The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, over 30 years ago, marked a significant turning point in history, symbolizing the end of the Cold War and the dismantling of the Soviet Union. It was not the “end of history” as predicted by American political scientist Francis Fukuyama, but still the world significantly changed—particularly the left that needed to reinvent itself to survive.
In certain parts of the world, particularly in Latin America and pockets of the left in Europe, there seems to be a refusal to acknowledge the fall of the Wall. This translates into some of the left’s support for Russia and their silence in the face of the country’s aggression and illegal invasion of Ukraine, a refusal to support democratic governments, and an outdated anti-Americanism.
One possible explanation for the left’s support for Russia is rooted in historical ideological affinity. Many leftist movements and leaders have traditionally admired the principles associated with the Soviet Union and its role in challenging Western capitalism, even though it resulted in a redundant failure. This historical legacy still influences their stance today, blurring the line between ideology and geopolitical reality.
The same can be said for the support of China and even North Korea that, despite the former being aggressively capitalist and authoritarian and the latter a hermit and likewise an authoritarian state, they dwell in the imaginary of part of the left as poles of resistance to global capitalism.
The left’s alignment with Russia can also be attributed to a deep-rooted anti-imperialist sentiment and anti-Americanism. For some, Russia’s resistance against perceived American hegemony and its willingness to challenge Western influence resonate with their ideological opposition to capitalist domination. The fact that Russia seeks to exercise its “imperial” power over neighboring countries, in particular those that were part of the USSR, escapes the left—or is simply ignored.
This often leads to a sympathetic view of Russia’s actions for some, overshadowing concerns about aggression and invasion or the fact that Russia is as capitalist as any Western country—only without the same success.
The shifting geopolitical landscape has witnessed some left-wing leaders aligning with Russia as part of a broader realignment strategy. This may involve forging alliances with non-Western powers to counterbalance Western influence or to secure economic and political support. Venezuela is an example as it sought Russia as an alternative to a U.S.-led blockade of its economy. In this context, support for Russia becomes a strategic choice rather than just a reflection of ideological consistency.
GAVRIIL GRIGOROV/SPUTNIK/AFP via Getty Images
The idea of seeking alignment with the Global South or non-Western states can be a good thing. Brazil adopted a similar policy during the first two Lula governments with a certain degree of success. But now, in his third term, the dose of the medicine is killing the patient—in this case Brazilian foreign policy. The world has changed, and as Felippe Ramos explained, a political analyst at the New School for Social Research, “In 2003, when Lula became president for the first time, Putin was still being born as a leader. Relations with the West were good and promising. In China the commodities boom was starting, and the country had an excellent relationship with the U.S.”
Except, he continued, “The world has changed and Brazil and Lula’s vision of an alignment outside the Western sphere has become even more ideological, while China and Russia are no longer on good terms with the U.S. or experiencing the same economic bonanza that justified, for example, the creation of the BRICS.”
Despite immense international pressure, Brazilian President Lula da Silva continues undisguisedly to support Russia in the conflict with Ukraine, despite declaring several times that he actually seeks neutrality. A visit by Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, refusal by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to meet during the G7 meeting, and a personal call to Putin by Lula to assure him that he would not get involved in the conflict are only some of the unequivocal demonstrations of Brazil’s alignment with the Russian aggressor.
But Lula is not the only left-wing leader to adopt such a position. In Latin America, the common position of left-wing leaders (with the notable exception of Gabriel Boric, president of Chile) is to support the Russian dictator. Even in Europe, many left-wing parties have difficulty in strongly condemning the Russian invasion—they remain ambiguous.
The rise of populist and nationalist movements across the globe impacted the left’s stance on Russia. Some left-wing leaders ironically have found common ground with right-wing populist leaders who espouse anti-establishment narratives and challenge the liberal international order. This convergence of interests blurs ideological lines and leads to shared support for Russia, whose leader, Vladimir Putin, is known for supporting the far right particularly in Europe.
The prevalence of propaganda and disinformation campaigns cannot be ignored when examining the left’s support for Russia. Russia has been accused of using sophisticated information warfare tactics to manipulate public opinion, and influence political discourse and the dissemination of misleading narratives and conspiracy theories can sway the perception of events, making it harder to form a united condemnation of Russia’s actions. This leads to the creed that Ukraine is full of Nazis, or that the country doesn’t even exist.
The left’s support for Russia or its silence on the country’s aggression and invasion of Ukraine is a complex issue rooted in historical, ideological, and geopolitical factors that, nonetheless, lead to a discourse that goes against basic human rights and leaves only sheer and misguided ideology.
Raphael Tsavkko Garcia is a Brazilian journalist based in Belgium. He holds a PhD in human rights from the University of Deusto (Spain).
The views expressed in this article are the writer’s own.
