against any teams that we are aware of that will be impacted by this,” wrote the vice chancellor for student affairs to colleagues.

    Avoiding the spotlight

    The attacks led UCCS to take preemptive actions and to self-censor in the hopes of saving programs and avoiding the Trump administration’s spotlight.

    Emails show that the school’s legal counsel began looking at all the university’s websites and evaluating whether any scholarships might need to be reworded. The university changed the web address of its diversity initiatives from www.diversity.uccs.edu to www.belonging.uccs.edu.

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    The Associated Press

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