ReportWire

Tag: hispanic americans

  • A Life Without Nature Is a Lonely One

    A Life Without Nature Is a Lonely One

    [ad_1]

    My Brooklyn apartment is designed for sterility. The windows have screens to keep out bugs; I chose my indoor plants specifically because they don’t attract pests. While commuting to other, similarly aseptic indoor spaces—co-working offices, movie theaters, friends’ apartments—I’ll skirt around pigeons, avert my eyes from a gnarly rat, shudder at the odd scuttling cockroach. But once I’m back inside, the only living beings present (I hope, and at least as far as I know) are the ones I’ve chosen to interact with: namely, my partner and the low-maintenance snake plant on the windowsill.

    My aversion to pigeons, rats, and cockroaches is somewhat justifiable, given their cultural associations with dirtiness and disease. But such disgust is part of a larger estrangement between humanity and the natural world. As nature grows unfamiliar, separate, and strange to us, we are more easily repelled by it. These feelings can lead people to avoid nature further, in what some experts have called “the vicious cycle of biophobia.”

    The feedback loop bears telling resemblance to another vicious cycle of modern life. Psychologists know that lonely individuals tend to think more negatively of others and see them as less trustworthy, which encourages even more isolation. Although our relationship to nature and our relationships with one another may feel like disparate phenomena, they are both parallel and related. A life without nature, it seems, is a lonely life—and vice versa.

    The Western world has been trending toward both biophobia and loneliness for decades. David Orr, an environmental-studies researcher and advocate for climate action, wrote in a 1993 essay that “more than ever we dwell in and among our own creations and are increasingly uncomfortable with the nature that lies beyond our direct control.” This discomfort might manifest as a dislike of camping, or annoyance at the scratchy touch of grass at the park. It might also show up as disgust in the presence of insects, which a 2021 paper from Japanese scholars found is partially driven by urbanization. Ousting nature from our proximity—with concrete, walls, window screens, and lifestyles that allow us to remain at home—also increases the likelihood that the experiences we do have with other lifeforms will be negative, Orr writes. You’re much less likely to love birds if the only ones around are the pigeons you perceive as dirty.

    The rise of loneliness is even better documented. Americans are spending more time inside at home and alone than they did a few decades ago. In his book Bowling Alone, the political scientist Robert Putnam cites data showing that, from the 1970s to the late 1990s, Americans went from entertaining friends at home about 15 times a year to just eight. No wonder, then, that nearly a fifth of U.S. adults reported feeling lonely much of the previous day in an April Gallup poll. Loneliness has become a public-health buzzword; Surgeon General Vivek Murthy calls it an “epidemic” that affects both mental and physical health. At least in the United States, COVID-19 has made things worse by expanding our preferred radius of personal space, and when that space is infringed upon, more of the reactions are now violent.

    That loneliness and biophobia are rising in tandem may be more than a coincidence. Orr wrote in his 1993 essay that appreciation of nature will flourish mostly in “places in which the bonds between people, and those between people and the natural world create a pattern of connectedness, responsibility, and mutual need.” The literature suggests that he’s right. Our sense of community certainly affects how comfortable or desirable we perceive time in nature to be, Viniece Jennings, a senior fellow in the JPB Environmental Health Fellowship Program at Harvard who studies these relationships, told me. In one 2017 study across four European cities, having a greater sense of community trust was linked to more time spent in communal green spaces. A 2022 study showed that, during COVID-related shutdowns, Asians in Australia were more likely to walk outside if they lived in close-knit neighborhoods with high interpersonal trust.

    Relationships between racial and ethnic groups can have an especially strong influence on time spent in nature. In the 2022 study from Australia, Asians were less likely to go walking than white people, which the study authors attributed to anti-Asian racism. Surveys consistently show that minority groups in the U.S., especially Black and Hispanic Americans, are less likely to participate in outdoor recreation, commonly citing racism, fear of racist encounters, or lack of easy access as key factors. Inclusive messaging in places like urban parks, by contrast, may motivate diverse populations to spend time outdoors.

    On the flip side, being in nature or even just remembering times you spent there can increase feelings of belonging, says Katherine White, a behavioral scientist at the University of British Columbia who co-wrote a 2021 paper on the subject. The authors of one 2022 paper found that “people who strongly identify with nature, who enjoy being in nature, and who had more frequent garden visits were more likely to have a stronger sense of social cohesion.” In a 2018 study from Hong Kong, preschool children who were more engaged with nature had better relationships with their peers and demonstrated more kindness and helpfulness. A 2014 experiment in France showed that people who had just spent time walking in a park were more likely to pick up and return a glove dropped by a stranger than people who were just about to enter the park. The results are consistent, White told me: “Being in nature makes you more likely to help other people,” even at personal cost.

    Time spent in natural spaces might contribute to a greater sense of belonging in part because it usually requires you to be in public space. Unlike homes and offices, natural spaces provide a setting for unpredictable social interactions—such as running into a new neighbor at the dog park or starting a spontaneous conversation with a stranger on your walking path—which “can be a great space for forming connections and building social networks,” Jennings said. In a study in Montreal, Canada, researchers found that time in public parks and natural spaces allowed immigrant families to converse with neighbors, make new friends, and feel better integrated in their new communities, all for free. Similarly, there’s some reason to suspect that strong human relationships can help extinguish any disgust we feel toward the natural world. We learn fear through one another, Daniel Blumstein, an evolutionary biologist at UCLA, told me. The more safe and enjoyable experiences we accumulate in groups, the better our tolerance for new and unfamiliar things.

    It would be a stretch to say that just getting people to touch more grass will solve all societal ills, or that better social cohesion will guarantee that humankind unites to save the planet. Our relationships with the Earth and one another fluctuate throughout our lives, and are influenced by a number of variables difficult to capture in any one study. But this two-way phenomenon is a sign that, if you’ve been meaning to go outside more or connect with your neighbors, you might as well work on both. “Natural ecosystems rely on different people” and vice versa, Jennings said. “You don’t have to go on long hikes every day to understand that.”


    ​When you buy a book using a link on this page, we receive a commission. Thank you for supporting The Atlantic.

    [ad_2]

    Hannah Seo

    Source link

  • How to Make Sense of This Fall’s Messy COVID Data

    How to Make Sense of This Fall’s Messy COVID Data

    [ad_1]

    It is a truth universally acknowledged among health experts that official COVID-19 data are a mess right now. Since the Omicron surge last winter, case counts from public-health agencies have become less reliable. PCR tests have become harder to access and at-home tests are typically not counted.

    Official case numbers now represent “the tip of the iceberg” of actual infections, Denis Nash, an epidemiologist at the City University of New York, told me. Although case rates may seem low now, true infections may be up to 20 times higher. And even those case numbers are no longer available on a daily basis in many places, as the CDC and most state agencies have switched to updating their data once a week instead of every day.

    How, then, is anyone supposed to actually keep track of the COVID-19 risk in their area—especially when cases are expected to increase this fall and winter? Using newer data sources, such as wastewater surveillance and population surveys, experts have already noticed potential signals of a fall surge: Official case counts are trending down across the U.S., but Northeast cities such as Boston are seeing more coronavirus in their wastewater, and the CDC reports that this region is a hotspot for further-mutated versions of the Omicron variant. Even if you’re not an expert, you can still get a clearer picture of how COVID-19 is hitting your community in the weeks ahead. You’ll simply need to understand how to interpret these alternate data sources.

    The problem with case data goes right to the source. Investment in COVID-19 tracking at the state and local levels has been in free fall, says Sam Scarpino, a surveillance expert at the Rockefeller Foundation’s Pandemic Prevention Initiative. “More recently, we’ve started to see lots of states sunsetting their reporting,” Scarpino told me. Since the Pandemic Prevention Initiative and the Pandemic Tracking Collective started publishing a state-by-state scorecard of breakthrough-case reporting in December 2021, the number of states with a failing grade has doubled. Scarpino considers this trend a “harbinger of what’s coming” as departments continue to shift resources away from COVID-19 reporting.

    Hospitalization data don’t suffer from the same reporting problems, because the federal government collects information directly from thousands of facilities across the country. But “hospitalizations often lag behind cases by a matter of weeks,” says Caroline Hugh, an epidemiologist and volunteer with the People’s CDC, an organization providing COVID-19 data and guidance while advocating for improved safety measures. Hospitalizations also don’t necessarily reflect transmission rates, which still matter if you want to stay safe. Some studies suggest, for example, that long COVID might now be more likely than hospitalization after an infection.

    For a better sense of how much the coronavirus is circulating, many experts are turning to wastewater surveillance. Samples from our sewage can provide an advanced warning of increased COVID-19 spread because everyone in a public-sewer system contributes data; the biases that hinder PCR test results don’t apply. As a result, Hugh and her colleagues at the People’s CDC consider wastewater trends to be more “consistent” than constantly fluctuating case numbers.

    When Omicron first began to wreak havoc in December 2021, “the wastewater data started to rise very steeply, almost two weeks before we saw the same rise” in case counts, Newsha Ghaeli, the president and a co-founder of the wastewater-surveillance company Biobot Analytics, told me. Biobot is now working with hundreds of sewage-sampling sites in all 50 states, Ghaeli said. The company’s national and regional dashboard incorporates data from every location in its network, but for more local data, you might need to go to a separate dashboard run by the CDC or by your state health department. Some states have wastewater surveillance in every county, while others have just a handful of sites. If your location is not represented, Ghaeli said, “the wastewater data from communities nearby is still very applicable.” And even if your county does have tracking, checking up on neighboring communities might be good practice. “A surge in a state next door … could very quickly turn into a surge locally,” Ghaeli explained.

    Ghaeli recommends watching how coronavirus levels in wastewater shift over time, rather than homing in on individual data points. Look at both “directionality” and “magnitude”: Are viral levels increasing or decreasing, and how do these levels compare with earlier points in the pandemic? A 10 percent uptick when levels are low is less concerning than a 10 percent uptick when the virus is already spreading widely.

    Researchers are still working to understand how wastewater data correlate with actual infections, because every community has unique waste patterns. For example, big cities differ from rural areas, and in some places, environmental factors such as rainfall or nearby agriculture may interfere with coronavirus tracking. Still, long-term-trend data are generally thought to be a good tool that can help sound the alarm on new surges.

    Wastewater data can help you figure out how much COVID-19 is spreading in a community and can even track all the variants circulating locally, but they can’t tell you who’s getting sick. To answer the latter question, epidemiologists turn to what Nash calls “active surveillance”: Rather than relying on the COVID-19 test results that happen to get reported to a public-health agency, actively seek out and ask people whether they recently got sick or tested positive.

    Nash and his team at CUNY have conducted population surveys in New York City and at the national level. The team’s most recent survey (which hasn’t yet been peer-reviewed), conducted from late June to early July, included questions about at-home test results and COVID-like symptoms. From a nationally representative survey of about 3,000 people, Nash and his team found that more than 17 percent of U.S. adults had COVID-19 during the two-week period—about 24 times higher than the CDC’s case counts at that time.

    Studies like these “capture people who might not be counted by the health system,” Nash told me. His team found that Black and Hispanic Americans and those with low incomes were more likely to get sick during the survey period, compared with the national estimate. The CDC and Census Bureau take a similar approach through the ongoing Household Pulse Survey.

    These surveys are “a goldmine of data,” though they need to be “carefully designed,” Maria Pyra, an epidemiologist and volunteer with the People’s CDC, told me. By showing the gap between true infections and officially reported cases, surveys like Nash’s can allow researchers to approximate how much COVID-19 is really spreading.

    Survey results may be delayed by weeks or months, however, and are typically published in preprints or news reports rather than on a health agency’s dashboard. They might also be biased by who chooses to respond or how questions are worded. Scarpino suggested a more timely option: data collected from cellphone locations or social media. The Delphi Group at Carnegie Mellon University, for example, provides data on how many people are Googling coldlike symptoms or seeking COVID-related doctor visits. While such trends aren’t a perfect proxy for case rates, they can be a helpful warning that transmission patterns are changing.

    Readers seeking to monitor COVID-19 this fall should “look as local as you can,” Scarpino recommended. That means examining county- or zip-code-level data, depending on what’s available for you. Nash suggested checking multiple data sources and attempting to “triangulate” between them. For example, if case data suggest that transmission is down, do wastewater data say the same thing? And how do the data match with local behavior? If a popular community event or holiday happened recently, low case numbers might need to be taken with a grain of salt.

    “We’re heading into a period where it’s going to be increasingly harder to know what’s going on with the virus,” Nash told me. Case numbers will continue to be undercounted, and dashboards may be updated less frequently. Pundits on Twitter are turning to Yankee Candle reviews for signs of surges. Helpful sources still exist, but piecing together the disparate data can be exhausting—after all, data reporting and interpretation should be a job for our public-health agencies, not for concerned individuals.

    Rather than accept this fragmented data status quo, experts would like to see improved public-health systems for COVID-19 and other diseases, such as monkeypox and polio. “If we get better at collecting and making available local, relevant infectious-disease data for decision making, we’re going to lead healthier, happier lives,” Scarpino said.

    [ad_2]

    Betsy Ladyzhets

    Source link

  • Monkeypox Case Rates 5 Times Higher in Black Americans

    Monkeypox Case Rates 5 Times Higher in Black Americans

    [ad_1]

    Oct. 7, 2022 — Monkeypox cases in the U.S. disproportionately affect Black Americans, with rates five times higher than among white peers, according to a new report from the Kaiser Family Foundation.

    Hispanic Americans, Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders also have significantly higher rates of reported monkeypox cases.

    “Disparities in cases persist among Black and Hispanic people, a pattern also seen with HIV and COVID-19,” KFF wrote.

    The analysis was based on CDC data for 68% of monkeypox cases reported in the U.S. as of Sept. 23. Monkeypox case rates are:

    • 14.4 per 100,000 people among Black Americans
    • 10 per 100,000 people among Native Hawaiians and Pacific Islanders
    • 8.3 per 100,000 people among Hispanic Americans
    • 3 per 100,000 people among Asian Americans
    • 2.8 per 100,000 people among American Indians and Alaska Natives
    • 2.6 per 100,000 people among white Americans

    Overall, Black Americans account for the largest share of monkeypox cases, and both Black and Hispanic Americans account for a larger share of cases. About 70% of cases are among people of color, while people of color account for 40% of the U.S. population.

    The monkeypox outbreak in the U.S. appears to be slowing down, KFF wrote, reaching a peak in August and declining in September. However, new cases among Black Americans began to exceed those among white Americans in early August. Although those cases are now declining, the numbers continue to remain higher.

    In addition, Black and Hispanic Americans have received smaller shares of monkeypox vaccines, the report found. As of Sept. 27, 51% of first doses have gone to white Americans, although they represent 30% of cases. In contrast, Black Americans have received 13% of first doses despite accounting for about 35% of cases. Similarly, Hispanic Americans have received 22% of first doses, while they account for 30% of cases.

    “The lower shares of vaccinations among these groups may in part explain why they have had higher numbers of new cases and complicate efforts to address disparities moving forward,” KFF wrote.

    The U.S. has reported 26,385 monkeypox cases during the current outbreak, according to the latest CDC data. More than 70,000 cases and 27 deaths have been reported worldwide.

    KFF noted the ongoing challenge of tracking the outbreak due to data limitations around testing and vaccination. For instance, race and ethnicity data is missing for 32% of reported cases and 9% of vaccinations. Without data, researchers aren’t able to conduct an analysis of disparities across multiple factors, such as race and ethnicity, sex, gender identity, and risk.

    “As has been seen with HIV and COVID-19, underlying structural inequities place people of color at increased risk for public health threats, and focused efforts will be key to minimizing and preventing further disparities going forward,” KFF wrote. “While the federal government has begun piloting efforts to reach communities of color with MPX vaccines in order to address disparities, it is unclear if such efforts will be enough to stave off further disproportionate impact, and much will also depend on what state and local jurisdictions do.”

    [ad_2]

    Source link