ReportWire

Tag: highest levels

  • We Can Finally Do Something About the Third ‘Tripledemic’ Virus

    We Can Finally Do Something About the Third ‘Tripledemic’ Virus

    Every fall, when the air turns chilly and the leaves red, pediatric ICUs begin preparing for the onslaught of the virus known as RSV. Not flu, not COVID, but RSV, or respiratory syncytial virus, is the No. 1 reason babies are hospitalized, year after year. Their tiny airways can become inflamed, and the sickest ones struggle to breathe. RSV is deadly on the other end of the age spectrum too, killing 6,000 to 10,000 elderly Americans every year.

    For decades though, there was no way to stop the virus’s seasonal tide. The quest for a vaccine always came up short. And then suddenly, the vaccines started working.

    This year, doctors have not just one but multiple new shots to prevent RSV. Three gained FDA approval in rapid succession in recent months: an antibody shot for infants called nirsevimab, a form of passive immunization for babies too young to get proper vaccines; a vaccine from Pfizer for both adults over 60 and pregnant mothers, who can pass the immunity on to their babies; and finally, a vaccine from GlaxoSmithKline also aimed at adults older than 60. Together, these herald a new era for RSV.

    That these three new RSV shots are coming out at once is no coincidence. They succeed where others failed because they all target a specific weak spot in the virus, first identified in 2013. This strategy of finding a virus’s most vulnerable points applies to other pathogens too, and experts say it can revolutionize the design of vaccines for other diseases. In fact, it was quietly used to make the COVID vaccines from Pfizer and Moderna. Scientists had originally perfected the idea with RSV, only to repurpose it for the COVID vaccine, which raced ahead, given the urgency of the pandemic. This year, though, the shots are coming for RSV.

    “We’re in a really good position, finally, after more than 65 years,” says Asunción Mejías, an infectious-diseases doctor at St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital.


    The first attempts to make an RSV vaccine began not long after the virus’s discovery, in 1956, but an early trial ended so catastrophically that it had a chilling effect for decades.

    It had started off with promise. The early vaccine was modeled after a successful one for polio, in which the virus is inactivated with a chemical called formalin. But when infants given the early RSV vaccine later caught the virus, a whopping 80 percent had to be hospitalized—compared with only 5 percent in the control group. Two of the babies died, their lungs ravaged. The vaccine did worse than offer no protection; it made the disease more severe. “It was such a disaster,” says Ann Falsey, an infectious-diseases doctor at the University of Rochester. Scientists spent years piecing together why—the vaccine riled up the wrong part of the immune system in very young babies—but they got no closer to making a vaccine that worked. The field was stuck.

    Then, in 2008, a serendipitous meeting led to an eventual breakthrough. A young, freshly minted Ph.D. named Jason McLellan, who studies the structure of proteins, began a new job at the National Institutes of Health to work on HIV vaccines. The lab he had joined, on the fourth floor, had run out of room, though, so he got put in another, on the second. There, he ran into Barney Graham, a virologist who had been trying to solve the puzzle of RSV since the 1980s. He convinced McLellan that this virus was worth a look too.

    By then, scientists had at least homed in on a plausible vaccine target. Much as COVID uses spike protein to infect cells, RSV uses a protein—called F for “fusion”—to physically fuse the virus particle to a human cell. F comes in two forms, though: an extremely unstable prefusion state and a far more stable postfusion state. And once it switches to the postfusion state—which can also happen spontaneously— “it can’t come back,” McLellan told me.

    When RSV vaccines are manufactured, all the F protein eventually switches to the postfusion state. But the antibodies against postfusion F weren’t very effective. McLellan soon figured out why. He found that extremely potent neutralizing antibodies bind to a specific site—the very tip of the prefusion F—that is lost when the protein rearranges into its postfusion form. With that, Graham told me, “you lose ten- to 1,000-fold potency.” An effective RSV vaccine would need to target the prefusion F.

    The team knew what to do, but had a practical dilemma: How to stabilize F in its prefusion form, so the team could put it in a vaccine? McLellan rejiggered the protein slightly, adding molecular “staples” and filling a hole in the protein structure. These changes froze F in its prefusion shape. When the team tested this version of the vaccine in mice, the results could not have been clearer. The vaccine induced the highest levels of neutralizing antibodies Graham had ever seen in his three decades of studying RSV. “This is it,” McLellan remembers thinking.

    Soon, pharmaceutical companies came calling, and the race was on. (The experts in this article—like nearly everyone who works on RSV vaccines—have all received research grants, consulted for, or worked in some other way with one or more of the companies developing shots for RSV.) Today, Pfizer’s and GlaxoSmithKline’s newly approved RSV vaccines target the prefusion F protein, as does nirsevimab, the antibody shot for infants from AstraZeneca and Sanofi. Both the vaccines and the antibody shot trigger immunity against RSV: Vaccines stimulate the immune system to make its own antibodies, and nirsevimab is a direct infusion of antibodies.

    Trials for all three shots were already under way when the coronavirus pandemic hit. But because RSV nearly disappeared during social distancing, the trials got delayed. Meanwhile, McLellan and Graham devised a similar molecular trick to stabilize COVID’s spike protein, which Pfizer and Moderna later used in their vaccines. (The stabilization wasn’t make-or-break for COVID, as it was for RSV, though—AstraZeneca’s COVID vaccine was effective despite not having this modification.) But unstable fusion proteins are found in many different classes of viruses beyond RSV. McLellan, now at the University of Texas at Austin, is working on shots against the prefusion structure of other stubborn viruses such as cytomegalovirus and Crimean-Congo hemorrhagic fever. (Graham is now a professor at Morehouse School of Medicine.) This approach—called structure-based vaccine design—could unlock new ways of targeting once-elusive viruses.


    For RSV, this fall and winter will be a test of how well the shots fare in the real world. As the adage goes, vaccines don’t save lives; vaccinations do. Falsey, the University of Rochester doctor, specializes in studying RSV in the elderly, and she worries that too few Americans over 60 will get the new vaccines this year. A CDC advisory panel decided that elderly Americans can get the vaccines through “shared clinical decision-making” with their doctors but did not go as far as to fully recommend vaccination, which would have triggered private insurers to cover the shots under the Affordable Care Act. Out of pocket, they can cost more than $300. The vaccine for pregnant women, meanwhile, has FDA approval, but the same CDC panel is voting today on whether to recommend it. The panel will likely scrutinize a possible link to premature births, which has shown up before with RSV vaccines.

    Nirsevimab, the antibody shot for infants, has gotten a full-throated endorsement, though, and it’s poised to have the biggest impact this season. It replaces an existing RSV-antibody shot called palivizumab, which is not widely used. Palivizumab targets a less potent site that is on both the pre- and postfusion F, and it needs to be administered up to five times a season (compared with once for nirsevimab), at a cost of some $1,500 a dose. For these reasons, it’s been reserved for the highest-risk babies, such as preemies with underdeveloped lungs. But most babies who end up hospitalized were healthy to begin with, says St. Jude’s Mejías, so the older shot didn’t put much of a dent in overall hospitalizations.

    Nirsevimab is meant to be more widely used: The shot is approved for all infants in their first RSV season. “It’s going to change the way we manage and treat RSV,” Mejías told me. It should be available for babies starting in October. And if all goes according to plan, pediatric ICUs could be a little quieter this winter.

    Sarah Zhang

    Source link

  • A Politician Who Loved Being Courted

    A Politician Who Loved Being Courted

    Every so often, someone asks me who my favorite politicians to write about over the years have been. I always place Bill Richardson, the longtime congressman and former governor of New Mexico, near the top of my list. I once mentioned this to Richardson himself.

    “How high on the list?” he immediately wanted to know. “Top 10? Top three? I get competitive, you know.”

    Richardson died in his sleep on Friday, at age 75. I will miss covering this man, the two-term Democratic governor, seven-term congressman, United Nations ambassador, energy secretary, crisis diplomat, occasional mischief magnet, and freelance hostage negotiator who even holds the Guinness World Record for the politician who’s shaken the most hands—13,392—in an eight-hour period.

    “Make sure you mention that Guinness World Record thing,” Richardson urged me the first time I wrote about him, in 2003. “The handshake record is important to me.”

    Why? I asked. “Because it shows that I love politics,” he replied. “And I do love politics. I love to campaign. I love parades. I don’t believe I’m pretentious. I’m very earthy.”

    But why was the fact that he loved politics important?

    “Because I’m sick of all these politicians these days who are always trying to convince you that they are not really politicians,” Richardson went on. I had noticed this phenomenon as well, and it holds up: that the slickest and most unctuous people you encounter in politics are often the ones who spend the most energy trying to convince you they hate politics and are in fact “not professional politicians.”

    “I don’t mind being called a ‘professional politician,’” Richardson added. “It’s better than being an amateur, right?”

    Richardson was an original. Born to a Mexican mother and an American businessman, he spent much of his childhood in Mexico City and identified strongly as Latino. He served as chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus in the 1980s and was the only Latino governor in America during his two terms in Santa Fe. Richardson spoke often about how his dual ethnic and cultural identities placed him in advantageous and sometimes awkward positions—“between worlds” (which he’d use as the title of his 2005 memoir).

    His identities also placed Richardson in big demand as probably the most prominent Latino elected official in the country at the time. He absolutely loved being in big demand, and was milking his coveted status as much as possible when I first encountered him. That September, all of the 2004 Democratic candidates for president—John Kerry, Howard Dean, John Edwards, etc.—were straining to pay respects to Richardson after a debate in Albuquerque.

    I was working for the Washington Post Style section at the time, and I found Richardson’s full-frontal “love of the game” quite winning. He was over-the-top and unabashed about the enjoyment he derived from the parade of candidates coming before him. “It’s fun to get your ring kissed,” Richardson told me that night, though he might not have said ring.

    We were walking into a post-debate reception for another candidate, Senator Joe Lieberman. Like most of the Democratic VIPs in Albuquerque that night, Lieberman was an old friend of Richardson’s; they’d worked together on the 1992 Democratic Party platform committee.

    “I wore this to curry favor with you,” Lieberman told Richardson, pointing to a New Mexico pin on his jacket. “You also saw that I spoke a little Spanish in [the debate].”

    “I thought that was Yiddish,” Richardson said. Lieberman then got everyone’s attention and offered a toast to El Jefe.

    Richardson let me ride around with him in the back of his SUV while he tried to hit post-debate receptions for all of the candidates. I noted that he’d instructed the state police driver to keep going faster and faster on Interstate 40—the vehicle hit 110 miles an hour at one point. When I mentioned the triple-digit speed in my story, it caused a bit of a controversy in New Mexico. Ralph Nader made a stink. (“If he will do this with a reporter in the car,” Nader said, according to the Associated Press, “what will they do when there’s no reporter in the car?”)

    The next time I saw Richardson, a few months later, he shook his head at me and tried to deny that the vehicle was going 110.  I held my ground.

    “Oh, whatever. Fuck it,” Richardson said. “That was fun, wasn’t it?”

    Richardson ran for president in 2008, but he quit after finishing fourth in both Iowa and New Hampshire. I had since moved on to The New York Times and used to run into him on the campaign circuit. A few weeks after he dropped out, I went down to Santa Fe to interview him about the lengths that the two remaining Democratic candidates—Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton—were going to in an attempt to win his endorsement. Another Bill Richardson primary! What could be more fun?

    “Oh, the full-court press is on like you wouldn’t believe,” he told me. The “political anthropology” of this was quite interesting too, he added. “Barack is very precise,” like a “surgical bomb,” Richardson said. “The Clintons are more like a carpet bomb.” He relished my interest in the pursuit of him.

    “I want to make it clear that I’m not annoyed by any of this,” Richardson said of the repeated overtures he was getting from the candidates and their various emissaries. I quoted him saying this in the Times, but not what I said in response to him in the moment: “No shit, governor.”

    I’ll admit that the notion of a pol who loves the game seems quite at odds with the tenor of politics today. People now routinely toss out phrases like our democracy is at stake and existential threat to America, and it’s not necessarily overheated. Fun? Not so much.

    But thinking about Richardson makes me nostalgic for campaigns and election nights that did not feel so much like political Russian roulette. Presidency or prison? Suspend the Constitution or preserve it? Let’s face it: Death threats, mug shots, insurrections, and white supremacists are supreme buzzkills.

    Richardson made it clear to me that he’d loved running for president—it was one of the best times of his life, he said—and he missed the experience of it almost as soon as he got out. But what he really wanted was, you know, the job. “I would have been a good president,” he said in Santa Fe in 2008. “I still believe that. Please put that in there, okay?”

    If nothing else, the Clinton-Obama courtship was a nice cushion for Richardson as he tried to ease back into life in the relative quiet of his governor’s office. It also, he said, might get him a gig in the next administration. Richardson was 60 at the time and said he envisioned “a few more chapters” for himself in public life. Richardson told me he would have loved to be someone’s running mate or secretary of state.

    “I’m not pining for it, and if it doesn’t happen, I’ve had a great life,” he told me. “I’m at peace with myself.”

    He wound up endorsing Obama, who, after he was elected, nominated Richardson to be his secretary of commerce—only to have Richardson withdraw over allegations of improper business dealings as governor (no charges were filed).

    Richardson devoted the last stage of his career to his work as a troubleshooting diplomat and crisis negotiator. He would speak to thugs or warlords, drop into the most treacherous sectors of the globe—North Korea, Myanmar—if he thought it might help secure the release of a hostage.  Among the many tributes to Richardson this past weekend from the highest levels (Joe Biden, Obama, the Clintons), I was struck most by the ones from some of the people who knew directly the ordeals he worked to end: the basketball star Brittney Griner and the Washington Post journalist Jason Rezaian, who called Richardson “a giant—the first giant—in American hostage diplomacy.”

    The last time I saw Richardson was a few years ago, in the pre-pandemic Donald Trump years—maybe 2018 or 2019. We had breakfast at the Hay-Adams hotel, near the White House. I remember asking him what he called himself those days, what he considered his current job title to be.

    Richardson shrugged. “‘Humanitarian,’ maybe?” he said. But he worried that it sounded pretentious.

    Mark Leibovich

    Source link