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Tag: action

  • Anti-Trump protesters join ‘Free America’ walkout in downtown L.A. and across SoCal

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    On Tuesday afternoon, hundreds of protesters walked out of school and off the job to march in downtown Los Angeles and decry President Trump’s actions during his first year back in office.

    The “Free America Walkout” at Los Angeles City Hall was among dozens of rallies taking place across Southern California and the nation. The event was coordinated by the Women’s March and intended to demonstrate opposition to violent ICE raids, the increased presence of military personnel in cities, families harmed by Trump’s immigration policies and escalating attacks on transgender rights.

    Hundreds of protesters marched along Colorado Boulevard in Pasadena. Among the slogans on their signs: “Democracy doesn’t fear protest, dictators do” and “We choose freedom over facism.” Meanwhile, similar marches took place in Burbank, Long Beach and Santa Monica. Scores of students at Garfield and Roosevelt high schools in East L.A. ditched class to join the downtown rally.

    “I just don’t know if he’s [Trump] actually done anything that is positive,” downtown protester Mario Noguera told ABC7 News. “Everything’s been about depleting everything: resources, rights. I just don’t feel like we’re getting anywhere.”

    The walkout took place on the anniversary of Trump’s inauguration, an event he commemorated with a nearly two-hour news conference in which he called his first year in office “an amazing period of time” where his administration accomplished more than any other in history.

    “We have a book that I’m not going to read to you, but these are the accomplishments of what we’ve produced, page after page after page of individual things,” Trump said, holding up a thick stack of papers. “I could sit here, read it for a week, and we wouldn’t be finished.”

    Among the list of accomplishments he touted were his tariffs, his immigration crackdown, the economy and his actions in Gaza and Venezuela.

    The Free America Walkout began at 2 p.m. local time in cities across the U.S. and was designed to differ from mass weekend actions such as the No Kings protests by deliberately taking place during the workday.

    Organizers said that, whereas protests demonstrate collective anger, walkouts demonstrate collective power.

    “A walkout interrupts business as usual,” stated organizers. “It makes visible how much our labor, participation, and cooperation are taken for granted — and what happens when we withdraw them together.”

    In downtown L.A., protesters condemned the effects of ICE raids locally as well as in Minneapolis, where a federal agent recently shot and killed wife and mother Renee Good.

    Earlier this month, thousands of demonstrators took to the streets of Los Angeles as part of the “ICE Out for Good” weekend of action, a national protest movement in response to Good’s killing.

    Roxanne Hoge, chairman of the Republican Party of Los Angeles County, criticized the stream of local anti-Trump protests on Tuesday.

    “Their boring, predictable tantrums are now part of the L.A. landscape, much like the dilapidated RVs and dangerous encampments that their policies result in,” Hoge told the LA Daily News. “We are interested in good governance and public safety, and wish our Democrat friends would join us in advocating for both.”

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    Clara Harter

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  • Congressman Ami Bera says Republicans privately concerned about President Trump

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    As Congress returns from recess this week, Sacramento Congressman Ami Bera says Republican lawmakers have privately expressed growing concern over President Donald Trump’s recent decisions.“I think they are very worried about what they’re seeing coming out of the President,” Bera said. “Even the actions with Venezuela — they weren’t consulted about any of this.”Bera, a Democrat who serves on the House Foreign Affairs and Intelligence Committees, returned Sunday from South America, where he met with Peru’s foreign minister. He said it was too dangerous for him to travel to Venezuela, describing the country as fragile following U.S. military action that led to the capture of President Nicolás Maduro.“They’re happy Maduro is gone,” Bera said of Peruvian officials. “They want to see a stable Venezuela, but they’re cautious because you still have the Maduro regime in place, and a lot could go wrong.”He added that while Peru welcomes Maduro’s removal, leaders there are concerned that ongoing instability could lead to increased migration into neighboring countries.Back in Washington, Congress faces a potential government shutdown at the end of the month. Bera said lawmakers must address unresolved issues, including healthcare subsidies and immigration policy, after the action in Minneapolis. He also pointed to President Trump’s recent remarks about taking control of Greenland, which Trump has said is necessary for national security.“President Trump is not listening to anyone,” Bera said. “Now he’s talking about invading Greenland, and our closest allies in Europe are pissed off with us. He’s alienating everyone. I hope when I get back there tomorrow, Republicans will say enough is enough — let’s go around the president and get some of this stuff done.”Despite the challenges, Bera said he remains optimistic that a shutdown can be avoided.“I do not think the government will shut down because we saw how it hurt Americans,” he said. “We should negotiate. There’s going to be give and take. As Democrats, we’re not going to get everything we want. That’s how we’ve passed the appropriations bills so far, and I hope we get it done this week.”Bera also highlighted bipartisan support for extending health care subsidies, noting that 17 Republicans joined Democrats to back the measure, despite opposition from President Trump.See more coverage of top California stories here | Download our app | Subscribe to our morning newsletter | Find us on YouTube here and subscribe to our channel

    As Congress returns from recess this week, Sacramento Congressman Ami Bera says Republican lawmakers have privately expressed growing concern over President Donald Trump’s recent decisions.

    “I think they are very worried about what they’re seeing coming out of the President,” Bera said. “Even the actions with Venezuela — they weren’t consulted about any of this.”

    Bera, a Democrat who serves on the House Foreign Affairs and Intelligence Committees, returned Sunday from South America, where he met with Peru’s foreign minister. He said it was too dangerous for him to travel to Venezuela, describing the country as fragile following U.S. military action that led to the capture of President Nicolás Maduro.

    “They’re happy Maduro is gone,” Bera said of Peruvian officials. “They want to see a stable Venezuela, but they’re cautious because you still have the Maduro regime in place, and a lot could go wrong.”

    He added that while Peru welcomes Maduro’s removal, leaders there are concerned that ongoing instability could lead to increased migration into neighboring countries.

    Back in Washington, Congress faces a potential government shutdown at the end of the month. Bera said lawmakers must address unresolved issues, including healthcare subsidies and immigration policy, after the action in Minneapolis. He also pointed to President Trump’s recent remarks about taking control of Greenland, which Trump has said is necessary for national security.

    “President Trump is not listening to anyone,” Bera said. “Now he’s talking about invading Greenland, and our closest allies in Europe are pissed off with us. He’s alienating everyone. I hope when I get back there tomorrow, Republicans will say enough is enough — let’s go around the president and get some of this stuff done.”

    Despite the challenges, Bera said he remains optimistic that a shutdown can be avoided.

    “I do not think the government will shut down because we saw how it hurt Americans,” he said. “We should negotiate. There’s going to be give and take. As Democrats, we’re not going to get everything we want. That’s how we’ve passed the appropriations bills so far, and I hope we get it done this week.”

    Bera also highlighted bipartisan support for extending health care subsidies, noting that 17 Republicans joined Democrats to back the measure, despite opposition from President Trump.

    See more coverage of top California stories here | Download our app | Subscribe to our morning newsletter | Find us on YouTube here and subscribe to our channel

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  • U.S. capture of Maduro in Venezuela criticized as violation of international, U.S. law

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    President Trump’s decision to send U.S. forces into Venezuela to capture President Nicolás Maduro and his wife and return them to the U.S. to face drug charges elicited condemnation from legal experts and other critics who argued that the operation — conducted without congressional or United Nations approval — clearly violated U.S. and international law.

    Such criticism came from Democratic leaders, international allies and adversaries including Mexico, France, China and Russia, United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres and experts on international law and wartime powers.

    “Nicolás Maduro was a thug and an illegitimate leader of Venezuela, terrorizing and oppressing its people for far too long and forcing many to leave the country. But starting a war to remove Maduro doesn’t just continue Donald Trump’s trampling of the Constitution, it further erodes America’s standing on the world stage and risks our adversaries mirroring this brazen illegal escalation,” Sen. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) wrote on X.

    A U.N. spokesman said Guterres was “deeply alarmed” by the U.S. operation and “deeply concerned that the rules of international law have not been respected.”

    China’s foreign ministry said “such hegemonic acts of the U.S. seriously violate international law and Venezuela’s sovereignty,” while France’s foreign minister said the U.S. operation “contravenes the principle of the non-use of force that underpins international law.”

    Republicans largely backed the president, with both House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) and Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) defending the operation as “decisive” and legally justified. However, other Republicans questioned Trump’s authority to act unilaterally, and raised similar concerns as Schiff about other world leaders citing Trump’s actions to justify their own aggression into neighboring nations.

    Rep. Don Bacon (R-Neb.) defended Trump’s actions as “great for the future of Venezuelans and the region,” but said he was concerned that “Russia will use this to justify their illegal and barbaric military actions against Ukraine, or China to justify an invasion of Taiwan.”

    Trump defended the operation as a legitimate law enforcement action necessary to combat threats to the U.S. from Maduro, whom he accused of sending violent gang members and deadly drugs across the U.S. border on a regular basis.

    “The illegitimate dictator Maduro was the kingpin of a vast criminal network responsible for trafficking colossal amounts of deadly and illicit drugs into the United States,” Trump said at a news conference. “As alleged in the indictment, he personally oversaw the vicious cartel known as Cartel de los Soles, which flooded our nation with lethal poison responsible for the deaths of countless Americans.”

    However, Trump also made no secret of his interest in Venezuela’s oil. He said U.S. officials would be running Venezuela for the foreseeable future and ensuring that the nation’s oil infrastructure is rebuilt — to return wealth to the Venezuelan people, but also to repay U.S. businesses that lost money when Maduro took over the industry.

    Atty. Gen. Pam Bondi announced that Maduro, who had previously been indicted in the U.S. in 2020, is now the subject of a superseding indictment charging him, his wife and several others with narco-terrorism conspiracy, cocaine importation conspiracy, possession of machine guns and destructive devices and conspiracy to possess such weapons and devices.

    “They will soon face the full wrath of American justice on American soil in American courts,” Bondi wrote on X.

    Secretary of State Marco Rubio also framed the operation as a law enforcement effort, and defended the lack of advance notice to Congress.

    “At its core, this was an arrest of two indicted fugitives of American justice, and the Department of War supported the Department of Justice in that job,” Rubio said. “It’s just not the kind of mission that you can pre-notify, because it endangers the mission.”

    Trump said Congress could not be notified in advance because “Congress will leak, and we don’t want leakers.”

    Michael Schmitt, an international law professor at the University of Reading in the United Kingdom and a professor emeritus of international law at the U.S. Naval War College, said Trump’s actions were a “clear violation” of international law.

    He said the U.S. had no authority from the U.N. Security Council to conduct military operations in Venezuela, nor any legitimate justification to act in self-defense against an armed attack — which drug trafficking does not amount to.

    Schmitt said the operation in Venezuela went far beyond a normal law enforcement action. But even if it were just a law enforcement action, he said, the U.S. would still lack legal authority under international law to engage in such activity on Venezuelan soil without the express permission of Venezuelan authorities — which it did not have.

    “International law is clear. Without consent, you cannot engage in investigations or arrest or seizure of criminal property on another state’s territory,” he said. “That’s a violation of that state’s sovereignty.”

    Because the operation was illegitimate from the start, the resulting occupation and interference in Venezuela’s oil industry are also unlawful, Schmitt said — regardless of whether the country’s nationalizing of U.S.-tied oil infrastructure was also unlawful, as some experts believe it was.

    “That unlawfulness — of seizing U.S. business interests, nationalizing them, in a way that was not in accordance with the required procedures — is not a basis for using force,” Schmitt said.

    Matthew Waxman, chair of the National Security Law Program at Columbia Law School, said that in the days ahead, he expects the Trump administration to try to justify its actions not just as a law enforcement operation, but “as part of a larger campaign to defend the United States against what it has characterized as an attack or invasion by Maduro-linked drug cartels.”

    “All modern presidents have claimed broad constitutional power to use military force without congressional authorization, but that is always hotly contested. We’ll see if there’s much pushback in Congress in this case, which will probably depend a lot on how things now play out in Venezuela,” Waxman said. “Look at what happened last year in Iran: The president claimed the power to bomb nuclear program infrastructure, and when the operation didn’t escalate, congressional opponents backed off.”

    Already on Saturday, some members of Congress were softening their initial skepticism.

    Within hours of posting on X that he was looking forward “to learning what, if anything, might constitutionally justify this action in the absence of a declaration of war or authorization for the use of military force,” Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) had posted again, saying Rubio told him that the military action was “to protect and defend those executing the arrest warrant” for Maduro.

    Such action “likely falls within the president’s inherent authority under Article II of the Constitution to protect U.S. personnel from an actual or imminent attack,” Lee added.

    Others remained more skeptical.

    Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) said Trump’s remarks about taking over the country and controlling its oil reserves did not seem “the least bit consistent” with Bondi’s characterization of the operation as a law enforcement effort.

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    Kevin Rector

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  • News We Love: Two friends celebrated at school after one saved the other from drowning

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    STREET MARKET ON OUR WEBSITE WKYC.COM. A YOUNG INDIANA BOY IS BEING CALLED A HERO AFTER SAVING HIS FRIEND FROM DROWNING AT AN INDOOR POOL. IT WAS HIS BIRTHDAY PARTY AND LIKE, I WAS EXCITED, SO I JUST JUMPED IN THE POOL. I SAW HIM LIKE, DROWNING. LIKE HE WAS LIKE, NOT SWIMMING. SO I HELD A HOLE, LIKE, GET HIM. AND THEN I GOT HIM. WELL, BRAXTON THOUGHT THE WATER WAS SHALLOW ENOUGH WHEN HE JUMPED IN. HIS FRIENDS SAW HIM STRUGGLING AND SWAM RIGHT TO HIM, LIFTING BRAXTON UP AND HOLDING HIM ABOVE THE SURFACE. EVENTUALLY, BOTH BOYS WERE ABLE TO GET OUT SAFELY. I WAS THANKING HIM HOW HE JUST SAVED MY LIFE AND I WAS LIKE, THANK GOD. LIKE GOD SENT HIM TO SAVE ME. FAMILY TO ME, HE’S MY BEST FRIEND AND I JUST LOVE TO BE WI

    News We Love: Indiana boy praised for heroic effort to save friend from drowning at birthday party

    Updated: 6:05 PM PST Dec 20, 2025

    Editorial Standards

    A young Indiana boy is being called a hero after saving his friend from drowning at an indoor pool.”It was his birthday party, and like I was excited, so I just jumped in the pool,” Braxton said.His friend Clark jumped into action when he noticed Braxton wasn’t swimming.”I saw him like, drowning, like he was, like, not really swimming. So I had to… to get him, and then I got him,” Clark said.Braxton said he thought the water was shallow enough when he jumped in.After Clark jumped in and pulled Braxton to the surface, the boys were able to get out safely.”I was thanking him how he just saved my life, and I was like, Thank God, like God sent him to save me,” Braxton said. “He’s like family to me. He’s my best friend, and I just love to be with him.”The boys were honored at their school’s character award ceremony.

    A young Indiana boy is being called a hero after saving his friend from drowning at an indoor pool.

    “It was his birthday party, and like I was excited, so I just jumped in the pool,” Braxton said.

    His friend Clark jumped into action when he noticed Braxton wasn’t swimming.

    “I saw him like, drowning, like he was, like, not really swimming. So I had to… to get him, and then I got him,” Clark said.

    Braxton said he thought the water was shallow enough when he jumped in.

    After Clark jumped in and pulled Braxton to the surface, the boys were able to get out safely.

    “I was thanking him how he just saved my life, and I was like, Thank God, like God sent him to save me,” Braxton said. “He’s like family to me. He’s my best friend, and I just love to be with him.”

    The boys were honored at their school’s character award ceremony.

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  • Off-duty pilot who tried to cut a flight’s engines midair won’t serve prison time, judge rules

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    A federal judge on Monday ruled there would be no prison time for a former Alaska Airlines pilot who had taken psychedelic mushrooms days before he tried to cut the engines of a passenger flight in 2023 while riding off-duty in the cockpit.U.S. District Court Judge Amy Baggio in Portland, Oregon, sentenced Joseph Emerson to time served and three years’ supervised release, ending a case that drew attention to the need for cockpit safety and more mental health support for pilots.Federal prosecutors wanted a year in prison, while his attorneys sought probation.“Pilots are not perfect. They are human,” Baggio said. “They are people and all people need help sometimes.”Emerson hugged his attorneys and tearfully embraced his wife after he was sentenced.Emerson was subdued by the flight crew after trying to cut the engines of a Horizon Air flight from Everett, Washington, to San Francisco on Oct. 22, 2023, while he was riding in an extra seat in the cockpit. The plane was diverted and landed in Portland with more than 80 people.Emerson told police he was despondent over a friend’s recent death, had taken psychedelic mushrooms about two days earlier, and hadn’t slept in over 40 hours. He has said he believed he was dreaming and was trying to wake up by grabbing two red handles that would have activated the fire suppression system and cut fuel to the engines.He spent 46 days in jail and was released pending trial in December 2023, with requirements that he undergo mental health services, stay off drugs and alcohol, and keep away from aircraft.Attorney Ethan Levi described his client’s actions as “a product of untreated alcohol use disorder.” Emerson had been drinking and accepted mushrooms “because of his lower inhibitions,” Levi said.Emerson went to treatment after jail and has been sober since, he added.Baggio said the case is a cautionary tale. Before she sentenced him, Emerson said he regretted the harm he caused.“I’m not a victim. I am here as a direct result of my actions,” he told the court. “I can tell you that this very tragic event has forced me to grow as an individual.”Loved ones and pilots addressed the judgeEmerson’s wife, Sarah Stretch, was among those who spoke on his behalf at the hearing.“I am so sorry for those that it’s impacted as much as it has. But I am extremely proud to be here with this man today, because the growth that he has had from this terrible experience has not only helped him, but benefited all that surround him,” she said through tears.One of the pilots of the 2023 Horizon Air flight, Alan Koziol, said he didn’t think Emerson was acting with malice and that he seemed “more like a trapped animal than a man in control of his faculties.” Koziol said that while pilots bear “immense responsibility,” he also wanted to see the aviation industry become more open to allowing pilots to seek mental health care.Lyle Prouse, sentenced to 16 months in prison for flying an airliner under the influence of alcohol in 1990, told the judge via videoconference that Emerson was “solidly engaged” in recovering. Prouse said he got sober and was eventually reinstated by the airline and retired as a 747 captain. He was pardoned by then-President Bill Clinton.“I know Joe like nobody else in this courtroom knows Joe on that level,” he said.Geoffrey Barrow, assistant U.S. attorney in the district of Oregon, said Emerson’s actions were serious and that the crew “saved the day by intervening.”“There were 84 people on that plane who could have lost their lives,” he said.Alison Snyder told the court via phone that it was a traumatic experience for her and her husband as passengers.“Because of Joseph Emerson’s actions that day, we will never feel as safe flying as we once did,” she said.Emerson was already sentenced in state caseEmerson, of Pleasant Hill, California, had pleaded guilty or no-contest to all charges in September as part of agreements with prosecutors.He was charged in federal court with interfering with a flight crew. A state indictment in Oregon separately charged him with 83 counts of endangering another person and one count of endangering an aircraft.A state court sentenced him to 50 days in jail, with credit for time served, plus five years of probation, 664 hours of community service — half of which he can serve at his own pilot health nonprofit — and over $60,000 in restitution, nearly all of it to Alaska Air Group. His sentence included rules over drugs, alcohol and mental health treatment, as well as avoiding aircraft.His attorneys argued before federal sentencing that the “robust” state prosecution “resulted in substantial punishment.”Emerson told a state court in September he was grateful the crew restrained him. He said being forced to confront his mental health and alcohol dependence was the greatest gift he ever received.

    A federal judge on Monday ruled there would be no prison time for a former Alaska Airlines pilot who had taken psychedelic mushrooms days before he tried to cut the engines of a passenger flight in 2023 while riding off-duty in the cockpit.

    U.S. District Court Judge Amy Baggio in Portland, Oregon, sentenced Joseph Emerson to time served and three years’ supervised release, ending a case that drew attention to the need for cockpit safety and more mental health support for pilots.

    Federal prosecutors wanted a year in prison, while his attorneys sought probation.

    “Pilots are not perfect. They are human,” Baggio said. “They are people and all people need help sometimes.”

    Emerson hugged his attorneys and tearfully embraced his wife after he was sentenced.

    Emerson was subdued by the flight crew after trying to cut the engines of a Horizon Air flight from Everett, Washington, to San Francisco on Oct. 22, 2023, while he was riding in an extra seat in the cockpit. The plane was diverted and landed in Portland with more than 80 people.

    Emerson told police he was despondent over a friend’s recent death, had taken psychedelic mushrooms about two days earlier, and hadn’t slept in over 40 hours. He has said he believed he was dreaming and was trying to wake up by grabbing two red handles that would have activated the fire suppression system and cut fuel to the engines.

    He spent 46 days in jail and was released pending trial in December 2023, with requirements that he undergo mental health services, stay off drugs and alcohol, and keep away from aircraft.

    Attorney Ethan Levi described his client’s actions as “a product of untreated alcohol use disorder.” Emerson had been drinking and accepted mushrooms “because of his lower inhibitions,” Levi said.

    Emerson went to treatment after jail and has been sober since, he added.

    Baggio said the case is a cautionary tale. Before she sentenced him, Emerson said he regretted the harm he caused.

    “I’m not a victim. I am here as a direct result of my actions,” he told the court. “I can tell you that this very tragic event has forced me to grow as an individual.”

    Loved ones and pilots addressed the judge

    Emerson’s wife, Sarah Stretch, was among those who spoke on his behalf at the hearing.

    “I am so sorry for those that it’s impacted as much as it has. But I am extremely proud to be here with this man today, because the growth that he has had from this terrible experience has not only helped him, but benefited all that surround him,” she said through tears.

    One of the pilots of the 2023 Horizon Air flight, Alan Koziol, said he didn’t think Emerson was acting with malice and that he seemed “more like a trapped animal than a man in control of his faculties.” Koziol said that while pilots bear “immense responsibility,” he also wanted to see the aviation industry become more open to allowing pilots to seek mental health care.

    Lyle Prouse, sentenced to 16 months in prison for flying an airliner under the influence of alcohol in 1990, told the judge via videoconference that Emerson was “solidly engaged” in recovering. Prouse said he got sober and was eventually reinstated by the airline and retired as a 747 captain. He was pardoned by then-President Bill Clinton.

    “I know Joe like nobody else in this courtroom knows Joe on that level,” he said.

    Geoffrey Barrow, assistant U.S. attorney in the district of Oregon, said Emerson’s actions were serious and that the crew “saved the day by intervening.”

    “There were 84 people on that plane who could have lost their lives,” he said.

    Alison Snyder told the court via phone that it was a traumatic experience for her and her husband as passengers.

    “Because of Joseph Emerson’s actions that day, we will never feel as safe flying as we once did,” she said.

    Emerson was already sentenced in state case

    Emerson, of Pleasant Hill, California, had pleaded guilty or no-contest to all charges in September as part of agreements with prosecutors.

    He was charged in federal court with interfering with a flight crew. A state indictment in Oregon separately charged him with 83 counts of endangering another person and one count of endangering an aircraft.

    A state court sentenced him to 50 days in jail, with credit for time served, plus five years of probation, 664 hours of community service — half of which he can serve at his own pilot health nonprofit — and over $60,000 in restitution, nearly all of it to Alaska Air Group. His sentence included rules over drugs, alcohol and mental health treatment, as well as avoiding aircraft.

    His attorneys argued before federal sentencing that the “robust” state prosecution “resulted in substantial punishment.”

    Emerson told a state court in September he was grateful the crew restrained him. He said being forced to confront his mental health and alcohol dependence was the greatest gift he ever received.

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  • The Trump loyalist who picked up where Musk left off with slashing federal workforce: ‘We’re having fun’

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    It has been four months since Elon Musk, President Trump’s bureaucratic demolition man, abandoned Washington in a flurry of recriminations and chaos.

    But the Trump administration’s crusade to dismantle much of the federal government never ended. It’s merely under new management: the less colorful but more methodical Russell Vought, director of Trump’s Office of Management and Budget.

    Vought has become the backroom architect of Trump’s aggressive strategy — slashing the federal workforce, freezing billions in congressionally approved spending in actions his critics often call illegal.

    Now Vought has proposed using the current government shutdown as an opportunity to fire thousands of bureaucrats permanently instead of merely furloughing them temporarily. If any do return to work, he has suggested that the government need not give them back pay — contrary to a law Trump signed in 2019.

    Those threats may prove merely to be pressure tactics as Trump tries to persuade Democrats to accept spending cuts on Medicaid, Obamacare and other programs.

    But the shutdown battle is the current phase of a much larger one. Vought’s long-term goals, he says, are to “bend or break the bureaucracy to the presidential will” and “deconstruct the administrative state.”

    He’s still only partway done.

    “I’d estimate that Vought has implemented maybe 10% or 15% of his program,” said Donald F. Kettl, former dean of the public policy school at the University of Maryland. “There may be as much as 90% to go. If this were a baseball game, we’d be in the top of the second inning.”

    Along the way, Vought (pronounced “vote”) has chipped relentlessly at Congress’ ability to control the use of federal funds, massively expanding the power of the president.

    “He has waged the most serious attack on separation of powers in American history,” said Elaine Kamarck, an expert on federal management at the Brookings Institution.

    He’s done that mainly by using OMB, the White House office that oversees spending, to control the day-to-day purse strings of federal agencies — and deliberately keeping Congress in the dark along the way.

    “If Congress has given us authority that is too broad, then we’re going to use that authority aggressively,” Vought said last month.

    Federal judges have ruled some of the administration’s actions illegal, but they have allowed others to stand. Vought’s proposal to use the shutdown to fire thousands of bureaucrats hasn’t been tested in court.

    Vought developed his aggressive approach during two decades as a conservative budget expert, culminating in his appointment as director of OMB in Trump’s first term.

    In 2019, he stretched the limits of presidential power by helping Trump get around a congressional ban on funding for a border wall, by declaring an emergency and transferring military funds. He froze congressionally mandated aid for Ukraine, the action that led to Trump’s first impeachment.

    Even so, Vought complained that Trump had been needlessly restrained by cautious first-term aides.

    “The lawyers come in and say, ‘It’s not legal. You can’t do that,’” he said in 2023. “I don’t want President Trump having to lose a moment of time having fights in the Oval Office over whether something is legal.”

    Vought is a proponent of the “unitary executive” theory, the argument that the president should have unfettered control over every tentacle of the executive branch, including independent agencies such as the Federal Reserve.

    When Congress designates money for federal programs, he has argued, “It’s a ceiling. It is not a floor. It’s not the notion that you have to spend every dollar.”

    Most legal experts disagree; a 1974 law prohibits the president from unilaterally withholding money Congress has appropriated.

    Vought told conservative activists in 2023 that if Trump returned to power, he would deliberately seek to inflict “trauma” on federal employees.

    “We want the bureaucrats to be traumatically affected,” he said. “When they wake up in the morning, we want them to not want to go to work.”

    When Vought returned to OMB for Trump’s second term, he appeared to be in Musk’s shadow. But once the flamboyant Tesla chief executive flamed out, the OMB director got to work to make DOGE’s work the foundation for lasting changes.

    He extended many of DOGE’s funding cuts by slowing down OMB’s approval of disbursements — turning them into de facto freezes.

    He helped persuade Republicans in Congress to cancel $9 billion in previously approved foreign aid and public broadcasting support, a process known as “rescission.”

    To cancel an additional $4.9 billion, he revived a rarely used gambit called a “pocket rescission,” freezing the funds until they expired.

    Along the way, he quietly stopped providing Congress with information on spending, leaving legislators in the dark on whether programs were being axed.

    DOGE and OMB eliminated jobs so quickly that the federal government stopped publishing its ongoing tally of federal employees. (Any number would only be approximate; some layoffs are tied up in court, and thousands of employees who opted for voluntary retirement are technically still on the payroll.)

    The result was a significant erosion of Congress’ “power of the purse,” which has historically included not only approving money but also monitoring how it was spent.

    Even some Republican members of Congress seethed. “They would like a blank check … and I don’t think that’s appropriate,” said former Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.).

    But the GOP majorities in both the House and Senate, pleased to see spending cut by any means, let Vought have his way. Even McConnell voted to approve the $9-billion rescission request.

    Vought’s newest innovation, the mid-shutdown layoffs, would be another big step toward reducing Congress’ role.

    “The result would be a dramatic, instantaneous shift in the separation of powers,” Kettl said. “The Trump team could kill programs unilaterally without the inconvenience of going to Congress.”

    Some of the consequences could be catastrophic, Kettl and other scholars warned. Kamarck calls them “time bombs.”

    “One or more of these decisions is going to blow up in Trump’s face,” she said.

    “FEMA won’t be capable of reacting to the next hurricane. The National Weather Service won’t have the forecasters it needs to analyze the data from weather balloons.”

    Even before the government shutdown, she noted, the FAA was grappling with a shortage of air traffic controllers. This week the FAA slowed takeoffs at several airports in response to growing shortages, including at air traffic control centers in Atlanta, Houston and Dallas-Fort Worth.

    In theory, a future Congress could undo many of Vought’s actions, especially if Democrats win control of the House or, less likely, the Senate.

    But rebuilding agencies that have been radically shrunken would take much longer than cutting them down, the scholars said.

    “Much of this will be difficult to reverse when Democrats come back into fashion,” Kamarck said.

    Indeed, that’s part of Vought’s plan.

    “We want to make sure that the bureaucracy can’t reconstitute itself later in future administrations,” he said in April in a podcast with Charlie Kirk, the conservative activist who was slain on Sept. 10.

    He’s pleased with the progress he’s made, he told reporters in July.

    “We’re having fun,” he said.

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  • ‘Fight or flight takes over’: Transportation employees save cardiac arrest victim’s life

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    A Vermont man is lucky to be alive after collapsing from cardiac arrest in August. This week, he finally got the chance to thank the people who saved him.Bob Fenoff, 67, was working on a wall in his office when he said he suddenly blacked out and collapsed. Fenoff’s office is connected to the garage, which he leases to the Vermont transportation agency, VTRANS. “I just lost consciousness and that was it. Ended up on the floor,” Fenoff said.Two VTRANS employees, Noah Royer and John McClure, immediately jumped into action. They dialed 911 and began performing CPR — skills they had learned through mandatory workplace training.“Even though it doesn’t train you for moments like that, it gives you the basics,” Royer said. “Fight or flight takes over from there.”First responders arrived minutes later. Paramedics used a defibrillator to restart Fenoff’s heart. He spent two weeks in a coma before waking up and is now expected to make a full recovery.“If it had not been for the brave and immediate actions of Noah Royer and John McClure, I do not think that Mr. Fenoff would be standing in front of us today,” Keith Feddersen, a paramedic with CALEX Ambulance, said.Fenoff and his wife, Kathy, say they can’t express enough gratitude for the lifesaving efforts.“I’d thank you a hundred times — can’t thank you enough,” Kathy said.First responders hope Fenoff’s story will inspire others to learn CPR and AED use.“Getting certified is vitally important,” Capt. Phil Hawthorne of the St. Johnsbury Fire Department said. “This case really proves it.”

    A Vermont man is lucky to be alive after collapsing from cardiac arrest in August. This week, he finally got the chance to thank the people who saved him.

    Bob Fenoff, 67, was working on a wall in his office when he said he suddenly blacked out and collapsed. Fenoff’s office is connected to the garage, which he leases to the Vermont transportation agency, VTRANS.

    “I just lost consciousness and that was it. Ended up on the floor,” Fenoff said.

    Two VTRANS employees, Noah Royer and John McClure, immediately jumped into action. They dialed 911 and began performing CPR — skills they had learned through mandatory workplace training.

    “Even though it doesn’t train you for moments like that, it gives you the basics,” Royer said. “Fight or flight takes over from there.”

    First responders arrived minutes later. Paramedics used a defibrillator to restart Fenoff’s heart. He spent two weeks in a coma before waking up and is now expected to make a full recovery.

    “If it had not been for the brave and immediate actions of Noah Royer and John McClure, I do not think that Mr. Fenoff would be standing in front of us today,” Keith Feddersen, a paramedic with CALEX Ambulance, said.

    Fenoff and his wife, Kathy, say they can’t express enough gratitude for the lifesaving efforts.

    “I’d thank you a hundred times — can’t thank you enough,” Kathy said.

    First responders hope Fenoff’s story will inspire others to learn CPR and AED use.

    “Getting certified is vitally important,” Capt. Phil Hawthorne of the St. Johnsbury Fire Department said. “This case really proves it.”

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  • Newsom to seek court order stopping Trump’s deployment of California National Guard to Oregon

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    Gov. Gavin Newsom said Sunday that he intends to seek a court order in an attempt to stop President Trump’s deployment of California National Guard troops to Oregon.

    Calling the president’s action a “breathtaking abuse of power,” Newsom said in a statement that 300 California National Guard personnel were being deployed to Portland, Ore., a city the president has called “war-ravaged.”

    “They are on their way there now,” Newsom said of the National Guard. “This is a breathtaking abuse of the law and power.”

    Trump’s move came a day after a federal judge in Oregon temporarily blocked the federalization of Oregon’s National Guard.

    The president, who mobilized the California National Guard amid immigration protests earlier this year, has pursued the use of the military to fight crime in cities including Chicago and Washington, sparking outrage among Democratic officials in those jurisdictions. Local leaders, including those in Portland, have said the actions are unnecessary and without legal justification.

    “The Trump Administration is unapologetically attacking the rule of law itself and putting into action their dangerous words — ignoring court orders and treating judges, even those appointed by the President himself, as political opponents,” Newsom said.

    In June, Newsom and California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta filed a federal lawsuit over Trump’s mobilization of the state’s National Guard during immigration protests in Los Angeles. California officials are expected to file the court order over Sunday’s deployment using that existing lawsuit.

    Newsom has ratcheted up his rhetoric about Trump in recent days: On Friday, the governor lashed out at universities that may sign the president’s higher education compact, which demands rightward campus policy shifts in exchange for priority federal funding.

    “I need to put pressure on this moment and pressure test where we are in U.S. history, not just California history,” Newsom said. “This is it. We are losing this country.”

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    Daniel Miller, Melody Gutierrez

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  • At Labor Day rallies, speakers decry Trump

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    Thousands of union members and others participated in marches, rallies and picnics on Labor Day throughout the Los Angeles region and across the country on Monday, decrying actions by the Trump administration that they say weaken unions and harm workers while strengthening and emboldening major corporations and the wealthy.

    A White House proclamation Monday said President Trump’s actions are “reversing decades of neglect and finally putting American Workers first” by rewriting tax laws and creating a better economic climate for businesses.

    His critics say he is undermining, in historic ways, the government and labor-union infrastructure established to protect workers — and therefore hurting individual workers.

    Participants at a massive Wilmington rally and parade — organized by the Los Angeles County Federation of Labor — united over a common foe: Trump.

    “Donald Trump has gone too far,” said state Sen. Maria Elena Durazo (D-Los Angeles), as she and others linked typical Labor Day rhetoric directly to immigration raids. “On this Labor Day, we have an American president who takes parents from their children and workers from their jobs.”

    The raids are no longer about border security, Durazo said, but “about breaking the backbone of our economy and terrorizing families.”

    ”Fighting for workers’ rights means fighting for immigrant rights,” said Angelica Salas, the executive director of the immigrant advocacy group CHIRLA.

    The Trump administration, meanwhile, marked Labor Day by extolling the American worker and calling attention to new trade policies — including widespread tariffs — intended to spur a return of manufacturing to the United States.

    “Every day, my Administration is restoring the dignity of labor and putting the American worker first,” Trump said in a Labor Day proclamation. “We are making it easier to buy American and hire American, breathing new life into our manufacturing cities, and securing fair trade deals that protect our jobs and reward our productivity. … Under my leadership, we are bringing jobs back to America — and those jobs are going to American-born workers.”

    Tariff chaos at port

    The effect of tariffs and their uneven rollout is widely debated, including within Trump’s Republican Party, although a Congress controlled by Republicans has not acted to stop them.

    Trump’s tariffs — and the threat of them — have triggered unpredictable boom-and-bust cycles at L.A.’s ports, Mickey Chavez, president of the International Longshore and Warehouse Union Southern California District Council, said Monday.

    Standing with his French bulldog Gucci under an ILWU tent after the Wilmington parade, the union foreman described how the mood has fluctuated dramatically at the nearby union hall where ILWU members wait for work.

    “It’s been chaotic, more than anything, with the tariffs,” Chavez said as smoke from a barbecue a few tents over curled past his ILWU beret. “Either the workers really get a lot of work because they’re trying to beat the tariffs, or then [Trump] sets out more tariffs and the work slows down.”

    The uncertainty has made it difficult for workers to plan, particularly those at the lowest level, who are most affected by slowdowns.

    “If he sends out a tweet or makes a decision, we never know if there’s going to be work or not, so it’s been in flux,” the fourth-generation ILWU member said.

    Chavez’s great-grandfather first joined the union in the 1940s and his family has worked at the ports ever since. But he has never experienced anything like this before, where work is so dependent on the whims of a single man, he said.

    Trump bans most federal bargaining

    On the same day as his Labor Day proclamation, Trump issued an order banning collective bargaining at the International Trade Administration and the Patent and Trademark Office within the Commerce Department; the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s National Environmental Satellite, Data and Information Service, and the National Weather Service; as well as at NASA and the U.S. Agency for Global Media.

    Trump cited national security concerns as providing legal grounds for the unilateral edict. The latest action follows a March order outlawing collective bargaining for a majority of the federal workforce, citing the same justification.

    Unions immediately filed suit, putting Trump’s action on hold.

    A study from the left-leaning Center for American Progress estimated that Trump’s orders have stripped 82% of civilian federal workers of their right to bargain. The total number of workers whose contracts Trump has abrogated exceeds 1 million, an estimated one-fifteenth of American workers covered by a union contract.

    In addition, Trump fired National Labor Relations Board member Gwynne Wilcox, although the National Labor Relations Act stipulates that board members serve for five years and her term was not to end until August 2028. Her dismissal has paralyzed the labor board by leaving it without a quorum. The U.S. Supreme Court declined to stop her dismissal as part of ongoing litigation.

    At least one speaker at the Wilmington rally spoke of the need for organized labor to support California Gov. Gavin Newsom’s efforts to redraw state congressional districts to flip as many as five seats from Republican to Democrat — a strategy to offset actions taken in Texas — urged on by Trump — to do exactly the opposite.

    Labor groups have already put millions of dollars behind it and have committed to help lead voter-mobilization efforts.

    Unlike in Texas, Newsom’s plan must be approved by voters, who will have the opportunity to support it by voting for Proposition 50.

    Passage of the measure at the ballot box is essential, state Assemblyman Mark Gonzalez (D-Los Angeles) said at the Wilmington event, because Trump is already “destroying the fabric of the labor movement” months into his second term.

    California Republicans point out that the measure unravels reforms meant to make California districts more representative and competitive. Opponents of the retaliatory gerrymander include former California Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger.

    Festive vibes

    In Wilmington, although the thousands of union members and allies were fired up, the rally and parade retained a festive vibe.

    On a truck at the front of the procession, leaders of local and state labor groups danced with elected officials as Bob Marley and the Wailers sang about standing up for rights over a loudspeaker.

    Hammerhead cranes at the nearby port facilities dotted the horizon as classic cars turned down E Street, and posters and T-shirts in the crowd advertised membership in an alphabet soup of union locals.

    Children sharing space with political fliers in oversized wagons blew bubbles, and teenage girls from a local high school twirled pom-poms.

    At the helm of a massive shiny black truck bearing the Teamsters insignia, a driver clenched a cigar between his teeth as he steered with one hand and pulled an overhead horn with the other. Representatives from the local branch of the sheet metal workers union carried a carefully crafted, welded brown California bear in the back of their truck.

    Alongside carpenters and nurses and dockworkers, there were also representatives from a cadre of entertainment industry unions representing actors, writers and production workers.

    Rallies across the Southland and the country were united under the banner of May Day Strong, a partnership of labor, political and environmental organizations. The targets of the rallies included federal agencies carrying out immigration raids, including U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

    “The billionaires continue to wage a war on working people, with their cronies in the administration, ICE and law enforcement backing up their attacks,” according to the organizers’ toolkit. “This Labor Day we will continue to stand strong, fighting for public schools over private profits, healthcare over hedge funds, shared prosperity over billionaire-bought politics.”

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    Julia Wick, Howard Blume

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  • Trump administration presses rollback of ‘Roadless Rule’ on wildlands

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    The Trump administration on Wednesday took formal steps to rescind a decades-old rule that protects 58.5 million acres of wild areas in national forests, including 4.4 million acres in California.

    United States Department of Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins said the agency will publish a notice of intent in the Federal Register on Friday to roll back the so-called Roadless Rule, initiating a 21-day public comment period and moving the process closer to reality.

    “We are one step closer to common sense management of our national forest lands,” Rollins said in a statement. (The USDA oversees the U.S. Forest Service.)

    The rule was enacted by the Clinton administration in 2001 after years of work and record-breaking input from the public. It established lasting protection for specified wilderness areas within national forests by prohibiting road construction and logging, which can destroy or disrupt habitats, increase erosion and worsen sediment pollution in drinking water, among other outcomes.

    Rollins previously announced the agency’s intention to eliminate the Roadless Rule in June, saying at the time that the action would enable the federal government to better manage fire risk and timber production in the national forests.

    The action is in keeping with the Trump administration’s efforts to loosen environmental regulations. Trump in April issued an executive order to immediately expand timber cutting in the United States, while the Environmental Protection Agency has announced more than 30 actions to repeal rules on power plants, vehicle emissions, air pollution and efforts to curb planet-warming greenhouse gases.

    “This administration is dedicated to removing burdensome, outdated, one-size-fits-all regulations that not only put people and livelihoods at risk but also stifle economic growth in rural America,” Rollins said Wednesday. “It is vital that we properly manage our federal lands to create healthy, resilient, and productive forests for generations to come.”

    The Roadless Rule touches forest areas in more than 40 states. In her announcement, Rollins said the rescission would not apply to Colorado and Idaho, which underwent separate rulemaking processes to create state-specific roadless rules. In total, the rescission would apply to nearly 45 million acres of the nearly 60 million acres of inventoried roadless areas within the National Forest system, she said.

    In California, the rule encompasses about 4.4 million acres across 31 national forests, including the Angeles, Tahoe, Inyo, Shasta-Trinity and Los Padres national forests. Roadless Rule areas are distinct from designated wilderness, such as the six wilderness areas in the Angeles National Forest, which are established by acts of Congress and can only be undone by acts of Congress.

    Environmental groups were outraged by the development. The nonprofit group Defenders of Wildlife noted that roadless areas provide a critical safe haven for wildlife — supporting more than 220 species protected under the Endangered Species Act, which the Trump administration has also moved to narrow.

    “The Roadless Rule is one of the best ideas the U.S. Forest Service has ever had and repealing it is one of the worst,” said Vera Smith, national forests and public lands program director at Defenders of Wildlife, in a statement. “This move will literally pave the way for the timber industry to clearcut backcountry forests that house endangered wildlife and are source waters for important fisheries and communities.”

    Chris Wood, president and chief executive of the conservation group Trout Unlimited, said roadless areas account for only 2% of the land base of the United States but provide unprecedented access to the outdoors and a safe haven for about 70% of native trout and salmon. Wood, who helped develop the Roadless Rule while working as a senior policy advisor at the Forest Service, said he would welcome a transparent and collaborative process to determine whether tweaks to the rule could improve it.

    “Rather than rescinding the Roadless Rule and allowing that chaos to unfold, we encourage the Forest Service to work with stakeholders to develop solutions that continue to protect roadless areas and intact fish and wildlife habitat,” Wood said.

    The Roadless Rule underwent considerable public input when it was implemented in 2001, receiving a record 1.6 million public comments, and tens of thousands of people participated in hundreds of public meetings, according to the Environment California Research and Policy Center.

    “California’s wild forests are essential and beloved public lands and the Forest Service should not open them up to roads and development,” the group’s state director, Laura Deehan, said in a statement. “The still-wild parts of our national forests enable us to fully immerse ourselves in nature, whether hiking in the Sierras, stargazing in Lassen or spotting wildlife in Mendocino.”

    Deehan added that the Roadless Rule also promotes healthy fish populations, and that unspoiled forests serve as better filters for clean water.

    “It is more important to protect these lands than to get a little more pulp for paper, or to build one more mine or one more road,” she said. “Let’s keep our wild forests wild.”

    The public will be invited to comment on the USDA’s proposal until Sept. 19.

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    Hayley Smith

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  • Immigrant rights advocates demand change after incident near Apopka High School

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    The Hope Community Center and the Immigrants Are Welcome Here Coalition want change and action after Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents appeared near an Orange County school during a traffic stop.That traffic stop happened outside Apopka High School on August 15 and ended with five people in ICE custody, according to the Florida Highway Patrol.The school went on a “secure hold” during the incident, but speakers at an Orange County Public Schools meeting Tuesday night said it took too long for people to be told about what happened.”Many families were left terrified without any clear communications or support, our schools should be a place for learning not a place of fear,” said Hope Community Center Executive Director Felipe Sousa-Lazaballet.Miguel Torres, a student at Apopka High School, said, “racial comments against the Latino community started going around on social media, which made the situation even worse.”School board chair Teresa Jacobs said there was some miscommunication and that the district has protocols, but they are limited in what they can do.Jacobs said that when ICE is actually on an OCPS campus, the district has more that it can do. “We immediately ask if we can reach out to the parents. If they say yes, great, we contact the parents. If they say no, we make them fill out a form saying that we’ve asked and they’ve declined.” she said.Aaron Kuen with Immigrants Are Welcome Here said, “I think madame chair was very clear that we do have an advocate. I definitely think that actions speak louder than words, so hopefully what she’s saying really does happen where there’s more accountability.”Speakers at the meeting said that many teachers don’t know what to do when ICE shows up.”Maybe we want to get some workshops for teachers to know exactly what to do for ICE when they do pop up,” said America Castillo.Renee Gomez with the Farmworkers Association of Florida said, “We’re looking for change, we’re looking for action. We want them to improve their policies. So, it was great, but we need more.” He continued, “We got promises that they’re going to do better. They said they dropped the ball and that they understand communication can be improved, and they promise to do that. So, we’re hoping this is a start of change.”

    The Hope Community Center and the Immigrants Are Welcome Here Coalition want change and action after Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents appeared near an Orange County school during a traffic stop.

    That traffic stop happened outside Apopka High School on August 15 and ended with five people in ICE custody, according to the Florida Highway Patrol.

    The school went on a “secure hold” during the incident, but speakers at an Orange County Public Schools meeting Tuesday night said it took too long for people to be told about what happened.

    “Many families were left terrified without any clear communications or support, our schools should be a place for learning not a place of fear,” said Hope Community Center Executive Director Felipe Sousa-Lazaballet.

    Miguel Torres, a student at Apopka High School, said, “racial comments against the Latino community started going around on social media, which made the situation even worse.”

    School board chair Teresa Jacobs said there was some miscommunication and that the district has protocols, but they are limited in what they can do.

    Jacobs said that when ICE is actually on an OCPS campus, the district has more that it can do. “We immediately ask if we can reach out to the parents. If they say yes, great, we contact the parents. If they say no, we make them fill out a form saying that we’ve asked and they’ve declined.” she said.

    Aaron Kuen with Immigrants Are Welcome Here said, “I think madame chair was very clear that we do have an advocate. I definitely think that actions speak louder than words, so hopefully what she’s saying really does happen where there’s more accountability.”

    Speakers at the meeting said that many teachers don’t know what to do when ICE shows up.

    “Maybe we want to get some workshops for teachers to know exactly what to do for ICE when they do pop up,” said America Castillo.

    Renee Gomez with the Farmworkers Association of Florida said, “We’re looking for change, we’re looking for action. We want them to improve their policies. So, it was great, but we need more.” He continued, “We got promises that they’re going to do better. They said they dropped the ball and that they understand communication can be improved, and they promise to do that. So, we’re hoping this is a start of change.”

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  • Trump administration revokes security clearances of 37 current and former government officials

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    The Trump administration moved Tuesday to revoke the security clearances of 37 current and former national security officials in the latest act of retribution targeting public servants in the federal government’s intelligence community.Related video from January above: White House press secretary comments on Gen. Milley’s security clearance being pulledA memo posted by Tulsi Gabbard, the director of national intelligence, accuses the targeted officials of having engaged in the “politicization or weaponization of intelligence” to advance partisan goals, as well as a failure to safeguard classified information and a “failure to adhere to professional analytic tradecraft standards.”The action, coming months after an even broader clearance suspension on his first day in office, is part of a broader campaign by President Donald Trump’s administration to scrutinize the judgments of intelligence officials he personally disagrees with. Critics of his approach have said it risks chilling dissenting voices within the government.”These are unlawful and unconstitutional decisions that deviate from well-settled, decades-old laws and policies that sought to protect against just this type of action,” Mark Zaid, a national security lawyer whose own clearance was revoked by the Trump administration, said in a statement.Many of the officials who were singled out left the government years ago. Some worked on matters that have long provoked Trump’s ire, including the intelligence community assessment that Russia interfered in the 2016 presidential election on Trump’s behalf, or have openly criticized him.Gabbard, in the last month, has declassified a series of years-old documents meant to cast doubt on the legitimacy of the assessment on Russian election interference.

    The Trump administration moved Tuesday to revoke the security clearances of 37 current and former national security officials in the latest act of retribution targeting public servants in the federal government’s intelligence community.

    Related video from January above: White House press secretary comments on Gen. Milley’s security clearance being pulled

    A memo posted by Tulsi Gabbard, the director of national intelligence, accuses the targeted officials of having engaged in the “politicization or weaponization of intelligence” to advance partisan goals, as well as a failure to safeguard classified information and a “failure to adhere to professional analytic tradecraft standards.”

    The action, coming months after an even broader clearance suspension on his first day in office, is part of a broader campaign by President Donald Trump’s administration to scrutinize the judgments of intelligence officials he personally disagrees with. Critics of his approach have said it risks chilling dissenting voices within the government.

    “These are unlawful and unconstitutional decisions that deviate from well-settled, decades-old laws and policies that sought to protect against just this type of action,” Mark Zaid, a national security lawyer whose own clearance was revoked by the Trump administration, said in a statement.

    Many of the officials who were singled out left the government years ago. Some worked on matters that have long provoked Trump’s ire, including the intelligence community assessment that Russia interfered in the 2016 presidential election on Trump’s behalf, or have openly criticized him.

    Gabbard, in the last month, has declassified a series of years-old documents meant to cast doubt on the legitimacy of the assessment on Russian election interference.

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  • The art of gore: Timo Tjahjanto on why keeping movie action bloody is a matter of ‘respect’

    The art of gore: Timo Tjahjanto on why keeping movie action bloody is a matter of ‘respect’

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    With his blood-soaked tales of violence and vengeance like The Night Comes for Us and Headshot, Timo Tjahjanto earned a reputation as one of the world’s goriest action directors. But he doesn’t see himself that way.

    Tjahjanto began his filmmaking career making slasher movies as half of the Mo brothers, teaming up with his longtime friend Kimo Stamboel. Since the end of their formal partnership, the Mo brothers have largely worked on their own projects, with Stamboel working in the horror genre and Tjahjanto primarily (but not exclusively) making violent action movies.

    Tjahjanto took the action world by storm with 2018’s The Night Comes for Us, a brutal thriller led by two of Indonesian cinema’s foremost martial arts stars, Iko Uwais and Joe Taslim. The movie occasionally gets labeled as “action horror,” in spite of its fairly conventional crime-thriller narrative, because of how unflinchingly Tjahjanto depicts extreme, bone-breaking, blood-soaked violence. The stylish, carnage-filled fight sequences left a mark on action cinema other directors are still scrambling to match.

    Star Aurora Ribero in The Shadow Strays
    Image: Netflix

    His new movie, The Shadow Strays, premiered at the Toronto International Film Festival in September, and finally dropped on Netflix on Oct. 17. It follows a teenage soldier who is being trained as a member of an elite group of top-secret assassins called the Shadows. When a mission goes wrong, she’s sidelined by the Shadows and gets entangled in a dispute between her young neighbor and local gangsters. Like most Tjahjanto projects, the film features several decapitations and “gallons” of blood. (The director estimated 85% of the blood was practical — like many splatter fans, the man loves squibs.) It’s also one of 2024’s best action movies.

    But Tjahjanto doesn’t consider himself a particularly gory filmmaker — he sees his movies as a way to be honest about real-world consequences of violence. A self-described “indulgent” filmmaker, Tjahjanto — wearing a Nine Inch Nails shirt and feeling “exhausted and relieved” after recently wrapping filming on the upcoming Nobody 2 — spoke with Polygon about his approach to gore in action, his cinematic influences, and sticking with practical blood when the rest of the industry is moving to CG effects.

    This interview has been edited for concision and clarity.

    Polygon: I think of you as one of the gorier action directors working today. Do you see yourself that way?

    Timo Tjahjanto: I don’t know. I don’t really think so. Granted, I haven’t seen them — not because I don’t want to see them, but just because of the timing of it all and the accessibility of it all — but I’ve heard there are films like Kill and Project Wolf Hunting that seem to be doing quite OK in that department. From what little clips I’ve seen, they seem to be way bloodier.

    I think there was a phase in my life — when I just started as a filmmaker, I did this little film with Kimo [Stamboel], my friend. It’s called Macabre, one of the first Indonesian slasher films. And I think at the time, our goal was like, Let’s be the goriest Indonesian flick ever. But weirdly, after The Night Comes for Us and everything, I just don’t feel like I was necessarily aiming for gore. I think it’s just that there needs to be a certain, weirdly enough, respect to violence and what it can do to the human body. I feel like we have to, in some way, hold ourselves accountable as filmmakers to show just how traumatizing violence can be.

    In The Night Comes For Us, three bloody men (and one small girl) hold bloody knives and look towards the camera

    The Night Comes for Us
    Image: Netflix

    We live in a violent world. If you see what’s on the internet, what’s on formerly known as Twitter, X, just the accessibility of violent content — people from a lot of parts of America, for example, there’s a lot of people getting riled up and start beating each other up for nothing. Not that I’m saying America is the only violent place. I think the world generally has become a much more violent place, or much more exposed to the media. It’s weird when people see my films like, Holy shit, that’s so gory and violent! I’m like, Man, have you seen the real world? It’s so fucking crazy out there that I feel like sometimes my film is a PG version of it.

    I’m glad you brought up the respect for violence, because one of the reasons I’m drawn to your approach to gore in action is because it feels more honest. If you’re not showing that level of destruction, you’re sanitizing the violence, and not being honest with the viewer about the actual effects of what’s happening.

    That’s what I always try to do. I think the human body is weirdly fragile and resilient at the same time. If any of your bones have been broken, or if you’ve ever had a deep cut, it’s so weird how biology reacts to it all.

    But beyond that, gore can also add stakes to a scene, it can add excitement, it can add humor. How do you balance those elements?

    Well, that’s the thing. I think at a certain level, violence has to become funny. And I learned this from, or I copied this from, the great Takashi Miike. I think he’s always walking that line, realizing that the world is a crazy, fucked-up place, and one way you can deal with it is by using a lot of humor. If you watch something like Ichi the Killer, for example, that thing is dark, man. In Takashi Miike’s world, everything is fair and square. Women, men, we are both capable of violence, and we are both capable of being the victim. And I try to do that in my films.

    A fight in The Shadow Strays — one man, wearing a suit, has a sword, while another person in all-black armor blocks the sword with their armored forearm

    The Shadow Strays
    Image: Netflix

    One example I think is interesting is The Big 4, which has a tonal difference from your other movies.

    Well, I think just because it’s gory doesn’t necessarily mean it has to be a feel-bad movie. I think that works quite well. Bad Boys can be a feel-good experience, and it has its moments of violence. And gore, especially if you’re talking about Bad Boys II — Michael Bay really pushes the limit to what kinetic violence can be. And I always feel like, you can make a less violent film and it becomes a much gloomier film, but you can also make a much more splattery and “head getting blown off by a shotgun” movie, and it still in the end has a heartwarming quality to it. Look at Shaun of the Dead, one of my favorites. And that thing is the ultimate feel-good film… depending on how you look at it.

    You brought up Macabre earlier. Do you think your horror roots have an impact in terms of your perception of gore in action?

    Kind of, yes. But having said that, I think it’s also childishness. Look, part of the beauty in horror is, you don’t necessarily need to be gory in terms of the approach to thrills. And as much as I would love to say, “Oh, I’m very well-versed in horror,” I think right now I’m only well-versed in a specific type of horror, which is one that is often violent. I think a lot of that comes from me growing up on Friday the 13th and Texas Chain Saw Massacre. Texas Chain Saw Massacre has such a huge impact on me in terms of how I look at violence, which is relentless.

    I probably watch it maybe once or twice a year. It never ceases to amaze me. When you’re in your teens and you watch it, you think it’s the bloodiest film ever. And then when you watch it again after you’ve grown up, there’s hardly any blood in it. It is pure terror and it’s pure viscerality without actually showing you anything. And there lies the genius of Tobe Hooper making this film. So yeah, I’m just a little bit less disciplined than people like Tobe Hooper.

    Timo Tjahjanto and Aurora Ribero smiling and laughing on set of the Shadow Strays

    Tjahjanto and Ribero on the set of The Shadow Strays
    Image: Netflix

    I loved what you had to say to some critics of The Shadow Strays about how filmmaking is an indulgent act, and I really appreciate that you see it that way, that making art is something that you do for yourself, and the hope is that other people are on board with you.

    I think that’s the thing. I don’t mean that to attack a critique: I think when I saw the critique, I was like, Oh, well, I agree with a lot of it. I think honestly, I’m the kind of filmmaker who always goes for character first and plotting later. So that’s why my plots tend to be simplistic. And I do admit that I feel, well, most stories have been told. For me, it’s better to rely on the humanity of the characters and hope that the audience can hold onto that.

    But when people say, “Hey, too much self-indulgence can be too much of a good thing,” I feel like, Well, no. Because here I am given enough freedom, thankfully, by Netflix to do almost everything that I want to do, and I think I have to sort of indulge in it rather than restrain myself, even though I am still restraining myself. If I went full indulgence, I think you’d see a lot of kinkier shit in it, and all these sick sort of violent images that I have. I always feel like, a movie-watching experience, you have to be able to give everything you’ve got to the audience. It’s not like a series, it’s not like The Boys, where you might fail in the first episode or second episode, but you can make it up in the eighth episode.

    I just feel like, Well, I have this many hours, and I just want to give my audience the shit that they want. Look at RRR — that film is self-indulgent as fuck, and it’s one of the best films ever made in the world. I just feel there’s a time for self-restraint, but action is one of those genres where you just need to keep on pulling the trigger. Someday I’ll be a better writer and I’ll probably do better plotting, but for now, I’m still learning.

    A woman with a sword stands over a decapitated body which has leaked blood onto the snow in a cropped poster for The Shadow Strays

    The Shadow Strays
    Image: Netflix

    The depiction of blood and gore has changed over time, with new technology leading a lot of productions to move away from practical blood and squibs and over to VFX blood. What’s your philosophy on that?

    It’s weird. I saw that there was a critique [of The Shadow Strays] that says, Oh, the use of CGI blood. Weirdly, Shadow Strays is like 85% practical blood. I think that it’s just because of the technology that I use, which is a lot of blood tubing and all that stuff. It does look excessive to the point that you think it’s actually CGI. I pride myself in taking a lot of time for The Shadow Strays. Things can get long in the shooting process, just because placing all those squibs and blood tubes takes time.

    That’s what I always hear, is how much it expands the budget and your time just from cleaning up between takes.

    Exactly. And costumes, and all those little things. Fortunately, making films in Indonesia, I can sort of afford it. So I actually indulge the fuck out of making all those things. Watching The Shadow Strays so many times through editing, I had the suspicion people are going to think this is actually CGI blood, even though it’s actually meticulous condom use and timed blood tubes and all that stuff. I’m a proponent of using as many squibs as possible. I know that’s cumbersome. But actors react better to it. They react, they feel the pain. They feel like, Oh shit, blood’s really spurting out of me. And that always helps.

    There are some enhancements, just because sometimes the blood doesn’t redirect the way it should. But man, we were having fun. There were always gallons of blood behind the camera where we pump it up there. Especially for the first sequence — that whole Japanese sequence is me being inspired by Takeshi Kitano’s Zatoichi, but he was using CGI blood. I was thinking, I want to be like Kitano, when he just completely goes batshit with blood, but I’m going to try to use practical blood tubes. So that’s what we did, man.

    Aurora Ribero, wearing a purple hoodie, holds a bloody knife in what looks like a dance club in The Shadow Strays

    The Shadow Strays
    Image: Netflix

    You’ve mentioned Kitano, you’ve mentioned Miike, you’ve mentioned Tobe Hooper. Are there any other big figures for you when it comes to depicting violence on screen and their use of gore?

    Martin Scorsese. When he’s shooting violence, it’s almost like he sometimes reverts back to being a young filmmaker. And I think he always has that spirit of being a young filmmaker. That’s the beauty of him. He can be 89 and he still shoots like a 35-year-old Sam Peckinpah on coke and LSD. One of the best violent scenes that I think is often overlooked is actually in The Departed, when Jack Nicholson and Ray Winstone got ambushed. Just like this fucking crash zoom lands and [there’s] fucking blood and [mimics the blood spraying everywhere] and all that shit. And I was like, Man, that’s fucking beautiful! I want to steal that shit. But I still don’t have enough skill to do it. Someday!

    Do you have a favorite spot of gore in The Shadow Strays?

    Aurora [Ribero], who plays 13, I always said to her, “You are skilled, but you are also clumsy. That’s the whole point of your character. You have a lot of endurance because you are young,” as she is truly in real life, “but you are often clumsy in your fighting. But once we hand you a sharp-edge weapon, you go berserk.” Whenever she’s given any weapon of sharp edge, be it a kitchen knife, be it a fucking screwdriver, she just goes crazy. I always loved that.

    By the end of shooting, she became so good at it. It’s so fucking cool. She never had any martial arts experience, and whenever she does the stabbing, it’s almost like somebody who’s been living in prison for 30 years and is a master shanker. She’s so good. And there’s a whole sequence later in the film, when she fights a certain somebody and she just uses a screwdriver to go crazy — I think that’s one of my favorites, just because of how ridiculous it looked with the blood and everything, and just how well it makes sense, because at this point she doesn’t have anything to lose. She’s just going crazy, and I love that.

    The Shadow Strays is on Netflix now.

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    Pete Volk

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  • Where Lara Croft is headed in Tomb Raider season 2

    Where Lara Croft is headed in Tomb Raider season 2

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    Tomb Raider fans, bless them, spend a lot of time wondering how the series all syncs up. If the Lara Croft we saw in the original ’90s games is the same one as the rougher-around-the-edges Lara from the Survivor trilogy, then what happened in between to have it all make sense?

    Luckily, answers appear on the horizon. Tomb Raider developer Crystal Dynamics has already paraded around a new design for Lara that incorporates her post-Survivor trilogy look with throwback costuming, a commitment to the “unified” timeline. But as far as the story goes, the new Tomb Raider: The Legend of Lara Croft is doing some major lift.

    Earlier this month, showrunner Tasha Huo told Polygon that her goal for the Netflix animated series was to chart the gap between the Survivor trilogy and classic games. But Lara doesn’t get there by the end of season 1, even after defeating the Light, finding closure over the death of Conrad Roth, re-bonding with his daughter Camilla Roth, hugging it out with Jonah, and accepting her first pair of dual pistols. That’s because Huo knew that if the show was a hit there’d be more stories to tell, and she didn’t want OG Lara to suit up quite yet.

    “I don’t want to just fast-track her to becoming classic Lara because it takes a lot to build that woman,” the showrunner says. “So season 2 will build upon what we’ve already seen and grow her even closer.”

    Specifically, Lara will set off on a search for Sam, her filmmaker friend who first appeared in 2013’s Tomb Raider. Sam was working on a job “overseas,” last Jonah heard from her, but a dropped phone call from the old friend is enough to put Lara on high alert. The ending of season 1 only teases a few scant details of where the adventure may lead her: in Sam’s apartment, Lara finds signs of a struggle — a broken coffee mug, a tipped-over chair, a shattered picture frame — and a yarn board tying some stolen artifacts to a shady tracksuit-wearing dude with a scar and photos of cocaine.

    Huo wasn’t ready to spoil any plot details, but says it’s carefully plotted so that Lara continues to grow and has room to venture on if Tomb Raider was to earn even more seasons. A top priority in season 2: Continue to draw out Lara’s sense of humor.

    “Maybe she finds it in Sam,” Huo says. “Sam has a lighter personality. There’s also just a lot more for Lara to learn. So in success and in these infinite seasons, we get to explore all the lessons and how those adventures actually challenge her to take those increasing steps closer to being the woman we remember from the ’90s.”

    For Huo, that classic version of Lara is also hyper-composed, in a way that she just isn’t at the stage of her life in which Tomb Raider: The Legend of Lara Croft is set. Yes, Lara Croft would rather raid a tomb than go to therapy — but Huo intends to help the character find her composure in the next archeology-fueled globetrotting mission. Just as the history-buff showrunner wants to inject Tomb Raider with tons of real history and culture specificity, she also wants to bang the drum for legit self-care.

    “So much of that comes from meditation, balance, having all of these messy things inside you yet still somehow finding a way through calmness and self-composure,” Huo says. “I’m a big proponent of therapy and self-analysis as a way to just grow as a human being. It’s fantastic. And I’m glad Lara can do it. She hates therapy! So using adventure as therapy is a really great way for Lara to learn how to be better.”

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    Matt Patches

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  • Faculty accuse UC campuses of labor violations over pro-Palestine protest crackdowns

    Faculty accuse UC campuses of labor violations over pro-Palestine protest crackdowns

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    Faculty across the state have accused the University of California system of carrying out a sweeping campaign to suppress pro-Palestinian speech and protests in violation of state labor law.

    The Council of University of California Faculty Associations said UC administrators have threatened faculty for teaching about the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and launched disciplinary proceedings against faculty for supporting on-campus student encampments as well as backing a strike by student academic workers this spring.

    The faculty group made the allegations in a 581-page complaint filed Thursday with California’s Public Employment Relations Board, which oversees labor-management interaction for public employees in the state. The unfair labor practice charge was co-signed by faculty associations at seven UC campuses, including Los Angeles, Irvine, San Diego, Santa Cruz, Berkeley, Davis and San Francisco.

    Faculty members gathered at UCLA midday Thursday to announce the charge. At the news conference, Constance Penley, president of the Council of UC Faculty Associations, described the university’s actions as a “relentless campaign to chill faculty’s exercise of their academic freedom and to deter them from teaching about the war in a way that does not align with the university’s position.”

    Faculty have also been investigated for pro-Palestine social media posts, arrested for exercising their free speech rights and were surveilled and intimidated by university representatives, the filing alleged.

    The push from faculty highlights how, months after police cleared pro-Palestinian encampments at universities, the fallout has continued on various campuses, with university officials implementing new protest rules and students grappling with ongoing suspensions and holds on their records.

    The faculty claims build on an earlier charge filed by the UCLA Faculty Assn. in the aftermath of attacks and mass arrests faced by students and faculty participating in an on-campus encampment in April and May. And they parallel similar allegations made by unions representing UC employees, including United Auto Workers Local 481, which represents student academic workers and the University Council-American Federation of Teachers, which represents 6,500 librarians and teaching faculty across the university system.

    The various charges, filed earlier this year with the state labor board allege essentially that the university had failed to maintain safe working conditions, disregarded the free speech rights of its employees, and unlawfully made changes to working conditions in response to campus protests.

    The university defends its course of action. In response to a request for comment, UC spokesperson Heather Hansen pointed to a university statement previously filed with the state labor board in response to the UCLA Faculty Assn.’s charge.

    The university stated that while it “supports free speech and lawful protests,” it must also “ensure that all of its community members can safely continue to study, work, and exercise their rights, which is why it has in place policies that regulate the time, place, and manner for protest activities on its campuses.”

    “The University has allowed — and continues to allow — lawful protesting activities surrounding the conflict in the Middle East. But when protests violate University policy or threaten the safety and security of others, the University has taken lawful action to end impermissible and unlawful behavior,” the university said.

    The filing details instances of the university allegedly investigating and disciplining faculty.

    Soon after the Oct. 7 attacks by Hamas on Israel, and the start of Israel’s bombing siege of Gaza, the university began sending emails to faculty threatening that they could be investigated and disciplined for teaching content outside the scope of their courses. In November, UC San Diego investigated two lecturers for teaching about the history of the Palestinian territories, the filing said. A UC Irvine faculty member was sent a “letter of warning” by the administration for holding a vote on whether to conduct class at the on-campus encampment, with optional attendance.

    In another example cited, a medical school lecturer at UC San Francisco who delivered a talk in April about trauma-informed care at a health equity conference was barred from participating in future educational activities after she devoted some six minutes of a 50-minute course to discussing the topic as it related to Palestinians’ health challenges. A campus administrator informed the lecturer they had received complaints that her talk was “biased and antisemitic,” and took down an online video of the talk. The ban was eventually lifted, but the video remains offline.

    The complaint says the university’s “harsh crackdown against professors for expressing pro-Palestinian viewpoints stands in stark contrast to its treatment of vocal pro-Israeli faculty.”

    The university refused to initiate a formal disciplinary investigation into a pro-Israel faculty member at UC Irvine accused of harassing and physically intimidating an undergraduate student, although video footage was provided of the faculty member “cornering, physically intimidating, and interrogating a visibly scared student,” the filing said.

    After an unfair labor practice charge is filed, the Public Employee Relations Board will review and evaluate the case, and decide whether to dismiss the charge or proceed with having parties negotiate a settlement. If no settlement is reached, the case would be scheduled for a formal hearing before an administrative law judge.

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    Suhauna Hussain

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  • The Killer’s Game director J.J. Perry wants to be Dave Bautista ‘so bad it makes my damn teeth hurt’

    The Killer’s Game director J.J. Perry wants to be Dave Bautista ‘so bad it makes my damn teeth hurt’

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    It’s not much of a stretch to say that legendary stunt performer and action director J.J. Perry helped shape most of the significant action movies and franchises that have come out this century. He’s worked in the biggest modern movie universes imaginable — Marvel, DC, Avatar, Fast and Furious, John Wick. He designed the action on smaller beloved genre projects like Warrior and Undisputed II: Last Man Standing, and even provided strong action beats in comedies like Spy and Murder Mystery 2.

    Perry finally got his chance at directing a feature in 2022: the breezy throwback vampire action-comedy Day Shift, starring Jamie Foxx. Two years later, he’s back with his sophomore effort: the delightful action rom-com The Killer’s Game, starring Dave Bautista and a legion of Perry’s friends and collaborators from the action world.

    The movie follows Joe Flood (Bautista), a highly capable hitman with a big crush on ballet dancer Maize (Sofia Boutella). While their relationship is still budding, Joe learns he has a terminal illness, and puts out a hit on himself to end his suffering quickly and hopefully get an insurance payout for his new love. But surprise! His doctor gave him the wrong diagnosis, and he’s actually perfectly healthy. With a new resolve to live, Joe has to fight off a swarm of deadly assassins and hold onto his vision of his future.

    Joining Bautista and Boutella are Ben Kingsley as Bautista’s handler Zvi, Pom Klementieff as a rival handler, and Terry Crews, Scott Adkins, Marko Zaror, Lee Hoon, Shaina West, Lucy Cork, and WWE wrestler Drew McIntyre as some of the assassins. For action fans, that list is a who’s who of people who kick ass. Combine that with Perry’s unique eye for action design, and you have one of the most enjoyable movies of the fall.

    The narrative setup allows for lots of room for expression from Perry, both in the characters and the action design. Zaror’s character, Botas, is a particular standout, a flamenco dancer who fights with spurs on his boots and headphones in his ears. So are Adkins and McIntyre, who play a pair of nearly unintelligible Scottish brothers (subtitles and all). There are motorcycle fights, barroom brawls, tactical shootouts, intense martial arts action, and everything in between. At its best, The Killer’s Game feels like an action anthology series, following the protagonist as he fights his way through the genre, with Joe and Maize’s romance providing a heart at the center of it all.

    Polygon spoke with Perry about his approach to the movie’s unique premise, why wrestlers (and Bautista in particular) make such great movie stars, his inspirations for the wacky cast of characters, and his love for matching old-school aesthetics with new-school technology.

    This interview has been edited for concision and clarity.

    Polygon: Where did this project start for you?

    J.J. Perry: Like 12 years ago, I got a script called The Killer’s Game, and they were looking for a stunt coordinator. Somehow that went away. And then three years ago, I got the script again, and they were looking for a second unit director. I was finishing up my first movie, Day Shift, and I invited [producer] Andrew Lazar to see my director’s cut while we were in the editing room. He was like, “Dude, I want you to direct [The Killer’s Game].” And that’s how it all kind of came to me.

    Photo: Csaba Aknay/Lionsgate

    Getting the movie was a big win, but getting Dave Bautista to star in it was like winning the lottery for me. It all just kind of fell together after that.

    I imagine some of it is his star power and what he brings to the screen, but also, having someone like him attached to the project has to help give it more visibility.

    I met Dave in the parking lot of 87eleven [Action Design] when I was prepping John Wick 2 and we were training Keanu [Reeves]. He came to meet Chad [Stahelski], and I chased him out in the parking lot and was like, “Dude, I’m a big fan.”

    I’ve worked with a lot of pro wrestlers over the years. As a stuntman, I worked with Hulk Hogan, Randy Savage, just a host of them. But I always felt Dave was special. He has something else. When he came aboard, we had a chat, and I think I won him over by telling him that I’m not setting out to make an action movie. I’m setting out to make a love story.

    For me, coming from the action world, I wasn’t that concerned with the action. I can close my eyes and throw the ball and hit it with action. It’s my neighborhood. I know where I’m going. I need to get the love story and the characters right in this movie, and the comedy. I need to hit that. Everyone’s going to expect the action to be good. I’m not really worried about that part, because I know it like the back of my hand, and I’ve got an amazing action team, and all we do is produce stunt biz constantly.

    Dave Bautista and Sofia Boutella sit together at a table on a dinner date in The Killer’s Game

    Created with FCPX Image Exporter
    Image: Lionsgate

    But getting the story right is, I think, what got Dave, and Dave brought Sofia [Boutella]. I was scared shitless of the Maize character. I was like OK, who am I gonna get, a badass actress that can dance, that has chemistry with Dave? And he said, “Oh, I got this friend that I did Hotel Artemis with.”

    If you ask an actress in Hollywood if they can dance, they’ll all say, “Yeah, I can dance.” But I don’t mean tap dance in the fourth grade. I’m talking about really being about to dance. Sofia, before she became an actress, she was a dancer, and she’s an amazing actress. Dave also brought with him Terry Crews, which was super cool. We had a hard time casting the Lovedahl role. I’d worked with Terry on Expendables 3. I love him, but Dave, he’s dear friends with him. He called him, and boom, Terry Crews is on a plane.

    I got on the phone and called all my friends — Scott Adkins, Marko Zaror, Pom Klementieff, Daniel Bernhardt, Lucy Cork, Shaina West. If you’re going somewhere to get into a damn street fight, what do you do? You call your homeboys and your homegirls to come help you. When you stack your deck full of aces, all you’re holding is aces.

    What is it about working with wrestlers in action roles that you like, and how has Dave Bautista distinguished himself there to you?

    If you know the movie business, more movie stars have come from WWE than anywhere else. More than football, more than MMA. There’s a reason. They are live-show performers. They’re acting to the guys in the nosebleeds. So it has to be big, and they have to be able to retain the choreography. It is a breeding ground for action stars.

    I think that Dave, on the acting level, has really surpassed any and all expectations for me. I know him, and it’s unfair, because he’s a great actor, he’s super talented, he’s super intelligent, he’s super kind, he’s generous. I want to be him so bad it makes my damn teeth hurt. For me, it was a career high to get to do this with him. I just finished another one with him too, [a sci-fi comedy] called Afterburn. We’re cutting it right now.

    You mentioned Day Shift earlier, which has a very different approach to action than this one. It’s vampire-centric, you’ve got the contortionist gymnastics stuff going on. The Killer’s Game is a different playground. What was most exciting to you about that as an action director?

    Terry Crews in The Killer’s Game, wearing a long leather coat and holding a gun while looking at the camera, confused

    Created with FCPX Image Exporter
    Image: Lionsgate

    Because I direct so much action as a second unit director, it’s about the characters. How do I make the characters different, and create problems for my protagonist, and show how he solves them? And it’s also the set-pieces. Like, the motorcycle fight. We were supposed to do that in a construction site. Do you know why we shot it inside? Because when you film in Budapest in July, you only have four hours of darkness. So I didn’t have the time I needed to shoot for 10 hours straight.

    We shot all of that motorcycle business in two days. I didn’t have a lot of time, so I needed to focus on my strengths. But that venue created a lot of opportunities for the motorcycles to do stuff that you might not have seen before. That’s your job, too, is not to regurgitate things you’ve seen. So when I’m directing action movies, I don’t watch action movies. I watch comedies and horror movies.

    One of the things I enjoyed most about The Killer’s Game is how the premise allows you to use a lot of different action tools. You get to cycle through action subgenres throughout the movie. When you read the script, did that stand out to you, or did that come naturally in the process?

    The movie that I read 10 or 12 years ago and the one I read three years ago are quite a bit different. When we decided I’m directing the movie, I went out and got [screenwriter] James Coyne, who’s a friend of mine, and we rewrote. We put in the Goyang character, we put in the Botas character, we put in the party girls, we put in the unintelligible Scottish guys.

    We took some characters out, because that script had been around so long, you’d see people had taken their characters and put them in other movies. So I put my own DNA in it. We wrote those things with Scott Adkins in mind, with Marko Zaror in mind, with Lucy Cork and Shaina West in mind.

    Marko Zaror as Botas in The Killer’s Game, smiling, with his shirt open to show his long necklace

    Created with FCPX Image Exporter
    Image: Lionsgate

    With Botas — when I was a young guy, I was competing in taekwondo a lot. There was a guy in my gym that, when he put on his Walkman, if you were sparring with him, he would beat the pants off of you, because he was so into the heavy metal. But when he had the Walkman off, you could walk all over him. I was like, I need to do that. Marko, he’s a special character. We almost lost that character, too. We didn’t have a lot of money.

    [With the Mackenzie brothers], I worked in Scotland on F9. We locked up Edinburgh, and I couldn’t understand a word of what my crew were saying, but it was fun, and they laughed when I talked. We had a great time. Every other word was the C word. I was like. Whoa, you guys can just say that? And then the party girls… I spent most of my youth researching those girls.

    With the Mackenzie brothers, there’s a bit of a commonality between Day Shift and this movie. Is there always going to be room in your movies for Scott Adkins to play half of a brother duo with a new accent?

    Scott Adkins and Drew McIntyre as the Mackenzie Brothers in The Killer’s Game, walking in a castle

    Created with FCPX Image Exporter
    Image: Lionsgate

    I love Scott. I’m going to cast him in everything. I’ll cast Marko and Daniel in everything. When you’re going to go somewhere and do something hard, you’re going to bring your friends. They all could be their own movie stars. They’re all action-movie stars, but they could be movie stars. I will always offer that to Scott, but hopefully I can offer him something bigger next time.

    The movie has a very comic book-y narrative, even though the source material isn’t a comic book. You have split panels, wipes, match cuts — there’s a lot of playfulness in the movie. How did you approach marrying the style to the narrative?

    After Day Shift, I wanted something that looked a bit different, and I watched the old Thomas Crown Affair, and I watched some Guy Ritchie. So some of the split screens and some of the transitions from scene to scene [were inspired by those]. I just wanted it to feel different. We didn’t have a lot of time. It wasn’t a big budget. We shot it in 42 days. It was what it was, but we made a meal of it.

    Pom Klementieff smirks with a pink lollipop in her hand in The Killer’s Game

    Created with FCPX Image Exporter
    Image: Lionsgate

    I didn’t want it to seem like a standard action movie. There’s some dolly zooms, 360 dolly shots, a lot of Trinity shots where we’re wrapping around. I wanted to take a lot of liberties with the camera, but I also wanted to take a lot of liberties with the edit and the pacing. I did Day Shift, and I’m super proud of that movie. But it was very scene to scene to scene. I wanted to do something that was a little more stylized.

    When we talked about Day Shift way back, we talked about how some of the movie harkens back to an ’80s or ’90s style of action movie. You like to mix older aesthetics with new-school tech. What appeals to you about that?

    I learned how to do this job when I got out of the Army in the ’90s, when I became a stuntman. And back then, you couldn’t say “Let’s just fix it in post.” Somebody had to figure out how to do it — you couldn’t just lean on visual effects. There wasn’t CGI, there was no YouTube for a tutorial, there was none of that. So you had to be a clever filmmaker. And I got to work with those guys and really pay attention as a stunt coordinator and second unit director.

    These stuntmen and women are next-level. Parkour champion, world drifting champion, UFC fighter, just next-level. But they’re all young men and women that I don’t fucking understand a word of what they’re saying. And I love them, and they love me, and I’ve learned so much from them, but I think they learn from me, too. That mix for me has always been super interesting.

    Ben Kingsley, wearing a blue hat and sunglasses, talking on a phone in  a phone booth in The Killer’s Game

    Photo: Csaba Aknay/Lionsgate

    I’m stuck in the middle of Gen X, and I still listen to Mötley Crüe, but at the same time, I work with all these tech-savvy young bucks and young women that are amazing. You saw it in Day Shift with Dave [Franco] and Jamie [Foxx]’s characters, and it’s here in The Killer’s Game. That’s something that I really love. It’s a part of my life that I really love and laugh at, and it’s something that I wanted to bring across to the audience.

    I was thinking that is something that the protagonists of The Killer’s Game and Day Shift have in common: They’re each hyper-proficient at a violent job, but they’re also kind of clueless in their life outside of the job. Is that a character trait you’re attracted to in stories?

    [Points at self.] It’s kind of my story. I’m 57, but I’m a 15-year-old trapped in a 57-year-old’s body. I’ve been in a business where we crash cars and fight and shoot things and fall off a building. We don’t really have to grow up. You just have to be careful. You’re doing a bunch of kids’ stuff. And I urge people: Don’t grow up. It’s way overrated. Don’t do it. You’re not going to dig it. You’re going to want to go back. My wife and I, we’ve got a 12-year-old, and she’s going to grow up way sooner than I will.

    The Killer’s Game is in theaters now.

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    Pete Volk

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  • Rebel Ridge needed ‘sloppy, awkward’ action, says director Jeremy Saulnier

    Rebel Ridge needed ‘sloppy, awkward’ action, says director Jeremy Saulnier

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    Jeremy Saulnier’s supremely tense new Netflix movie Rebel Ridge sits firmly in the action category. But where stylized hit actioners like the John Wick series or the HiGH&LOW movies get their mileage from over-the-top action stunts, the throwdowns in Rebel Ridge are simple and streamlined enough to feel entirely believable.

    Previous standout Saulnier movies like Blue Ruin and Green Room handle violence in graphic, gory ways, but they ground bloody conflict in reality. Rebel Ridge has more of a blockbuster build than those films in terms of its direction and its ending. But still, the fights are, as Saulnier repeatedly put it in a preview with Polygon, consciously and intentionally “sloppy.”

    “I can watch an action hero take out an entire building of people, and I’m impressed with the stunt work,” Saulnier says. “The choreography is mind-blowing, and I love taking that ride. But I really don’t feel much. I don’t feel the harrowing nature of what one might experience going up against another human. So with [Rebel Ridge’s] choreography, I was always there to thwart the stunt team’s efforts to make things cooler, bigger, more satisfying. Like, ‘Take it down a notch!’ or ‘I don’t think that would happen!’ I was always there to, like, make it sloppy and awkward.”

    [Ed. note: Spoilers ahead for Rebel Ridge.]

    Rebel Ridge. Aaron Pierre as Terry Richmond on the set of Rebel Ridge. Cr. Allyson Riggs/Netflix © 2024.
    Image: Allyson Riggs/Netflix

    Rebel Ridge stars The Underground Railroad’s Aaron Pierre as Terry Richmond, a Black Marine veteran and martial-arts instructor visiting a small Southern town to bail his cousin out of jail. He’s operating on a strict deadline, with his cousin’s life at stake, but the white local police start harassing him the second he arrives in town, stealing his bail money under the pretense of civil asset forfeiture and threatening him with jail or worse if he pushes back.

    Terry is a polite, cautious, measured man. It’s hard to watch Rebel Ridge without thinking of Ta-Nehisi Coates’ Between the World and Me and other prominent writing by and about Black parents having “the talk” with their kids about how to navigate racially charged police encounters. Terry is clearly familiar with those dynamics and the importance of keeping his temper even in the wake of outrageous provocation and open bullying, and yet it’s obvious that, at some point, he’s going to snap and push back against the injustice and abuse the police are piling on him — particularly local police chief Sandy Burnne (Don Johnson).

    The entire movie is a long, tense wait to see which straw is finally going to break Terry’s back. And there’s a natural expectation that — like Sylvester Stallone’s similar military vet in 1982’s First Blood, dealing with equally out-of-bounds small-town policemen — Terry is going to leave a cathartic trail of bodies in his wake when he does finally stop holding himself in check.

    But Saulnier didn’t want Rebel Ridge to end with a wave of dramatic neck-snapping and body-pulverizing: He wanted “​​a traditional American action flick, with ideally more artistry.” And he wanted Terry to feel vulnerable.

    “Aaron and I and the stunt team just worked really hand in hand. I did my research and I’d seen how martial arts disciplines play out in the real world,” Saulnier says. “It comes down to mostly sloppy grappling and just brute force. Certainly there’s an amount of technique and knowledge, but a lot of it is about leverage and position, and not so much fancy moves. Wire work never came into play, except for a couple of things to help take weight off people. I leaned into my strength, which is awkward reality, and through that, a more real battle space, and more real hand-to-hand combat. And through that, to me, to a bigger dramatic payoff — a bigger emotional experience than these sorts of big spectacle films.”

    Aaron Pierre as Terry Richmond in Rebel Ridge beating the crap out of a corrupt cop, then using his rifle to swing the guy over his back into the ground

    Image: Netflix

    Saulnier laughs a bit in our interview as he suggests that his stunt crew didn’t fully understand why he was pushing back against traditional action until they saw the finished movie. “We finally screened it for the crew down in New Orleans last week, and I think they fully realized what I was going for — the emotionally charged, subjective experience of Terry Richmond carving through, these adversaries,” he says.

    “There was one instance where we had some choreography that was pretty awesome, and I was in the edit room looking at it. And I felt very proud of the work we did, as a fan of MMA, and a person who’s researched way more combat than I’d like to admit. But it didn’t feel real. So some of the coolest choreography ended up getting cut, because if it didn’t feel fully true, based on Aaron’s physicality and whoever he’s against, it had to go. Which was painful, but gratifying. The note to the stunt team was like, We are paying homage to so many films, but we need to carve our own path and make this its own genre.”

    Part of that big emotional payoff was giving Terry and his allies in the movie a more positive ending than fans of Saulnier’s other work might expect. “I do think people will be surprised, when they finally see this movie, at the level of nuance and layers that are there, and the predicaments everybody’s in,” Saulnier says. “Not excusing any sort of behavior, but just gaining understanding of why us humans are in such conflict — and hopefully offering a little catharsis, which is new for me. You know, I’m used to having a dreadful gut-punch of a movie, leaving audiences in a state of shock or dread. And this movie, I think, transcends that bar. We’ve had almost euphoric responses. When you hear people in a theater experiencing this movie together — it’s been really encouraging and bizarrely uplifting.”

    Rebel Ridge is streaming on Netflix now.

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    Tasha Robinson

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  • With a fresh reinterpretation of The Killer, John Woo mints another action star

    With a fresh reinterpretation of The Killer, John Woo mints another action star

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    It’s not unheard of for a director to remake one of their most significant works. But it’s rare for it to work out as well as John Woo’s remake of his classic hitman action movie The Killer.

    Michael Haneke famously gave it a go with his shot-for-shot English-language remake of his disturbing 1997 meta slasher Funny Games. Olivier Assayas recently remade his 1996 masterpiece Irma Vep into an intriguing but largely less successful HBO show. But with Woo’s new version of The Killer, released on Peacock in late August, the godfather of the heroic bloodshed genre shows he’s still got it, both as a technical master of the genre and as a minter of new action stars.

    Woo returned to Hollywood for the first time in 20 years with his 2023 revenge thriller Silent Night, which pits a mute protagonist against a violent gang. While the silent gimmick and the relentless bleakness of the narrative held that movie back from being an all-out success, Woo’s control of action sequences — how they look, sound, and feel — remained unparalleled. Even as a die-hard fan of the original The Killer, I was excited by the prospect of returning to a more familiar Woo setting with promising new actors in the iconic roles.

    Photo: Christine Tamalet/Universal Studios

    As reviewers have been quick to point out, The Killer (2024) doesn’t match the Everest-like heights of The Killer (1989) — the original is one of the slickest, most atmospheric movies of all time, and was one of a group of excellent collaborations between Woo and action star Chow Yun-fat that helped elevate both to global stardom. Trying to match the original Killer beat for beat like Haneke did with Funny Games would be a mistake, even for a master like Woo. Instead, Woo uses the bare bones of the narrative and characters to make a new experience, one that feels like a throwback to his dual-wielding, dove-flapping days of yore — but with a fresh new spin on the action.

    It’s also nearly impossible to watch the original movie. 1989’s The Killer isn’t available to digitally rent or stream anywhere; the Criterion Collection’s version is out of print; the last physical copy released in the States was a 2010 DVD on The Weinstein Company’s Dragon Dynasty label. Woo has wanted to release 4K restorations of some of his Hong Kong classics, including The Killer, but says he can’t because he doesn’t own the licensing rights.

    Nathalie Emmanuel and Diana Silvers in a hospital in The Killer

    Photo: Christine Tamalet/Universal Studios

    Like the original movie, this version of The Killer follows a contract killer who’s dissatisfied with life. When they accidentally blind a young nightclub singer during a shootout, the chance encounter forges a protective relationship between the killer and the singer, leading to an unlikely alliance between the killer and a police detective. All those notes are the same, but with a new setting in Paris and new faces — Nathalie Emmanuel (Game of Thrones’ Missandei) is the contract killer, now named Zee. Omar Sy (Lupin) is the detective, Sey. And Diana Silvers (Space Force) is the young singer, Jenn.

    As you might expect from a John Woo movie, the action sequences are excellent: car chases, shootouts in hospitals, sword fights, hard stunt falls, the whole Woo experience. They feel appropriately dangerous, big in scope for a streaming movie, and like a breath of fresh air after the green-screen-heavy action sequences of many modern blockbusters. In one sequence, a car flips on its side after making contact with another car, then rolls into a motorcyclist who has fallen off their ride in anticipation of the impact. The impact between rolling car and stunt performer is real enough that it made me wonder whether it was a planned part of the shot or a fortuitous roll of the car. But ultimately, it doesn’t matter — the effect is heart-racing and visceral, and I immediately rewound to watch the stunt again.

    Omar Sy, standing behind an overturned red car, wields a gun in The Killer

    Photo: Christine Tamalet/Universal Studios

    The shootouts are tense and balletic, with terrific sound design punctuations of gunfire, something that was also a strength in Silent Night. The loud bangs play well off the dramatic, moody score from composer Marco Beltrami, which, like the movie, balances romance and excitement with shades of classical orchestration and jazz. And the movie just looks great, even though it’s a straight-to-streaming production: The colors pop, the city of Paris buzzes with life, and the way Woo moves his camera to follow and augment the action is unparalleled.

    But perhaps the biggest gift of the new Killer is the minting of an action star. Emmanuel shines in previous supporting roles in action-centric universes: Game of Thrones, the Fast and Furious movies, Army of Thieves — but with The Killer, she finally has the chance to be a full-on action hero. And she makes the most of it.

    The fight choreography employs Emmanuel’s dance background with great success — Woo has aptly described her movements as “elegant.” She does a lot of her own stunts in the movie. As she told EW, “The way that John Woo likes to shoot lends to us doing as much of it as possible because of the way his camera moves. It’s often picking up a lot of things and switching between lots of things, so it has to be quite practical. […] I love using my body in this way in storytelling.” Seeing Emmanuel perform intense jumps and flips mid-combat, only for the camera to hold on her face so you know she actually did that is the kind of exhilarating stuff great action movies are made of.

    Nathalie Emmanuel, wearing a fancy dress, dances with a bad guy in The Killer

    Photo: Christine Tamalet/Universal Studios

    The movie’s first extended action sequence involves both gunplay and hand-to-hand combat, as Zee uses swords and pistols to eliminate a group of thugs in a nightclub. She arrives at the club in a chic black get-up — scarf, fedora, and a long black coat — feeling more than a bit like a modern version of original The Killer influence Alain Delon in Jean-Pierre Melville’s classic Le Samouraï. Zee is immediately drawn by Jenn’s mournful ballad about “living for today,” which Emmanuel subtly communicates with the slightest movement of her eyes. It’s a brief respite for a character who otherwise constantly scans rooms to plan for intense violence.

    One standout moment in a later sequence sees Emmanuel floating gracefully in the air, dispatching foes with dual-wielded pistols in a deconsecrated church as pigeons and doves fly around her. If that’s not John Woo, I don’t know what is. But Woo isn’t content to just rely on his old staples — The Killer implements judo into the gunplay in a way that feels indebted to the John Wick franchise, and the action doesn’t just feel like a rehash of Woo’s greatest hits.

    Nathalie Emmanuel, drinking a bottle of liquor, sits across from Sam Worthington in a church in The Killer

    Photos: Christine Tamalet/Universal Studios

    Emmanuel excels as Zee beyond the action. The part tasks her with playing many different versions of Zee in her relationships to other characters, and she delivers with layers of expression and emotional subtlety. With her manipulative handler Finn (Sam Worthington), she’s completely closed off and robotic — a tool to be used for violence. With the singer Jenn, she’s tender and protective, like a gentle lover or a big sister. With Sy’s charming detective, she’s a playful flirt and rival. It’s not an imitation of Chow’s ultra-cool performance in the 1989 movie, but her own spin on the conflicted killer archetype, and the result is a delight. There can never be another Chow Yun-Fat, or another The Killer (1989). But The Killer (2024) has made it clear: There will also never be another Nathalie Emmanuel.

    Bizarrely, The Killer (2024) now makes it three years in a row where a movie called “The Killer” is one of my favorites of the year, following David Fincher’s offbeat 2023 thriller and Choi Jae-hoon’s 2022 action romp. While none of them can hold a candle to John Woo’s original The Killer, one of the greatest and coolest films of all time, they’re all still worthy additions to the genre and the title.

    John Woo’s 2024 The Killer is now streaming on Peacock.

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    Pete Volk

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  • 9 movies like Black Myth: Wukong to continue your journey to the west

    9 movies like Black Myth: Wukong to continue your journey to the west

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    Few stories in the history of the world are as famous or have been told as many times as the tale of Sun Wukong. In fact, a new adaptation of the story, Black Myth: Wukong, is currently taking the world by storm, racking up record-breaking numbers on Steam. The game is a gorgeous retelling of the Chinese legend, complete with some of the best action-RPG gameplay of the year so far. But if playing the game has left you curious about the other ways this particular legend has been told, there are plenty of movies that fit the bill.

    We’ve collected a list of some of the best retellings of the Sun Wukong legend, as well as a few other movies that make a perfect thematic match for Black Myth, so you can stay in this legendary world long after you’ve finished the game.

    For more movies with mythical fantasy vibes, check out our list of movies like Elden Ring. And for more adaptations of Chinese folklore, check out our list of donghua to watch — many are based on Chinese mythic tales.

    Monkey King: Hero is Back

    Image: United Entertainment Partners via Everett Collection

    What it is: A crowdfunded animated movie that became China’s highest-grossing animated film of 2015, Hero is Back follows Sun Wukong’s fall from power and his road trip with a child monk obsessed with the monkey king’s famous feats.

    Where to watch it: Free with a library card on Hoopla, free with ads on Tubi, or for digital rental/purchase on Amazon

    A humanoid monkey looks toward the camera wearing armor and a red handkerchief in A Chinese Odyssey Part Two: Cinderella

    Image: Choi Sing Film Company

    What it is: The great action-comedy star Stephen Chow gets his turn at Sun Wukong in this loose adaptation of Journey to the West. It’s a two-parter – Pandora’s Box and Cinderella, followed by a much delayed Part Three in 2016.

    Where to watch it: Netflix, for free with ads on Tubi or Plex, or for digital purchase on Amazon

    Journey to the West: Conquering the Demons

    A man stands with one hand raised ready to fight in Journey to the West: Conquering the Demons

    JOURNEY TO THE WEST: CONQUERING THE DEMONS, (aka XI YOU XIANG MO PIAN), Show Luo, 2013. ©Magnet Releasing/Courtesy Everett Collection
    Image: Magnet Releasing via Everett Collection

    What it is: Chow wasn’t content with just one Journey to the West adaptation – after starring in A Chinese Odyssey, he directed Conquering the Demons and it’s sequel, The Demons Strike Back. As usual for Chow’s movies, it balances slapstick humor and big set pieces for an entertaining time.

    Where to watch it: Prime Video, for free with a library card on Kanopy, free with ads on Tubi and Pluto TV, or for digital rental/purchase on Amazon and Apple

    A woman with a headdress sits in the forest in The Monkey King 3

    THE MONKEY KING 3, (aka THE MONKEY KING 3: KINGDOM OF WOMEN, aka XIYOUJI ZHI NU’ERGUO), Zanilia ZHAO, 2018. © Well Go USA Entertainment /Courtesy Everett Collection
    Image: Well Go USA via Everett Collection

    What it is: Director Soi Cheang’s (SPL 2: A Time for Consequences; Twilight of the Warriors: Walled In) trilogy of Sun Wukong movies. The first stars Donnie Yen, while the latter two star Aaron Kwok. The first one isn’t Cheang’s best work, but they are high budget modern adaptations of the story and the series gets better as it goes along.

    Where to watch it: Free with a library card on Hoopla, free with ads on Tubi and Plex, or for digital rental or purchase on Apple and Amazon. The Monkey King 2 and 3 are both on Prime Video.

    A woman with white hair holds a weapon toward the screen in The Forbidden Kingdom

    THE FORBIDDEN KINGDOM, Bingbing LI, 2008. ©Lions Gate/courtesy Everett Collection
    Image: Lionsgate via Everett Collection

    What it is: The rare “Hollywood wuxia,” Forbidden Kingdom stars Jet Li as the Monkey King and Jackie Chan as Lu Yan. It is also primarily about a kid from Boston who is obsessed with Journey to the West and wuxia, so your mileage may vary.

    Where to watch it: For free with ads on Pluto TV and Freevee, or available to rent on Amazon and Apple

    A young kid with an angry look on their face runs toward the camera with fire behind them in Nezha

    NEZHA, (aka NE ZHA, aka NE ZHA ZHI MO TONG JIANG SHI), 2019. © Well Go USA / courtesy Everett Collection
    Image: Beijing Enlight Pictures via Everett Collection

    What it is: Adapted from a different 16th-century Chinese novel, Ne Zha was a smash hit at the Chinese box office and spawned a sequel, Legend of Deification. The movie follows a boy with great powers who is the feared protector of his community, and features stunning action sequences.

    Where to watch it: Free with a library card on Hoopla, free with ads on Plex, or for digital rental/purchase on Amazon and Apple

    A man with a spear stands in front of a massive glowing bigger man with a spear in New Gods: Nezha Reborn

    NEZHA REBORN, (aka NEW GODS: NEZHA REBORN, aka XIN SHEN BANG: NE ZHA CHONGSHENG), AO Bing, 2021. © Netflix / courtesy Everett Collection
    Image: Taopiaopiao via Everett Collection

    What it is: A more modern adaptation of the Nezha story, this one sees the mythic figure reborn as a motorbike-riding rebel.

    Where to watch it: Netflix

    A man with a tri-corner hat stands in a crowd, the only one with his head raised while everyone else bows in A Writer’s Odyssey

    A WRITER’S ODYSSEY, (aka CI SHA XIAO SHUO JIA), DONG Zijian, 2021. © CMC Pictures /Courtesy Everett Collection
    Image: CMC Pictures via Everett Collection

    What it is: A 2021 Chinese fantasy action-adventure about a writer whose fantasy novel seems to be having a mysterious impact on the real world, and the man who has been sent to kill him.

    Where to watch it: Streaming on iQiyi, free with ads on FreeVee and Tubi, or available to rent on Google Play and Amazon.

    Image: Toei Animation via fancaps.net

    What it is: It’s Dragon Ball, duh. But it’s an excuse to say Son Goku is based on Sun Wukong.

    Where to watch it: Hulu, Crunchyroll

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    Austen Goslin

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  • UCLA chancellor faces growing faculty criticism, no-confidence vote, after weeks of turmoil

    UCLA chancellor faces growing faculty criticism, no-confidence vote, after weeks of turmoil

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    UCLA Chancellor Gene Block is facing faculty calls for his resignation and motions of no confidence and censure as criticism mounts against his leadership in the wake of a violent mob attack on pro-Palestinian protesters and a sweeping police takedown of their encampment that resulted in more than 200 arrests last week.

    Representatives of the 3,800-member UCLA Academic Senate — made up of tenured and tenure-track faculty — are preparing to vote on separate motions for censure and no-confidence, both stating that Block “failed to ensure the safety of our students and grievously mishandled the events of last week.”

    The vote was scheduled for Friday but has been postponed to next week.

    The vote has no legal power to force action, but it marks a grave moment for Block. The leader of the nation’s top public research university is completing the final months of his 17-year tenure, after steering the Westwood campus through a financial crisis and global pandemic to reach new heights by expanding enrollment, diversity, philanthropy and research funding. Last year, Block announced he planned to step down on July 31 and return to faculty research.

    Other university leaders also have been criticized for their handling of campus protests, sparked last October when Hamas militants launched a deadly surprise attack on Israel and Israel retaliated with a massive bombardment of Gaza. Earlier this week, USC’s Academic Senate voted to censure the university’s president, Carol Folt, and provost, Andrew Guzman, after the widely criticized decision to cancel the valedictorian’s commencement speech due to unspecified “threats” and controversy over an aggressive police takedown of a pro-Palestinian encampment.

    UCLA declined to comment on the upcoming faculty vote.

    Three weeks of turmoil at UCLA started April 25, when students set up an encampment in the campus’ grassy quad to express solidarity with Palestinians, condemn Israel’s actions in Gaza and demand that UCLA divest from firms that make and deliver weapons and services to Israel. The encampment was initially free of violence, with protesters engaged in teach-in, art builds, yoga and other activities.

    “Many of us have personally witnessed the vibrant, respectful and highly disciplined learning [at the encampment],” Chicano Studies department chair Charlene Villaseñor Black said. “And university administration have gotten it wrong every time.”

    But UCLA Police Chief John Thomas said he advised campus leadership against allowing the encampment, as it violated rules against overnight camping. Inna Faliks, a professor of piano, said she and some other Jewish campus members felt targeted by protest chants, graffiti of expletives against Jews and blocked access to public walkways and buildings.

    UCLA declared the encampment unlawful on April 30. Later that night, a violent mob attacked the encampment and students were left to fend for themselves against beatings, pepper spray and fireworks for three hours. Law enforcement moved in on May 1 and early the next morning took down the encampment and arrested more than 200 people.

    Since then, a number of people have been blamed for the debacle.

    More than 900 University of California faculty and staff members issued a list of demands this week that included Block’s resignation, amnesty for students, staff and faculty who participated in the encampment and peaceful protests, university disclosure of all investments and divestment from military weapon production companies.

    “Following the violent and aggressive police sweep of the Palestine Solidarity Encampment on May 2, 2024, resulting in more than 200 students, faculty, and staff arrested while peacefully protesting, it has become obvious that Chancellor Block has failed our university,” the demand letter said.

    Faculty who signed the letter represented various departments including those of mathematics, American Indian Studies, Near Eastern Languages and Cultures, Asian American Studies, history, Chicana/o and Central American Studies, African American Studies, and anthropology.

    They spoke out about their demands Thursday, joined by a group of volunteer medics — representing about 100 UCLA medical students, nurses, residents and emergency medical technicians — who raised concerns regarding police brutality and the absence of medical help from the university after the attack. They said more than 150 students were attacked with pepper spray and bear mace, and at least 25 students were hospitalized for head trauma, fractures and severe lacerations.

    “UCLA Chancellor Gene Block’s and UC President Michael Drake’s statements minimize the severity of both the physical and psychological impact of their actions while attempting to justify the force they authorized against their students,” a medic said in a statement.

    When police took down the encampment, medics said, more than a dozen students were evaluated for rubber bullet injuries and others showed contusions and musculoskeletal injuries.

    “We strongly feel that Chancellor Block endangered the lives of our students, faculty and staff,” said Michael Chwe, a political science professor who helped organize the demand letter.

    Judea Pearl, a computer science professor, said UC President Michael V. Drake was ultimately responsible for the campus security failures. He said Block should not be blamed for failing to bring in a stronger police presence because he was a “victim” of UC systemwide guidelines that direct campuses to rely first on communication with protesters and bring in law enforcement as a last resort.

    “He was trying to protect the campus but had to follow the directive…not to bring in police,” Pearl said.

    But other critics have blamed Thomas, the police chief. Three sources not authorized to speak publicly told The Times that campus leadership, even before the mob attack, had wanted to beef up security and authorized Thomas to bring in external law enforcement to assist UCLA police and private security with as much overtime pay as needed. But he failed to do so, they said, and also did not provide a security plan to campus leadership despite multiple requests to do so.

    Others said that Administrative Vice Chancellor Michael Beck, who oversaw the police department and Office of Emergency Management at the time of the mob attack, should step aside. Previous lapses are now being scrutinized, including his responsibility for not stopping the LAPD from using the UCLA-leased Jackie Robinson Stadium as a staging area for action against Black Lives Matter protesters in 2020 — which Block, Beck and others called a mistake and a violation of university values. Beck’s duties also include management of Bruin Woods, the university’s Lake Arrowhead facility, where two counselors alleged they were hazed and sexually assaulted by other counselors in 2022.

    Beck did not respond to requests for comment.

    Pearl said a censure and no-confidence vote would send the wrong message to Block’s successor to refrain from strong leadership and instead pander to campus political sentiments, which he said would signify a “caving in” to demands to cut business and academic ties with Israel. Chwe, however, said it would signify faculty’s strong views that the chancellor must be held responsible for student safety.

    Drake has announced an external investigation into UCLA’s response, which Block says he welcomes as he conducts his own internal review.

    UCLA also has moved swiftly to improve security by creating a new chief safety officer position to oversee campus security operations, including the campus police department. Rick Braziel, a former Sacramento police chief who has reviewed law enforcement responses in high-profile cases across the country, is leading the new Office of Campus Safety as associate vice chancellor.

    Some critics, however, said the move would further “militarize” the campus. UCLA deployed a larger law enforcement presence earlier this week, when campus police arrested 44 pro-Palestinian protesters gathered in a parking structure before a planned demonstration. Police said they carried equipment that could be “used to unlawfully enter and barricade a building.” Some students decried the arrests as harassment and intimidation. Classes were moved online for the rest of the week as a security precaution.

    Differing opinions among faculty over the university’s response to student protests have created small rifts within departments, according to multiple faculty members.

    Chwe said they are working to combat misinformation being spread to faculty members surrounding recent events and continue to hold conversations with their colleagues.

    “It’s not only about dialogue with the university but also with our colleagues,” he said.

    Caroline Luce, a UCLA historian and member of University Council-American Federation of Teachers, which represents more than 3,000 non-senate faculty and several hundred professional librarians, called the atmosphere for UCLA faculty, particularly those not tenured like lecturers, “dicey with lots of risk.”

    “There are reputations and interpersonal dynamics in departments that they have to navigate,” she said.

    John Branstetter, a UCLA lecturer in political science, was one of about 10 faculty arrested after police took down the encampment. He said the university’s crackdown on free speech on campus has not only made him fear for his students’ safety but for his own.

    “I do feel threatened by the general atmosphere that the administration is fostering through this continuing quasi-criminalization of free speech on campus, so I don’t know if they will try to get rid of me or the protections I have will be abided by,” he said.

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    Teresa Watanabe, Ashley Ahn

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