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Tag: 2024 democratic convention

  • The DNC’s Plan to Nominate Biden Early Is a Bad Idea

    The DNC’s Plan to Nominate Biden Early Is a Bad Idea

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    A virtual renomination of Biden and Harris in 2024 might be quickly unmasked as hiding buyer’s remorse.
    Photo: Bloomberg via Getty Images

    The big story in American politics prior to the attempted assassination of Donald Trump on July 13 was the struggle within the Democratic Party over efforts to convince President Biden to step aside as the presidential nominee after his bad debate performance on June 27. You can argue all day long about what would have happened had the shooting in Pennsylvania not occurred. Perhaps Biden would have soon put out the fire in his camp and restored order; perhaps the persistent unhappiness of elected officials and even the party rank-and-file would have built to a climax that forced the president to hang up his spurs and turn his candidacy over to Kamala Harris.

    The prevailing conventional wisdom, however, is that Trump’s near-death froze any effort to defenestrate Biden in its tracks, and may have ended the Democratic rebellion as a serious prospect. But to be on the safe side, the Democratic National Committee, predictably a stronghold of Biden loyalists, is pushing ahead with plans to re-nominate the president well before delegates gather in Chicago on August 19. Plans are underway to formally nominate Biden via the sort of “virtual roll call” Democrats used in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, as the New York Times explained:

    Leaders of the Democratic National Committee are moving swiftly to confirm President Biden as his party’s presidential nominee by the end of July, according to four people briefed on the matter who insisted on anonymity to discuss the sensitive deliberations. …

    Since May, he has been set to be confirmed through a virtual roll call, weeks before the Democratic National Convention in August.

    But as Mr. Biden faces persistent doubts from within his party, some delegates involved with the behind-the-scene bureaucratic process are eager to end the public conversations about his future that are unfolding during a fiercely contested campaign.

    To be clear, the “virtual roll call” talk began long before the Atlanta debate debacle. It was mostly motivated by the success of the 2020 process, which allowed for a carefully staged roll call of the states that could be displayed to the world as a video presentation. The idea gained impetus as a roundabout way to minimize the number of high-stakes live events in Chicago that might become a magnet for the many pro-Palestinian protests being organized to coincide with the convention.

    If the idea of dodging protests by simply refusing to hold traditional convention actions is questionable from a public-relations point of view, rushing the nomination to head off a potential rebellion against Biden is far worse. It’s true that prior to the debate flub the roll-call vote was expected to be a pro forma coronation, much like Trump’s nomination in Milwaukee, which was held during an afternoon session on the first day of the RNC with almost no one watching. That’s clearly no longer true. And the official excuse being offered by Biden loyalists for the rush to judgment is, quite frankly, a crock, as Axios explained:

    The DNC’s stated reason for front-running the nomination — Ohio’s Aug. 7 deadline for ballot access — is no longer relevant because Ohio changed its law. The state’s new deadline is Sept. 1.

    The new deadline is safely after the end of the Democratic convention. But in announcing his intention to hold a virtual roll call, DNC chairman Jaime Harrison vaguely alluded to some nonexistent threat to retroactively kick Biden off the Ohio ballot:

    “This election comes down to nothing less than saving our democracy from a man who has said he wants to be a dictator on ‘day one,’ ” Harrison said in his statement. …

    “So we certainly are not going to leave the fate of this election in the hands of MAGA Republicans in Ohio that have tried to keep President Biden off of the general election ballot.”

    Predictably, this course of action has angered Democrats who want to renew the option of a different presidential nominee before it’s too late, as another report from Axios makes clear:

    A letter circulating among congressional Democrats argues that there is “no legal justification” for an early virtual roll call after Ohio moved its filing deadline past the date of the Democratic convention.

    “We respectfully but emphatically request that you cancel any plans for an accelerated ‘virtual roll call’ and further refrain from any extraordinary procedures that could be perceived as curtailing legitimate debate,” it says.

    If this protest fails to regenerate the rebellion against Biden, perhaps his nomination is so secure that it doesn’t really matter whether he’s nominated in a live convention session on or after August 19 or “virtually” a couple of weeks earlier. But in that case, why rush it? There is a risk that the DNC’s maneuver will backfire and lend a sense of real urgency to a simmering revolt that has slowed to a low boil.

    It’s possible the White House is worried about a scary drop in the polls that combines a post-convention “bounce” for Trump with the lingering concerns about Biden’s fitness for office that Republicans are already bringing up often in their communications from Milwaukee. There are already reports from CNN that veteran Democratic pollster Stan Greenberg is sending up flares in private communications to Team Biden:

    “Lose everything,” is how one Democrat described a polling memo Greenberg sent to Biden’s inner circle in recent days. “Devastating,” was the one word answer of a second Democrat close to the White House who is familiar with the Greenberg memos.

    These sources said Greenberg has sent several memos over the past two weeks since the president’s devastating debate performance, analyzing internal polling he asserts shows the president’s position continues to deteriorate because Americans overwhelmingly do not see him as up to serving four more years.

    It’s understandable that Biden loyalists would prefer to move on to November before such disturbing data sinks in. But the last thing Democrats need is to convene in Chicago amid the hoopla of a national convention in which the real story just under the surface is buyer’s remorse.


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    Ed Kilgore

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  • How Can Biden Be Replaced? A Guide to Democrats’ Next Steps.

    How Can Biden Be Replaced? A Guide to Democrats’ Next Steps.

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    Photo: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

    Democrats who are freaking out about Joe Biden’s dismal performance in his Atlanta debate with Donald Trump have a lot of question about their options going forward. Now that talk of replacing the president as the Democrats’ 2024 nominee has gotten serious, distant historical precedents and arcane Democratic National Committee rules are suddenly very relevant. Here’s a guide to what happens if Democrats choose another candidate to face Trump in November.

    Sure. At this point he is simply the “presumptive nominee.” The Democratic National Convention in Chicago, which begins on August 19, would normally name the actual nominee. But in order to meet Ohio’s general election ballot deadline of August 7, the Democratic National Committee has voted to hold a “virtual roll call” before the convention (the exact date has not yet been set, though July 21 has been floated as a possibility, raising suspicions the DNC may be trying to run out the clock on any Plan B scenario). Until then, the name that will go onto the bumper stickers, theoretically at least, could be Joe Biden, me, or you.

    If Biden is to be replaced, it would be much easier — and from a political point of view, immensely better — if Biden withdrew as a candidate. For one thing, that would get rid of the obligation delegates had to support him under the laws of 14 states. And it could pave the way to a reasonably harmonious convention and far less disruption of the general election campaign.

    But technically speaking, a majority of convention delegates can nominate whomever they wish. State laws aside, pledged Democratic delegates (unlike Republican delegates) have no more than a moral obligation to back their candidate, and a convention-passed rule could even override state laws.

    No. Like Biden, until she is formally renominated (again, via a virtual roll-call vote at some point prior to August 7), the vice-president has no special status. Even if Biden resigned his office and Harris became president, she’d have to be nominated by delegates to appear on the November ballot.

    In theory, anyone who met the constitutional qualifications to serve as president could replace Biden. In reality, there’s no sort of consensus behind any particular “replacement” candidate. (Perhaps the most discussed fallback candidate, former First Lady Michelle Obama, has repeatedly denied interest.) No one is likely to step forward as long as Biden is still running, and if Biden withdraws, his support for a replacement will be all-important and perhaps dispositive. There’s no reason to think he’d back anyone other than his vice-president.

    Names of Democrats who have been kicked around in fantasy scenarios for a Biden-less ticket have included a number of governors — notably California’s Gavin Newsom, Illinois’ J.B. Pritzker, Michigan’s Gretchen Whitmer, and Pennsylvania’s Josh Shapiro — along with 2020 candidate and Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg and some real long shots like Senator Raphael Warnock of Georgia. Some progressives might even note that Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez turns 35 in October. But again, there’s no consensus, and while pundits thrill at the idea of an “open convention” where multiple candidates duke it out, that would be a nightmare for a party trying to plan a general election campaign.

    There’s been an effort by some voices who favor a non-Biden, non-Harris solution to the current quandary to imagine some sort of pre-roll-call public gatherings — perhaps even debates — to build consensus. It’s unclear whether this sort of “mini-primary,” as Democratic poohbah Jim Clyburn called it, is in any way feasible. (It’s possible Clyburn was referring to a process for choosing a new VP to run with Harris, whom he earlier endorsed for the presidential nomination if Biden “steps aside.”). In any event, all these “open convention” scenarios should be assessed in terms of the disaster that could face Democrats if they push aside both Biden and Harris and then deadlock on a nominee. One unhappy precedent is the Democratic Convention in New York exactly a century ago, where a dispirited and divided party nominated an obscure diplomat after 103 ballots who got absolutely clocked in the general election.

    The presidential balloting is scheduled to take place prior to the convention. But the process, virtual or live, would be the same: a name or names would be placed into nomination by a delegate, and state delegations would vote in alphabetical order until someone has a majority.

    Unlike Republicans, Democrats have superdelegates — 744 of them in 2024 — who attend the convention in recognition of the offices they hold (or held). They include members of the DNC; members of Congress; governors; and former presidents and vice-presidents. They are free to support whomever they wish but cannot vote on the first ballot, when the nomination will very likely be determined.

    Just as the old vice-presidential nominee was chosen: by a roll-call vote. This person would probably be the presidential nominee’s preferred running mate, but delegates could choose someone else. The last time there was a serious convention vote for someone other than the presidential nominee’s running mate was at the 1968 RNC, when George Romney got a significant number of votes against eventual nominee Spiro T. Agnew.

    Members of the Democratic National Committee (not convention delegates) have the power to fill vacancies on the presidential ticket by a simple majority. It exercised that power in 1972 when then-Senator Thomas Eagleton stepped down as George McGovern’s running mate after revelations of drunk-driving charges and electroshock therapy. So if Biden or Harris or anyone else resigned from the ticket after the convention, the DNC could replace them. But there’s no clear power to remove a nominee who won’t go quietly.

    No. Plenty of presidential nominees have begun the general election campaign in a deeper hole than Biden is in right now, but none have been replaced. The talk of replacing him is largely a function of the special horror Democrats have for the prospect of a second Trump term.

    There are two very recent surveys that test alternatives, including a Reuters/Ipsos poll released on July 2:

    When asked about hypothetical Democratic candidate matches against Trump, 50% of registered voters say they would vote for Michelle Obama, and just 39% say they would vote for Trump.

    All other hypothetical Democratic candidates either perform similarly to or worse than Biden against Trump. Vice President Kamala Harris hypothetically wins 42% of registered voters to Trump’s 43%. California Governor Gavin Newsom hypothetically wins 39% of registered voters to Trump’s 42%. All other hypothetical Democratic candidates earn between 34% to 39% of potential votes among registered voters.

    A CNN survey also released on July 2 showed Kamala Harris trailing Trump by just two points; Pete Buttigieg trailing Trump by four points; and Gavin Newsom and Gretchen Whimter trailing him by five points.

    It’s hard to say. The first credible post-debate general election polls are showing Biden losing a couple of points against Trump, with some terrible internal findings that big majorities of voters think Biden is too old. But there’s no sign just yet that the race has changed fundamentally, so the panic right now is mostly among Democrats who were already on the edge of panic before the debate.


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    Ed Kilgore

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