ReportWire

Tag: Accountability

  • California’s Prop 50 shakes up nation’s redistricting arms race

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    Evan Cragin, president of the Sacramento County Young Democrats, said he was initially hesitant to support his party’s mid-decade push to redraw California’s congressional map to favor Democrats.

    The state in 2008 voted to create an independent redistricting commission in an effort to end gerrymandering. In August, Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed Prop 50, a ballot measure that would temporarily override the commission and implement a redrawn map favoring Democrats.


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    By Carson Gerber | CNHI State Reporter Sacramento, Calif.

    Source link

  • California’s Prop 50 shakes up nation’s redistricting arms race

    [ad_1]

    Evan Cragin, president of the Sacramento County Young Democrats, said he was initially hesitant to support his party’s mid-decade push to redraw California’s congressional map to favor Democrats.

    The state in 2008 voted to create an independent redistricting commission in an effort to end gerrymandering. In August, Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed Prop 50, a ballot measure that would temporarily override the commission and implement a redrawn map favoring Democrats.


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    Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Please enable it in your browser settings.

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    By Carson Gerber | CNHI State Reporter Sacramento, Calif.

    Source link

  • California’s Prop 50 shakes up nation’s redistricting arms race

    [ad_1]

    SACRAMENTO, Calif. — Evan Cragin, president of the Sacramento County Young Democrats, said he was initially hesitant to support his party’s mid-decade push to redraw California’s congressional map to favor Democrats.

    The state in 2008 voted to create an independent redistricting commission in an effort to end gerrymandering. In August, Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed Prop 50, a ballot measure that would temporarily override the commission and implement a redrawn map favoring Democrats.


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    Carson Gerber CNHI State Reporter

    Source link

  • California’s Prop 50 shakes up nation’s redistricting arms race

    [ad_1]

    SACRAMENTO, Calif. — Evan Cragin, president of the Sacramento County Young Democrats, said he was initially hesitant to support his party’s mid-decade push to redraw California’s congressional map to favor Democrats.

    The state in 2008 voted to create an independent redistricting commission in an effort to end gerrymandering. In August, Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed Prop 50, a ballot measure that would temporarily override the commission and implement a redrawn map favoring Democrats.


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    [ad_2]

    Carson Gerber CNHI State Reporter

    Source link

  • California’s Prop 50 shakes up nation’s redistricting arms race

    [ad_1]

    SACRAMENTO, Calif. — Evan Cragin, president of the Sacramento County Young Democrats, said he was initially hesitant to support his party’s mid-decade push to redraw California’s congressional map to favor Democrats.






    Evan Cragin, president of the Sacramento County Young Democrats




    The state in 2008 voted to create an independent redistricting commission in an effort to end gerrymandering. In August, Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed Prop 50, a ballot measure that would temporarily override the commission and implement a redrawn map favoring Democrats.


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    Deene Souza, Tulare County GOP

    Deene Souza, director of grassroot efforts with the Tulare County Republican Party.




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    Erik Nisbet, director of Northwestern University’s Center for Communication and Public Policy




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    Chad Kinsella




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    [ad_2]

    Carson Gerber CNHI State Reporter

    Source link

  • California’s Prop 50 shakes up nation’s redistricting arms race

    [ad_1]

    SACRAMENTO, Calif. — Evan Cragin, president of the Sacramento County Young Democrats, said he was initially hesitant to support his party’s mid-decade push to redraw California’s congressional map to favor Democrats.






    Evan Cragin, president of the Sacramento County Young Democrats




    The state in 2008 voted to create an independent redistricting commission in an effort to end gerrymandering. In August, Gov. Gavin Newsom proposed Prop 50, a ballot measure that would temporarily override the commission and implement a redrawn map favoring Democrats.


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    Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Please enable it in your browser settings.

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    Deene Souza, Tulare County GOP

    Deene Souza, director of grassroot efforts with the Tulare County Republican Party.




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    Erik Nisbet, director of Northwestern University’s Center for Communication and Public Policy




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    Chad Kinsella




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    Carson Gerber CNHI State Reporter

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  • 5 newcomers elected to Salem City Council

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    SALEM — Voters elected several newcomers to the City Council during Tuesday’s municipal election.






    Erin Turowski




    In Ward 1, challenger Erin Turowski defeated incumbent Cynthia Jerzylo, receiving 622, or 59.4% of the votes cast in the election compared to Jerzylo’s 426 votes, according to unofficial results.


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    Ward 2 candidate Andrew Justin Smith

    Andrew Smith




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    Jason Sydoriak

    Jason Sydoriak




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    Timothy Flynn

    Timothy Flynn


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    Ward 5 candidate Lydia C King

    Lydia King




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    Ward 6 candidate Katelyn Holappa

    Katelyn Holappa




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    Yamily Byas

    Yamily Byas




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    kAm~G6C2== G@E6C EFC?@FE D9@H65 E92E e[gbd @7 be[`af[ @C `hT @7 C68:DE6C65 G@E6CD 42DE E96:C G@E6 😕 %F6D52J’D 6=64E:@?]k^Am

    kAm|:4926= |4wF89 42? 36 4@?E24E65 2E k2 9C67lQ>2:=E@i>>49F89o?@CE9@73@DE@?]4@>Qm>>49F89o?@CE9@73@DE@?]4@>k^2m @C 2E fg`fhhda_ak^Am

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    By Michael McHugh | Staff Writer

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  • Salisbury OKs almost all Town Meeting articles

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    SALISBURY — The fall Town Meeting went off without a hitch Monday with all recommended articles being approved by townspeople.

    The Town Meeting warrant included 38 articles, with the warrant advisory committee recommending all but Article 38.


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    By Caitlin Dee | cdee@newburyportnews.com

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  • If You Want to Make Your Leadership Impact Big, Focus on the Small Things

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    Impactful leadership relies on many things too often seen as a grab bag of options rather than conscious choices. In truth, there’s a hierarchy, one people often miss, or worse still, invert.  

    Leaders do both at their peril. The implied hierarchy, the flipped one, puts the grand at the top. Think: the grand declaration, the grand gesture, or the commanding title. Far too often, these things become the default metrics for leadership impact, setting a misleading and false standard.  

    Below the grandiose in this upside-down order, leaders place the small things—all those little day-to-day acts that in isolation can easily seem inconsequential. They’re most often the ones few leaders take. Way down at the bottom of the list, nearly forgotten, are the patterns that link all the small acts together. These are the truth tellers. No matter how loudly leaders broadcast the grandiose, the patterns both foretell and prove leadership impact, or a lack thereof. 

    Questions leaders should consider 

    What is the message here? Put simply, if you’re a leader hoping to make a lasting impact, ask yourself: Do I flip this pyramid of priority? Do I attend more to the grand and perhaps sweep the small under the rug as less consequential? What, in other words, do my patterns add up to? What do they tell and foretell about the impact I have? Even if the message seems clear, examples always help. So let me share a fresh and personal one. 

    The little things: To amplify or to mute? 

    Today, I had two important emails to send. By and large, emails are not the acts you typically point to as the proving ground for leadership. Yet in their small way, these short notes were significant. They were intended for two individuals I was exploring as potential partners—two people who, in fact, compete. Each email was initiating a new relationship, or at least was intended to. Although the content of each message was simple and much the same, the nuances help leave a distinct impression. 

    For efficiency’s sake, I repurposed parts of my message, copying a sentence or two from the first email to the second. I rarely do this. However, when I do it, I do it with trepidation and care. In this case, although I checked multiple times, I made an error. I did so in the most dreaded way, too—in the second email sent, I failed to remove the name of the first recipient. 

    The small actions matter

    It’s easy to minimize or even erase the memory of such moments because the error wasn’t a make-or-break mistake. Also, it’s the kind of mistake unseen by the broader public. That’s also precisely why it’s so easy to miss that the small actions set patterns and shape your actual impact. It doesn’t happen right away, but without a doubt, it does over time. I knew this. I knew as well that in all likelihood only a few people would probably ever know of my mistake. It presented what every small act does: a choice. I didn’t have to, but I chose not just to own it but to call out the egg on my face. 

    I quickly sent a note to person No. 2. Right at the top, in a single standalone sentence, I called out my error to ensure it wouldn’t be missed. Then and only then did I go on to offer an explanation. I shared that, like any good businessperson, I was doing my homework and exploring my options. I was reaching out not only to him but to his competitor.  

    In a small but significant way, I was sending a message about myself as a leader. However, that was an additive. I quickly circled back to the central point that no matter my good intentions, it was a careless error and fully mine. If you’re curious, the outcome is yet to come. However, it’s also irrelevant. Here’s what is relevant, and pivotal. 

    How little becomes large 

    Everyone, regardless of their role, leads. Bigger still than their work roles, everyone leads in their lives. Yet, take careful note: Bigger is not grander. Bigger lies in the wholeness of who every person is, individually. There’s no coincidence that the best leaders not only know this, but they begin with this knowledge. They build from that base. The best leaders know that they have to learn to lead themselves before they have any chance of effectively leading anyone else.  

    Impactful leaders understand that true leadership rarely takes place in the white-hot spotlight. It happens in smaller and lesser-seen places. They also know that no matter how good you are, what you do will inevitably involve errors, bad calls, and unease. It isn’t avoiding or muting mistakes that defines you as a leader. It’s what you do when these things happen and the pattern that sets across your responses. 

    So, what should your next move be? Whatever it is, try something different. Try thinking small rather than grand. Think private instead of public. Most of all, take note of the pattern—not just the one already in motion or the one wished for, but the one ever-evolving from each small act. In the end, that’s how leadership makes an impact. 

    The opinions expressed here by Inc.com columnists are their own, not those of Inc.com.

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    Larry Robertson

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  • Why Miami needs a charter review commission. Vote yes | Opinion

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    Miami Commissioner Ralph Rosado urges voters to approve a ballot measure this Nov. 4 creating a charter review commission that meets every decade to make changes to the city’s governing document.

    Miami Commissioner Ralph Rosado urges voters to approve a ballot measure this Nov. 4 creating a charter review commission that meets every decade to make changes to the city’s governing document.

    pportal@miamiherald.com

    Every decade, the U.S. Census tells us who we are and how we’ve changed.

    It shows how our neighborhoods have grown, how our demographics have shifted and how our needs as a city have evolved. But while we regularly update our data, we rarely update the document that defines how we govern ourselves — the city charter. That needs to change. This November, Miami voters will have the chance to approve a ballot measure that requires the creation of a charter review commission every 10 years.

    It’s a simple idea rooted in good governance: once every decade, the city will convene a group of residents — qualified electors from across our neighborhoods — to take a thoughtful look at our charter, engage the public and recommend improvements to ensure our government remains accountable, transparent and responsive to the people it serves. Miami is not the same city it was 50, 20 or even 10 years ago. We’ve seen new residents, new industries, new environmental realities and new expectations of what local government should be.

    Yet our charter — the “constitution” of our city — doesn’t undergo a regular and comprehensive review. That means many of its provisions reflect a Miami of the past, not the Miami of today.

    Creating a recurring charter review commission ensures we never fall behind on our progress. It provides a built-in mechanism to modernize our structure of government as the city grows — without waiting for a crisis or controversy to spark reform. This is how strong, self-aware cities govern themselves. This isn’t a new or radical idea. Across Miami-Dade County and throughout Florida and the U.S., cities have long relied on recurring charter review committees.

    These panels give residents a formal seat at the table to assess how their local government is working and whether the charter still meets community needs. Citizen committees can improve coordination, transparency and accountability. When done right, this process gives the public voice structure, purpose and follow-through. Government should never be afraid of review — in fact, the healthiest governments invite it. By writing this requirement directly into our charter, we’re hard-wiring accountability into our civic DNA.

    Every ten years — after each federal census — Miami will take stock of its own structure, invite residents to weigh in and issue a public report with recommendations. An open, deliberate process led by the people themselves. This isn’t about politics — it’s about stewardship. We owe it to future generations to leave behind a government that grows, learns and improves with time. On Nov. 4, you’ll see this question on your ballot: Shall the City Charter be amended to establish a Charter Review Commission and require the City Commission, within one year after each federal decennial census, to appoint a Charter Review Commission of qualified electors of the City to review the City Charter, hold public hearings for community input and recommend Charter amendments to the City Commission?” A “Yes” vote means Miami commits to regular self-reflection and improvement. It means residents will always have a formal role in shaping how their city operates. And it means our government will never grow too disconnected from the people it serves. Let’s make sure our city’s charter evolves with us. On Nov. 4, vote “Yes” for a charter review commission.

    Vote “Yes” for transparency, accountability and a government that learns. Ralph Rosado is a city of Miami Commissioner who represents District 4.

    Ralph Rosado
    Ralph Rosado

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    Ralph Rosado

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  • Tom Homan and the Case of the Missing Fifty Thousand

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    The Vice-President, it must be noted, graduated from Yale Law School, where presumably he learned something about what it takes to “violate a crime”—and how behavior that does not rise to the level of criminality can nonetheless be suspicious and blameworthy. The incoming Trump Administration was reportedly alerted to the investigation. It must have realized that a story this odiferous had a high likelihood of being leaked, yet it gave Homan a prominent role. It is hard to imagine another Administration in the post-Watergate era making that judgment—even if officials didn’t find Homan’s actions morally repugnant, they would avoid him out of self-preservation. But for the Trump team, with its high tolerance for embarrassment and supreme confidence in its impunity, there isn’t much that is off the table. So the Administration can brazen its way through self-serving deals that would have made its predecessors blanch: the gift of a luxury jet from Qatar; the various ventures into cryptocurrency, including a gala dinner for the biggest investors in the $TRUMP meme coin. A bag of cash pales by comparison.

    The Stephanopoulos-Vance encounter was not the Administration’s first effort to shut down the Homan story. Shortly after MSNBC broke the news of the cash transfer, in late September, the White House press secretary, Karoline Leavitt, told a reporter, “Well, Mr. Homan never took the fifty thousand dollars that you’re referring to, so you should get your facts straight.” The investigation, Leavitt asserted, had represented “another example of the weaponization of the Biden Department of Justice against one of President Trump’s strongest and most vocal supporters in the midst of a Presidential campaign. You had F.B.I. agents going undercover to try and entrap one of the President’s top allies and supporters, someone who they knew very well would be taking a government position months later.” Homan, she said, “did absolutely nothing wrong.”

    On October 7th, at the Senate Judiciary Committee’s oversight hearing for Attorney General Pam Bondi, four Democratic senators—Sheldon Whitehouse, of Rhode Island; Mazie Hirono, of Hawaii; Alex Padilla, of California; and Peter Welch, of Vermont—also raised the matter of the missing fifty thousand. Bondi’s response was characteristically bristling and evasive; Whitehouse asked about the money seven times, to no avail. “You’re very concerned about money and people taking money and you rail against dark money yet you work with dark-money groups all the time,” Bondi told him. When Whitehouse asked Bondi if investigators had examined whether Homan reported the fifty thousand as taxable income, Bondi retorted, “Senator, I would be more concerned, if I were you when you talk about corruption and money, that . . . you pushed for legislation that would subsidize your wife’s company.” (Sandra Whitehouse, a marine biologist, has worked for an ocean-conservation group that receives federal funds for which her husband voted. The Senate Ethics Committee has dismissed two complaints on this subject.) The investigation into Homan “was resolved prior to my confirmation as Attorney General,” Bondi told Welch. “It’s not resolved. There’s fifty thousand dollars,” Welch responded. “Homan has it, or somebody has it. Do you have no interest in knowing where it is?” Bondi replied, “You’re not going to sit here and slander Tom Homan.”

    Homan, for his part, has tried a couple of different defenses. “Look, I did nothing criminal. I did nothing illegal,” he told Laura Ingraham, of Fox News, in September. Ingraham didn’t press Homan about whether he’d taken the money, and he didn’t deny it. Appearing Wednesday evening on NewsNation, Homan was more definitive. “I didn’t take fifty thousand dollars from anybody,” he declared, and added a helping of self-pity. “There’s been hit pieces on me since I came back to this Administration,” he said. “What people don’t talk about is I took a significant, huge pay cut to come back and serve my nation, and I’m not enriching myself doing this job.”

    The beauty of the Homan story is that its elements are so easily grasped: the undercover agents, the alleged dangling of contracts, the Cava bag, the missing cash. You don’t have to plow through the intricacies of international law or the economics of meme coins to understand that there is every indication that something very wrong happened, whether or not it amounted to a crime. To ask about this, again and again, is not slander, it is an obligation—of reporters, lawmakers, and the public. Because to let this episode slide—to allow it to be overtaken by the next outrage and the one to follow—would be to accept that no accountability is ever imposed on anyone in Trump’s orbit. Where’s the fifty thousand? ♦

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    Ruth Marcus

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  • Kash Patel tellingly ties James Comey’s indictment to the legally unrelated ‘Russiagate hoax’

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    In his 2023 book Government Gangsters, Kash Patel, now the director of the FBI, described a “deep state” conspiracy against Donald Trump that he equated with a conspiracy to subvert democracy and the Constitution. An appendix to the book listed 60 “Members of the Executive Branch Deep State,” whom Patel described as “corrupt actors of the first order.” The list included former FBI Director James Comey, whom Trump fired in 2017 out of anger over the FBI’s investigation of alleged ties between his presidential campaign and the Russian government.

    After Trump picked Patel to run the FBI, the nominee assured the Senate Judiciary Committee that, despite his vow to “come after” the “conspirators,” there would be “no politicization at the FBI” and “no retributive actions” against the president’s enemies. Thursday’s indictment of Comey, which charges him with two felonies based on allegedly false congressional testimony in September 2020, epitomizes the emptiness of that promise.

    As Patel tells it, the indictment, which was filed just a few days before the charges would have been barred by the five-year statute of limitations, is not a “retributive action.” Rather, it is “another step” in keeping the FBI’s “promise of full accountability.” It just so happens that accountability in this case coincides with pursuing one of the president’s many personal vendettas.

    “For far too long, previous corrupt leadership and their enablers weaponized federal law enforcement, damaging once proud institutions and severely eroding public trust,” Patel said in a press release. “Every day, we continue the fight to earn that trust back, and under my leadership, this FBI will confront the problem head-on. Nowhere was this politicization of law enforcement more blatant than during the Russiagate hoax, a disgraceful chapter in history we continue to investigate and expose. Everyone, especially those in positions of power, will be held to account—no matter their perch. No one is above the law.”

    Despite that framing, the Comey indictment, on its face, has nothing to do with “the Russiagate hoax.” It alleges that Comey lied during a Senate Judiciary Committee hearing on September 30, 2020, when he reaffirmed his earlier testimony that he had not authorized anyone at the FBI to “be an anonymous source in news stories about matters relating to the Trump investigation or the Clinton investigation”—i.e., the FBI probe that examined Hillary Clinton’s handling of classified material as secretary of state, including her use of a private email server.

    As Sen. Ted Cruz (R–Texas) noted at the 2020 hearing, Comey’s testimony contradicted what Andrew McCabe, Comey’s former deputy, had told the Justice Department’s Office of the Inspector General (OIG). McCabe claimed Comey had approved the disclosure of information about an FBI probe of the Clinton Foundation to The Wall Street Journal, which mentioned that new wrinkle in a story about the email investigation published on October 30, 2016. But the OIG report on the leak credited Comey’s version of events and portrayed McCabe as persistently dishonest.

    “McCabe lacked candor when he told Comey, or made statements that led Comey to believe, that McCabe had not authorized the disclosure and did not know who did,” the report said. “McCabe lacked candor when he told [FBI] agents that he had not authorized the disclosure to the WSJ and did not know who did….McCabe lacked candor when he stated that he told Comey on October 31, 2016, that he [McCabe] had authorized the disclosure to the WSJ” and that “Comey agreed it was a ‘good’ idea.”

    The OIG report concluded that “McCabe did not tell Comey on or around October 31 (or at any other time) that he (McCabe) had authorized the disclosure of information about the [Clinton Foundation] Investigation to the WSJ.” It added that “had McCabe done so, we believe that Comey would have objected to the disclosure.”

    Based on the contrary assumption that McCabe was telling the truth, the indictment charges Comey with “willfully and knowingly” making “a materially false, fictitious, and fraudulent statement” to the Senate Judiciary Committee. Under 18 USC 1001(a)(2), that’s a felony punishable by up to five years in prison. The indictment also alleges a related felony, subject to the same maximum penalty, under 18 USC 1505, which applies to someone who “corruptly” attempts to “influence, obstruct, or impede” a congressional proceeding.

    To successfully defend Comey against those charges, National Review‘s Jim Geraghty notes, his lawyers “will have to convince at least one juror that former FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe is a duplicitous SOB who lied when he claimed Comey had given permission to leak the information when Comey did not. That does not exactly sound like Mission: Impossible.”

    Given the weakness of the case against Comey, it is not surprising that career prosecutors did not think it was worth pursuing. That resistance explains why the indictment is signed only by Lindsey Halligan, a former Trump lawyer with no prosecutorial experience whom the president appointed as interim U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of Virginia this month after her predecessor, Erik Seibert, proved insufficiently receptive to pursuing charges against Comey and New York Attorney General Letitia James, another Trump nemesis. Even Attorney General Pam Bondi, who on Thursday claimed Comey’s indictment reflected the Justice Department’s “commitment to holding those who abuse positions of power accountable for misleading the American people,” reportedly was skeptical of the case in private.

    It is telling that Patel explicitly tied Comey’s indictment to “the Russiagate hoax” even though the charges are legally unrelated to that investigation. In a December 2023 podcast interview, Patel made it clear that he was determined to punish the “corrupt actors” who had wronged Trump even if it required some legal creativity. “Whether it’s criminally or civilly, we’ll figure that out,” he said. “But yeah, we’re putting all of you on notice.”

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    Jacob Sullum

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  • Opinion: Data silos need to be addressed but so do people silos, says Hitachi Vantara CEO

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    Across industries, organisations have made significant strides in dismantling data silos by investing in integrated platforms that promise improved efficiency and speed. But even as digital transformation accelerates, many continue to overlook a more complex and human barrier: the silos between people.

    These invisible boundaries, across teams, departments, or regions, slow innovation, reduce agility, and fracture accountability. According to a 2021 McKinsey report, data silos alone cost the global economy $3.1trn annually. The cost of people silos, while harder to quantify, is just as material.

    The next frontier in leadership is not only about better technology. It’s about addressing the human architecture of collaboration. Leaders can start to address these challenges by focusing on collective responsibility, trust and transparent communication.

    In siloed environments, accountability is often interpreted as isolation. Different teams pursue their own metrics and priorities, rarely aligning around shared outcomes. For instance, product teams may push roadmap features based on internal goals while service teams advocate for client-driven enhancements. The result is that teams are racing towards the finish line without shared ownership of the outcome.

    To break this cycle, leaders must redefine accountability as a collective responsibility. When success is shared, alignment becomes natural. Teams are more likely to collaborate, anticipate one another’s needs, and focus on advancing the mission together.

    However, to achieve this type of collaboration, it’s important that a leadership team agree to shared strategic objectives, goals and a mission. This doesn’t eliminate expectations for individual performance, but it can shift everyone’s focus towards working well together as a group to support one another in accomplishing greater goals.

    Some practical ways to achieve this include establishing cross-functional KPIs and celebrating collaboration publicly. By rewarding collective achievement, leaders can prevent fragmentation and direct all teams toward common goals.
    Trust as the foundation to collective success

    Trust plays a foundational role in breaking people silos. Without it, even well-intentioned collaboration and accountability structures can feel forced. Unlike data silos, which are largely technical, people silos are deeply cultural — and only trust can bridge those divides. Trust can transform accountability into a positive cultural force. For instance, in high-trust environments, people don’t fear missteps; rather, they feel safe taking ownership, speaking up and learning lessons.

    Building this kind of trust requires leaders to acknowledge where misalignments have historically occurred and create space for genuine dialogue. That could mean holding listening sessions with disconnected groups or building feedback loops that keep communication open. Trust isn’t built in policy documents, it emerges when leaders repeatedly demonstrate openness, humility, and follow through.
    Trust emerges when leaders demonstrate transparency and consistency. Over time, this turns accountability from a compliance exercise into a positive cultural force.

    To understand what a company values, look at how it measures success. When performance is measured strictly within departmental walls, teams will compete for credit and protect resources. Instead, leaders should define goals that cut across functions and reflect shared outcomes.

    Transparency reinforces this way of working. Leaders should proactively involve cross-functional stakeholders during planning to build buy in. Additionally, communicating the “why” behind business decisions, not just the “what,” equips teams with the clarity to collaborate rather than compete.

    Leaders who work to integrate data but fail to connect people are missing a vital piece of true transformation. In markets that demand speed and real-time adaptability, disconnected teams will always fall short. As companies adopt AI and automation, it’s tempting to assume progress depends solely on technology. But even the smartest systems need smart, connected teams to realise their full potential.

    Breaking people silos is not just a cultural exercise, it’s a strategic imperative. Leaders who build collective responsibility, trust, and transparency will create organisations capable of moving faster, innovating more deeply, and sustaining growth in the face of constant change.

    “Opinion: Data silos need to be addressed but so do people silos, says Hitachi Vantara CEO” was originally created and published by Verdict, a GlobalData owned brand.

     


    The information on this site has been included in good faith for general informational purposes only. It is not intended to amount to advice on which you should rely, and we give no representation, warranty or guarantee, whether express or implied as to its accuracy or completeness. You must obtain professional or specialist advice before taking, or refraining from, any action on the basis of the content on our site.

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  • The advantages of supplementing curriculum

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    Key points:

    Classroom teachers are handed a curriculum they must use when teaching. That specific curriculum is designed to bring uniformity, equity, and accountability into classrooms. It is meant to ensure that every child has access to instruction that is aligned with state standards. The specific curriculum provides a roadmap for instruction, but anyone who has spent time in a classroom knows that no single curriculum can fully meet the needs of every student.

    In other words, even the most carefully designed curriculum cannot anticipate the individual needs of every learner or the nuances of every classroom. This is why supplementing curriculum is a vital action that skilled educators engage in. Supplementing curriculum does not mean that teachers are not teaching the required curriculum. In fact, it means they are doing even more to ensure student success.

    Students arrive with different strengths, challenges, and interests. Supplementing curriculum allows teachers to bridge inevitable gaps within their students.  For example, a math unit may assume fluency with multiplying and dividing fractions, but some students may not recall that skill, while others are ready to compute with mixed numbers. With supplementary resources, a teacher can provide both targeted remediation and enrichment opportunities. Without supplementing the curriculum, one group may fall behind or the other may become disengaged.

    Supplementing curriculum can help make learning relevant. Many curricula are written to be broad and standardized. Students are more likely to connect with lessons when they see themselves reflected in the content, so switching a novel based on the population of students can assist in mastering the standard at hand.   

    Inclusion is another critical reason to supplement. No classroom is made up of one single type of learner. Students with disabilities may need graphic organizers or audio versions of texts. English learners may benefit from bilingual presentations of material or visual aids. A curriculum may hit all the standards of a grade, but cannot anticipate the varying needs of students. When a teacher intentionally supplements the curriculum, every child has a pathway to success.

    Lastly, supplementing empowers teachers. Teaching is not about delivering a script; it is a profession built on expertise and creativity. When teachers supplement the prescribed curriculum, they demonstrate professional judgment and enhance the mandated framework. This leads to a classroom where learning is accessible, engaging, and responsive.

    A provided curriculum is the structure of a car, but supplementary resources are the wheels that let the students move. When done intentionally, supplementing curriculum enables every student to be reached. In the end, the most successful classrooms are not those that follow a book, but those where teachers skillfully use supplementary curriculum to benefit all learners. Supplementing curriculum does not mean that a teacher is not using the curriculum–it simply means they are doing more to benefit their students even more.

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    Dr. Yuvraj Verma, Bessemer City Middle School and William Howard Taft University

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  • Contributor: How the conviction of Brazil’s former president echoes in the U.S.

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    Brazil’s Supreme Court on Thursday found former President Jair Bolsonaro guilty of conspiracies related to his failed 2022 reelection bid. The court found that Bolsonaro tried to instigate a military coup and to poison his opponent, current President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Bolsonaro, the former president of Latin America’s largest democracy and its wealthiest country, was sentenced to more than 27 years in prison and is barred from ever seeking public office again.

    Bolsonaro is one among two dozen elected presidents and prime ministers in recent history around the world who used their time in office to undermine their countries’ democratic institutions. In addition to undermining confidence in elections, the Brazilian leader weakened public and scientific institutions by defunding them. Bolsonaro’s family and political associates faced repeated scandals. As a consequence, the president governed in constant fear of impeachment — a fate that had ended the careers of two prior Brazilian presidents since the country’s return to democracy in 1998. To avoid this outcome, Bolsonaro forged alliances with an array of legislative parties and strange bedfellows. Brazilian political scientists describe the implicit agreement: “The deal is simple: you protect me and I let you run the Country and extract rents from it as you wish.”

    Curiously, the decision is also a setback for President Trump here in the United States. Trump views Bolsonaro as an ally who, like him, has been persecuted by leftists and subjected to retribution by courts. The American president tried hard to stop the Brazilian court from ruling against Bolsonaro. In August, Trump sent a letter to Lula, Bolsonaro’s nemesis. Trump threatened to hike most tariffs on Brazilian exports to the U.S. to 50% should his friend remain in legal peril.

    Trump’s empathy reflects the two presidents’ parallel paths. Bolsonaro, like Trump, used his time in office to test democratic norms, weaken independent public institutions and vilify his opponents. Both men express a taste for political violence. Where Trump has often mused about beating up hecklers and shooting protesters in the knees, Bolsonaro was nostalgic for military rule in his country. On the campaign trail in 2018, he asserted that Brazil would only change for the better “on the day that we break out in civil war here and do the job that the military regime didn’t do: killing 30,000.”

    Both Trump and Bolsonaro tried to cling to power after losing their reelection bids. Heeding their presidents’ claims of electoral fraud, Trump’s supporters rioted in Washington on Jan. 6, 2021, as did Bolsonaro’s in Brasilia, the Brazilian capital, on Jan. 8, 2023. Bolsonaro’s involvement in these post-election acts was the basis of the legal peril that has consumed him.

    Trump depicts the Brazilian judge most responsible for Bolsonaro’s prosecution, Chief Justice Alexandre de Moraes, with disdain. Trump describes the case against Bolsonaro as a “witch hunt” in support of a Lula government, describing the current president as a “radical leftist.”

    In fact there is little love lost between Lula and De Moraes. Lula is the leader of the social-democratic Workers’ Party; De Moraes is closely associated with the center-right PSDB and is known for his tough-on-crime stances. De Moraes’ activism dates back to the Bolsonaro presidency, when Brazil’s attorney general, appointed by Bolsonaro, was less than energetic in upholding the rule of law. To transpose the Brazilian situation and De Moraes’ activism to the U.S. context, imagine that, viewing the Justice Department’s lack of vigor in prosecuting Trump, Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. had roused himself to encourage legal action against the president.

    Many Americans will view Brazil and the Bolsonaro story with a certain envy. Here is a president who dealt with electoral loss by claiming fraud and by instigating his military and civilian supporters to violence, and who has been held decisively to account.

    Accountability of public servants is at the heart of democracy. Voters can hold incumbents accountable in elections — political scientists call this “vertical accountability” — as can coequal branches of government, which we call “horizontal accountability.” Would-be autocratic leaders such as Bolsonaro try to escape both kinds of accountability, staying in office even when they lose (the end of vertical accountability) and undermining independent courts, agencies, central banks and whistle-blowers (there goes the horizontal version). In the end, Bolsonaro was held to account both by voters and by the courts.

    Trump’s self-insertion into the Bolsonaro prosecution calls attention to another form of accountability, or at least presidential constraint, which has gone missing from our own governing administration. That is the constraint that presidents experience when advisors keep them from acting on instincts that are unwise.

    If such advisors were to be found in today’s White House, they might have counseled the president not to threaten Brazil with high tariffs. Doing so risks exacerbating inflation of the prices of key consumer goods (coffee, orange juice), something that is politically dangerous because controlling inflation was an issue at the heart of Trump’s 2024 reelection campaign. The use of tariff threats as a cudgel to try to save an ally from legal peril also gives lie to the purported rationale behind tariffs: protecting U.S. manufacturers or correcting trade imbalances.

    Gone, then, are the days when Americans might have served as a model of democratic governance. For all of its own problems, of which there are many, the second-largest country in our hemisphere is schooling us in what democratic accountability looks like.

    Susan Stokes is a professor of political science at the University of Chicago and faculty director of the Chicago Center on Democracy. She is the author, most recently, of “The Backsliders: Why Leaders Undermine Their Own Democracies.”

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    Susan Stokes

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  • ‘On The House!’ event explores housing, community impacts from Salem’s 1914 Great Fire

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    SALEM — On Sunday, Solidarity Rising and Salem artist Krystle Brown will host an afternoon of “art, community, and connection” at Forest River Park.

    The event is expected to celebrate the installation of “What We Learned from the Fire” — a public art project reflecting on the lasting impact of Salem’s 1914 Great Fire and what it can teach us about housing and community today.


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    Michael McHugh can be contacted at mmchugh@northofboston.com or at 781-799-5202

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    By Michael McHugh | Staff Writer

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  • Amesbury mayor proposes Prop. 2 1/2 override

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    AMESBURY – Mayor Kassandra Gove on Tuesday announced she will be asking the City Council to consider approving a Proposition 2 ½ budget override question as part of the Nov. 4 city election this month.

    The proposal for the override question states “Shall the City of Amesbury be allowed to assess an additional $6 million in real estate and personal property taxes for the purposes of funding the operating budgets of the city and of the public schools for the fiscal year beginning July 1, 2026?”


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    By Caitlin Dee | cdee@newburyportnews.com

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  • Community members voice concerns in town hall with Denver police chief over disciplinary policy change

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    DENVER — Brother Jeff’s Cultural Center in Five Points was filled with community members on Saturday as people wanted to address Denver Police Chief Ron Thomas over his proposal to change the department’s disciplinary policy. The push is for an education-based development model for certain low-level policy violations and would be an ‘alternative to traditional discipline.’

    “I think it’s very unsatisfying to give someone a written or an oral reprimand a year after they have committed an infraction,” said Thomas. “I think it’s insufficient for the officer, and I think it’s insufficient for the community.”

    Denver7 first spoke with Thomas last month about his push for this alternative approach and how it would move from oral or written reprimands to ‘individualized education and training to improve employee performance.’ Thomas explained to Denver7 how a citizen could wait months after filing a complaint against an officer for a low-level violation.

    “I want this policy because I want a much more solution-oriented outcome for lower-level forms of discipline because I think that the time it takes to complete these cases in and of itself erodes trust because I think the people are allowed to think the police department has forgotten and then if the outcome in the case is not sustained then you waited a year to tell me, well how serious did you really take that case and so I think that if we can provide those resolutions much more quickly, I think that we can continue to maintain community trust,” Thomas said.

    Caleb Foreman

    Members of the audience directly asked Thomas questions, with Brother Jeff Fard facilitating the conversation and asking questions from the livestream. Topics of conversation revolved around community involvement, accountability, and specific examples of low-level policy violations.

    “We covered all of those questions that were submitted. We also said you have an opportunity to not just ask a question, but sit and dialog with the chief, and that means follow-up questions. Now, you may not agree with what he’s saying. He may not agree with what you’re saying, but you’re communicating,” Fard explained.

    Lisabeth Pérez Castle, Denver’s independent monitor, previously spoke with Denver7 about her concerns and the lack of engagement from the community. She says there is no research evidence to support this new model and is worried about how it will impact oversight.

    Castle talking.jpg

    Caleb Foreman

    “For the past 17 years, training could have been used in conjunction with discipline, which is the accountability portion,” said Castle. “So this model was something completely different. This is eliminating accountability, eliminating sustained findings, and instead only doing training. That is a completely different thing than doing training in addition to accountability.”

    The independent monitor’s annual report showed 94 of 156 officers were disciplined for violating policy and given a written or oral reprimand. Following the meeting, Castle shared that her biggest takeaway was the community wanting their voices heard and to be involved with any future policy changes.

    “I think the community is clear. They want to know more. They want to be engaged. They expect to be engaged. They demand to be engaged. I hope that the chief hears that message and involves the community further. Specifically, hopefully in the same model in which the original discipline system was adopted with significant community engagement, academic engagement, research, bringing all parties to the table to discuss what exactly this policy is going to say,” Castle said.

    The Denver Police Department is accepting feedback through September 30. Thomas said he has ‘provided considerable community input’ and has received over 800 responses from the community.

    community sharing concerns.jpg

    Caleb Foreman

    While the conversation was focused on the education-based discipline model, there were also conversations ranging from nonviolent concerns surrounding expired tags to a student showing up at Denver East High School with a gun this week. Lanier Deruso and Mckiya Johnson, with the Struggle of Love Foundation, asked questions about school safety and how officers confronted the individual with the gun at school.

    “The youth is the upcoming generation, so of course we want to put more information in them so they can [be]come better human beings,” Johnson said.

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  • AG certifies record number of ballot questions

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    BOSTON — Plans to bring back rent control to Massachusetts, roll back the state’s personal income tax, repeal the MBTA Communities Act, ditch the state’s gas tax and require voters to show ID to cast ballots are among a record number of proposed referendums inching toward the 2026 ballot.

    On Wednesday, Attorney General Andrea Campbell certified 44 proposed initiatives filed by individuals and groups seeking voter approval for changes in state law.


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    By Christian M. Wade | Statehouse Reporter

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  • Judicial race reflects city’s broader fight over homelessness, public safety, accountability

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    Sep. 1—A typically sleepy Spokane Municipal Court judge election has become a heated microcosm for the debate that has consumed city politics for years now: What should be done about downtown homelessness, and does the system provide enough “accountability” for those who commit low-level crimes?

    Judge Mary Logan, who oversees the city’s community court, is facing her first re-election challenger since she was appointed as a municipal court judge in 2009: former Spokane City Attorney Lynden Smithson, who continues to serve in the city’s prosecutor’s office.

    Community court, a niche court within the city’s broader municipal court system, has a narrow focus: nonviolent “quality of life” crimes that occur downtown, like graffiti, public urination and trespass. Many crimes that the court oversees are directly linked to homelessness, like sitting or lying down on sidewalks in the downtown retail zone, though many of these homelessness laws have recently been reformed in a way that some business groups find toothless.

    Logan is not just the face of the court; she spearheaded its creation in 2013, hoping to address the same individuals who cycled in and out of jail with little improvement in their lives and a high likelihood of reoffending.

    “It was from those feelings of ‘can we do something better to uphold public safety for the community and serve the individuals that come into the court system?’ ” Logan said in an interview.

    Many of the charges that bring defendants to community court will be dropped once they complete community service and connect with social service providers who are gathered only a few feet away in one of the library’s conference rooms. It’s meant to be a one-stop shop for problem-solving where people can find information about health insurance coverage, substance-abuse treatment, housing, getting new photo IDs and more.

    The people who pass through the court, many of whom are homeless, are all offered a free sack lunch provided by the congregation of Our Lady of Lourdes Catholic Cathedral. The court’s officers stress the importance of respect for defendants and recognition for progress; Logan teared up as she described handing people rocks painted with the words “Courage” or “Strength” or “Faith” to describe those who successfully complete the court’s programs.

    “(One man) just stopped dead in his tracks, and he said, no one has ever recognized that in me,” she said.

    Depending on the severity of their problems, people might spend anywhere from a couple of weeks to as long as three or six months in the court’s program.

    The court was created to make lasting changes in people’s lives, reduce recidivism and improve conditions downtown for residents and businesses.

    But Smithson and the downtown business owners who encouraged him to run argue the court is failing at its mission, lacks accountability, and does not subject itself to the kind of transparency necessary to evaluate its progress.

    “I think we need new ideas,” Smithson said. “I think we need to have a little bit more accountability, and I think we also owe it to the community to have accountability on the court for the public. … I still have no idea what the recidivism rate is in community court, I don’t know how many people have been lifted out of addiction and into housing. They won’t provide that information.”

    Smithson argues the court needs “compassionate accountability” for the people who pass through it, and while he argues this does not mean a return to sending people to jail as a first step, he also believes the consequences for failing to meet the court’s expectations are not sufficient.

    “I think (community court) is a great model,” Smithson said. “I just think the way it has been applied leaves room for improvement.”

    He also does not believe the court is open enough with data, arguing for regular presentations of the court’s caseload, recidivism and other statistics.

    Logan, meanwhile, argues the court already meets those goals. There is accountability for the initial charge through community service, but also regular check-ins at the downtown library and an expectation to keep engaging with service providers.

    She recalls a woman brought into court for sleeping on the streets, visibly under the influence, and whom Logan ordered into drug treatment. The woman initially refused, had her case kicked up to standard municipal court, but eventually returned on another charge and this time successfully treated her addiction.

    “Accountability is saying, ‘Yes, I was on the streets of Spokane, I have a drug problem, and I’m going to face it every single week because I either have to talk to Judge Logan about it or I have to talk to the prosecutor and defense about it,’ ” Logan said. “‘And if I’m not in compliance, then the next level might be inpatient treatment.’”

    For someone who refuses to engage, the consequence of getting their case sent to another court may well be jail time, Logan added, though she argued this often becomes the least productive outcome.

    Smithson, however, does not believe the consequences have historically been sufficient to convince someone to comply.

    “She says people will do jail time, but when I look at those files it’s someone that did five days of jail time at the end because they had a warrant,” Smithson said. “That’s like spanking your puppy for peeing on the carpet last week … if you can get the puppy and say you’re not supposed to pee on the carpet and they do, maybe not jail, but we’re sending them out to work … maybe that changes their behavior.”

    Many of Smithson’s supporters are frustrated by conditions downtown, pointing to data indicating chronic offenders remain on the streets. Last summer, the Spokane Police Department launched a program of emphasis patrols downtown that contacted 73 homeless people with more than 2,000 prior arrests between them.

    Logan acknowledges a number of chronic offenders live downtown but doesn’t agree that the blame lies with community court. She notes around 30 of the people brought into her court after that emphasis program had their cases dismissed by prosecutors because the cases were not adequately built, and points to others who are not competent to stand trial but don’t have the same pretrial stabilization resources that they would have access to if they had committed a violent felony.

    As the expansion of involuntary confinement becomes more frequently discussed, recently energized by a push from the administration of President Donald Trump, Logan cautiously agrees more avenues to intervene are necessary.

    “If it’s just a broad brush, then it would be an abuse of very basic fundamental rights … but I can certainly think of individuals that I wish there was a safe haven for them, because … the death toll for them is going to be high and grim,” Logan said.

    She also wishes there was more funding available for existing programs, noting the state slashed funding for Oxford-style housing that is supposed to be a transition for people who need a sober place to live while they get back on their feet.

    Smithson argues the court does not provide enough data for the public to adequately assess whether it’s succeeding.

    Logan and other court officials presented data about the court to the Spokane City Council in June. Smithson said he was unaware of this presentation but argued it was likely spurred by the election; Logan said her court used to provide quarterly updates but did not during the term of former Mayor Nadine Woodward because “that wasn’t welcomed.”

    It’s not clear, however, whether Woodward would have had any say in the court’s participation in committees controlled by the City Council.

    A 2019 study by Washington State University did show a marked decline in recidivism for those who participated in community court versus similar cases prior to the court’s existence or that went through another court; Logan noted the study cost $30,000, making it expensive to continually replicate, though she says she would if the court had the money.

    If elected, Smithson said , he would more regularly provide data to the public and further decrease recidivism. He also wants the court to have dedicated peer navigators to follow people through complying with the court’s orders, though he would have to find the funding to do so.

    Both candidates have significant legal experience.

    Logan began her legal career in 1988, specializing in medical malpractice and other civil claims. She then represented cities for 15 years, first in California and later in Spokane County. She was hired by the Spokane public defender’s office in 1997 and worked there until she was sworn in as a judge in 2009 following the creation of the court and her appointment by then-Mayor Mary Verner.

    Smithson has worked in various legal roles for the city of Spokane for 23 years including in the city prosecutor’s office and served as the city’s chief attorney under former Mayor Nadine Woodward. He also has prior experience in civil litigation and criminal defense.

    Logan’s endorsements are extensive: over a hundred judges, including Kristin O’Sullivan, presiding judge of Spokane Municipal Court, 11 of the 13 sitting Spokane County Superior Court judges, and state Supreme Court Justices Debra Stephans and Mary Yu. She is also endorsed by Spokane Mayor Lisa Brown, state Sen. Marcus Riccelli and other area politicians.

    Smithson lists endorsements from a handful of local attorneys, two sitting judges, one from Kittitas County and another from Mason County, as well as former Spokane Mayor Nadine Woodward, former Spokane police Chief Craig Meidl and various business owners and politically active residents who frequently criticize Spokane’s progressives.

    Editor’s note: This story has been updated to correctly attribute a quote starting with “She says people will do jail time…” to Smithson.

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