ALL OF THEM WERE ON PAROLE OR PROBATION. SACRAMENTO CITY LEADERS ARE EXPECTED TO VOTE TOMORROW ON CHANGING CONTRACT POLICIES TO REPLACE OLD SACRAMENTO’S BOARDWALK. THE FOCUS HERE IS ON QUALITY BECAUSE NOT EVERYONE KNOWS HOW TO WORK IN HISTORIC AREAS. THE CITY IS REVITALIZING OLD SACRAMENTO, INCLUDING REPLACING THE OLD BOARDWALK. NORMALLY, THAT WOULD INVOLVE ASKING FOR CONTRACTS TO BID ON THE JOB AND THEN HIRING THE COMPANY THAT COMES IN CHEAPEST. BUT THE VOTE TOMORROW WOULD ALLOW THE CITY TO HIRE THE CONTRACTOR THAT’S MOST QUALIFIED, ACCORDING TO THE STAFF REPO
Sacramento considers changing contract policies for Old Sacramento Boardwalk project
Sacramento City Council is considering changing contract policies for the replacement of the Old Sacramento Boardwalk.The city would normally ask for contractors to bid competitively for the job, and hire the company that is most cost efficient. City staff, however, say revitalizing the historic boardwalk requires a contractor with experience working in historic environments.Former Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg first announced plans to revitalize the Old Sacramento Waterfront back in July 2024. That plan includes replacing the wooden boardwalk. | PREVIOUS COVERAGE | Mayor pushing for plans to change the Old Sacramento WaterfrontSee more coverage of top California stories here | Download our app | Subscribe to our morning newsletter
Sacramento City Council is considering changing contract policies for the replacement of the Old Sacramento Boardwalk.
The city would normally ask for contractors to bid competitively for the job, and hire the company that is most cost efficient.
City staff, however, say revitalizing the historic boardwalk requires a contractor with experience working in historic environments.
Former Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg first announced plans to revitalize the Old Sacramento Waterfront back in July 2024. That plan includes replacing the wooden boardwalk.
Kanye West, the rapper now known as Ye, is suing his former project manager and his lawyers, alleging they wrongfully put a $1.8-million lien on his former Malibu mansion.
The suit, filed in Los Angeles Superior Court on Thursday, alleges that Tony Saxon, Ye’s former project manager on the property, and the law firm West Coast Trial Lawyers, “wrongfully” placed an “invalid” lien on the property “while simultaneously launching an aggressive publicity campaign designed to pressure Ye, chill prospective transactions, and extract payment on disputed claims already being litigated in court.”
Saxon’s lawyers were not immediately available for comment.
Saxon, who was also employed as West’s security guard and caretaker at the Malibu property, sued the controversial rapper in Los Angeles Superior Court in September 2023, claiming a slate of labor violations, nonpayment of services and disability discrimination.
In January 2024, Saxon placed the $1.8-million “mechanics” lien on the property in order to secure compensation for his work as project manager and construction-related services, according to court filings.
A mechanics lien, also referred to as a contractor’s lien, is usually filed by an unpaid contractor, laborer or supplier, as a hold against the property. If the party remains unpaid, it can prompt a foreclosure sale of the property to secure compensation.
Ye has denied Saxon’s allegations. In a November 2023 response to the complaint, Ye disputed that Saxon “has sustained any injury, damage, or loss by reason of any act, omission or breach by Defendant.”
According to Ye’s recent complaint, he listed the property for sale in December 2023. A month later, he alleged, Saxon and his attorneys recorded the lien and “immediately” issued statements to the media.
The suit cites a statement Saxon’s attorney, Ronald Zambrano, made to Business Insider: “If someone wants to buy Kanye’s Malibu home, they will have to deal with us first. That sale cannot happen without Tony getting paid first.”
“These statements were designed to create public pressure and to interfere with the Plaintiffs’ ability to sell and finance the Property by falsely conveying that Defendants held an adjudicated, enforceable right to block a transaction and divert sale proceeds,” the complaint states.
The filing contends that last year the Los Angeles Superior Court granted Ye’s motion to release the lien from the bond and awarded him attorneys fees.
The Malibu property’s short existence has a long history of legal and financial drama.
In 2021, West purchased the beachfront concrete mansion — designed by Pritzker Prize-winning Japanese architect Tadao Ando — for $57.3 million. He then gutted the property on Malibu Road, reportedly saying “This is going to be my bomb shelter. This is going to be my Batcave.”
Three years later, the hip-hop star sold the unfinished mansion (he had removed the windows, doors, electricity and plumbing and broke down walls), at a significant loss to developer Steven Belmont’s Belwood Investments for $21 million.
Belmont, who spent more money to renovate the home, had spent three years in prison after being charged with attempted murder for a pitchfork attack in Napa County. He promised to restore the architectural jewel to its former glory.
However, the property has been mired in various legal and financial entanglements including foreclosure threats.
Last August, the notorious mansion was once again put on the market with a $4.1 million price cut after a previous offer reportedly fell through, according to Realtor.com.
The legal battle surrounding Ye’s former Malibu pad is the latest in a series of public and legal dramas that the music impresario has been involved in recent years.
In 2022, the mercurial superstar lost numerous lucrative partnerships with companies like Adidas and the Gap, following a raft of antisemitic statements, including declaring himself a Nazi on X (which he later recanted).
Two years later, Ye abruptly shut down Donda Academy, the troubled private school he founded in 2020.
Ye, the school and some of his affiliated businesses faced faced multiple lawsuits from former employees and educators, alleging they were victims of wrongful termination, a hostile work environment and other claims.
In court filings, Ye has denied each of the claims made against him by former employees and educators at Donda.
The primary federal contractor entrusted with purging fire debris from the Eaton and Palisades fires may have illegally dumped toxic ash and misused contaminated soil in breach of state policy, according to federal government reports recently obtained by The Times.
The records depict harried disaster workers appearing to take dangerous shortcuts that could leave hazardous pollution and endanger thousands of survivors poised to return to these communities.
The Federal Emergency Management Agency and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers allocated $60 million to hire personnel to monitor daily cleanup operations and document any health and safety risks. The Times obtained thousands of government oversight reports that detail these federal efforts to rid fire-destroyed homes of toxic debris between February and mid-May.
The records, which were obtained on a rolling basis over several months, include dozens of instances in which oversight personnel flagged workers for disregarding cleanup procedures in a way that likely spread toxic substances.
The latest batch of reports — turned over to The Times on Dec. 1 — contained allegations of improper actions involving Environmental Chemical Corp., the primary federal contractor, and the dozens of debris-removal crews it supervised.
For example, on April 30, federally hired workers were clearing fire debris from a burned-down home in the Palisades burn scar. According to the Army Corps of Engineers, after the last dump truck left, an official with Environmental Chemical Corp., a Burlingame, Calif., company hired to carry out the federal debris removal mission, ordered workers to move the remaining ash and debris to a neighboring property.
The crew used construction equipment to move four or five “buckets” worth of fire debris onto the neighboring property. It’s unclear if that property was also destroyed in the Palisades fire, and, if so, whether it had been already remediated.
“I questioned if this was allowable and then the crew dumped material into the excavator bucket and planned to move it on the lowboy with material in bucket,” a federal supervisor wrote in a report intended to track performance of contractors. “Don’t think this is allowed.”
According to the report, the workers also left glass, ash and other fire debris on the property the crew had been clearing, because they “were in a rush to get to the next site.”
Experts who reviewed the reports said the behavior described may amount to illegal dumping under California law. Other reports obtained by The Times describe federal cleanup workers, on multiple occasions, using ash-contaminated soil to backfill holes and smooth out uneven portions of fire-destroyed properties in the Palisades burn scar. If that were true, it would be a breach of state policy that says contaminated soil from areas undergoing environmental cleanup cannot be used in this way.
The reports also cite multiple occasions where workers walked through already cleared properties with dirty boot covers, possibly re-contaminating them. The inspectors also reported crews spraying contaminated pool water onto neighboring properties and into storm drains, and excavator operators using toothed buckets that caused clean and contaminated soil to be commingled.
“Obviously, there was some really good work done,” state Sen. Ben Allen (D-Pacific Palisades) said about the federal cleanup. “But it appears that we’ve got some folks who are knowingly breaking the law and cutting corners in their cleanup protocol.
“We’ve got to figure out how widespread this was, and anybody who was responsible for having broken a law in this area needs to be held accountable.”
The Army Corps did not respond to requests for comment. An ECC executive said that without information such as the properties’ addresses or parcel numbers, he could not verify whether the accusations made in the oversight reports were substantiated by the companies’ own investigations or if any issues raised by the inspectors were resolved. Such specifics were redacted in the version of the reports sent to The Times.
“At a high level, ECC does not authorize the placement of wildfire debris or ash on neighboring properties, does not permit the use of contaminated material as fill, and operates under continuous [Army Corps] oversight,” said Glenn Sweatt, ECC’s vice president of contracts and compliance.
Between February and September, the Army Corps responded to nearly 1,100 public complaints or other inquiries related to the federal fire cleanup. Over 20% of grievances were related to quality of work, according to the Army Corps assessment of complaints.
Some of these complaints point to the same concerns raised by the inspectors. For example, a resident in the Eaton burn scar filed a complaint on June 19 that “crews working on adjacent properties moved fire debris and ash onto his property after he specifically asked them not to.”
Other property owners in Altadena filed complaints that crews had left all sorts of fire debris on their property — in some cases, buried in the ground.
The Army Corps or ECC ordered crews to go back and finish up the debris removal for some properties. Other times, the officials left the work and costs to disaster victims.
A Palisades property owner complained on May 7 that after the Army Corps supposedly completed cleaning his property, he found “parts of broken foundation [that] were buried to avoid full removal.” He said it cost him $40,000 to hire a private contractor to gather up and dispose of several dumpsters of busted-up concrete.
James Mayfield, a hazardous materials specialist and owner of Mayfield Environmental Engineering, was hired by more than 200 homeowners affected by the fires to remove debris and contaminated soil — including, in some cases, from properties already cleared by Army Corps contractors.
When Mayfield and his workers excavated additional soil from Army Corps-cleared properties, he said they occasionally uncovered ash, slabs of burned stucco, and other debris.
“All you have to do is scoop and you can see the rest of the house underneath the ground,” Mayfield said. “It was never cleared at all.”
After January’s wildfires, local health authorities warned the soil could be riddled with harmful pollutants from burned-down homes and cars, including lead, a heavy metal that can cause irreversible brain damage when inhaled or ingested by young children.
Soil testing has been standard practice after major wildfires in California since 2007. Typically, after work crews clear away fire debris and several inches of topsoil from burned-down homes, federal or state disaster officials arrange for the same contractors to test the soil for lingering contamination. If they find contamination above state benchmarks, they are required to excavate another layer of that soil and conduct additional rounds of testing.
But the aftermath of the Eaton and Palisades fires has been different. The Federal Emergency Management Agency has repeatedly refused to pay for soil testing in California, insisting the practice is not necessary to remove any immediate threats after the fires. The Newsom administration unsuccessfully petitioned FEMA to reconsider conducting soil testing to protect returning residents and workers. But as pressure mounted on the state to fund soil testing, the California Environmental Protection Agency secretary downplayed public health risks from fire contamination.
Indeed, the vast majority of wildfire cleanups in California are managed by state agencies. Since the January wildfires, California officials have been noticeably guarded when questioned about how the state will respond when the next major wildfire inevitably strikes.
Asked whether the state will continue to adhere to its long-standing post-fire soil sampling protocols, the California Governor’s Office of Emergency Services wouldn’t directly answer whether it would pay for soil testing after future wildfires. Its director, Nancy Ward, declined to be interviewed.
“California has the most advanced testing systems in the nation, and we remain committed to advocating for the safe, timely removal of debris after a wildfire,” an agency spokesperson said in a statement. “Protecting public health and the well-being of impacted communities remains the state’s foremost priority.”
Some environmental experts and lawmakers worry that abandoning long-established wildfire protocols, like soil testing, may set a precedent where disaster victims will assume more costs and work to ensure that their properties are safe to return to and rebuild upon.
U.S. Rep. Brad Sherman (D–Los Angeles) called for the Army Corps to review the results of large-scale soil testing initiatives, including data from USC, to determine which contractors were assigned to clean properties where heavy contamination persists. Such an analysis, he said, might help the federal government figure out which contractors performed poor work, so that they they aren’t hired in future disasters.
“I’m going to press the Army Corps to look at where the testing indicates there was still contaminants and who is the contractor for that, to see whether there are certain contractors that had a high failure rate,” Sherman said.
“I want to make sure they’re … evaluating these contractors vis-à-vis the next disaster,” he added. “And, ultimately it’s in the testing.”
Throughout much of Altadena and Pacific Palisades, thousands of empty lots are awaiting permits to rebuild. But many property owners fear the possibility of contamination.
The Department of Angels, a community-led nonprofit formed after the January wildfires, surveyed 2,300 residents whose homes were damaged or destroyed by the Eaton and Palisades blazes. About one-third of respondents said they wanted testing but had not received it.
“The government abandoned testing and left us on our own,” one victim wrote. “We have each had to find out what is the best route to test and remediate, but without standardization and consistency, we are a giant experiment.”
Educators in Natomas have informed the district of their readiness to strike if a new contract is not secured, marking a significant development in ongoing negotiations.The Natomas Teachers Association, representing more than 600 educators, has been working without a contract since June. Outside the Natomas Unified School District Wednesday evening, dozens gathered in support of the Natomas Teachers Association, chanting, “We can’t wait!” and “When we fight, we win!” They are advocating for a new contract with fully paid benefits and competitive wages.Ashley Battle, a parent of a student in the district and the wife of a teacher, said that educators are the backbone of the district and are being underpaid. “If you’re not paying them, how are they supposed to support their family? You want them to support everyone else’s child, but you don’t want to pay to help them support themselves?” Battle said. Battle brought these concerns to the board meeting, where dozens of teachers, parents, and students filled the room. Nico Vaccaro, president of the NTA, also spoke to the board, urging the district to use its millions of dollars in reserves to pay teachers more.”We know they have the ability to reprioritize their budget with the resources that they have. And that’s what we’re asking for,” Vaccaro said. KCRA 3 reached out to the district about the ongoing contract negotiations. They replied with an emailed statement reading:“We value our employees and prioritize providing competitive salaries and high-quality programs for our students. Even with the staffing crisis across California and the nationwide shortage of teachers, Natomas Unified has a high fill rate with 98.4% of our classrooms filled with credentialed teachers. For the classroom positions that are not filled, fully credentialed contractors or substitute teachers serve our students while recruitment efforts continue and candidates are in the hiring process.While prioritizing employee compensation, we are committed to being good stewards of our district finances. Our reserve protects us against unexpected expenses or changes in funding. This allows us to continue to pay staff, utilities and other basic services, all while maintaining consistent support to students. Reserves should not be used to fund ongoing salary or benefit increases, as reserves are one-time funds that are gone once they are spent, much like a savings account. In NUSD, the category that NTA leadership frequently refers to as the budget for “consultants” or “contractors” covers a wide range of professional services for the district. These funds provide more than just training and professional development to teachers and contractors who fill vacant certificated staff positions. They actually include expenses for essential services such as fire and safety requirements, heating/air conditioning maintenance, routine and preventative pest control, needed classroom repairs, vital health services for our students, after-school programs, staff training to implement state-required curriculum and assessments, and general district operations. Without allocating funding for these areas, we would not be able to provide these necessary services for our students and staff.”Vaccaro presented the board with a copy of the union’s strike readiness petition, which he said more than 90% of their members have signed. “While we do not want to strike, we are ready to strike if that’s what it takes to reprioritize the NUSD’s budget for our schools and our students,” he said. The Natomas Teachers Association will return to the negotiation table on Dec. 10.See more coverage of top California stories here | Download our app | Subscribe to our morning newsletter | Find us on YouTube here and subscribe to our channel
SACRAMENTO, Calif. —
Educators in Natomas have informed the district of their readiness to strike if a new contract is not secured, marking a significant development in ongoing negotiations.
The Natomas Teachers Association, representing more than 600 educators, has been working without a contract since June.
Outside the Natomas Unified School District Wednesday evening, dozens gathered in support of the Natomas Teachers Association, chanting, “We can’t wait!” and “When we fight, we win!” They are advocating for a new contract with fully paid benefits and competitive wages.
Ashley Battle, a parent of a student in the district and the wife of a teacher, said that educators are the backbone of the district and are being underpaid.
“If you’re not paying them, how are they supposed to support their family? You want them to support everyone else’s child, but you don’t want to pay to help them support themselves?” Battle said.
Battle brought these concerns to the board meeting, where dozens of teachers, parents, and students filled the room.
Nico Vaccaro, president of the NTA, also spoke to the board, urging the district to use its millions of dollars in reserves to pay teachers more.
“We know they have the ability to reprioritize their budget with the resources that they have. And that’s what we’re asking for,” Vaccaro said.
KCRA 3 reached out to the district about the ongoing contract negotiations. They replied with an emailed statement reading:
“We value our employees and prioritize providing competitive salaries and high-quality programs for our students. Even with the staffing crisis across California and the nationwide shortage of teachers, Natomas Unified has a high fill rate with 98.4% of our classrooms filled with credentialed teachers. For the classroom positions that are not filled, fully credentialed contractors or substitute teachers serve our students while recruitment efforts continue and candidates are in the hiring process.
While prioritizing employee compensation, we are committed to being good stewards of our district finances. Our reserve protects us against unexpected expenses or changes in funding. This allows us to continue to pay staff, utilities and other basic services, all while maintaining consistent support to students. Reserves should not be used to fund ongoing salary or benefit increases, as reserves are one-time funds that are gone once they are spent, much like a savings account.
In NUSD, the category that NTA leadership frequently refers to as the budget for “consultants” or “contractors” covers a wide range of professional services for the district. These funds provide more than just training and professional development to teachers and contractors who fill vacant certificated staff positions. They actually include expenses for essential services such as fire and safety requirements, heating/air conditioning maintenance, routine and preventative pest control, needed classroom repairs, vital health services for our students, after-school programs, staff training to implement state-required curriculum and assessments, and general district operations. Without allocating funding for these areas, we would not be able to provide these necessary services for our students and staff.”
Vaccaro presented the board with a copy of the union’s strike readiness petition, which he said more than 90% of their members have signed.
“While we do not want to strike, we are ready to strike if that’s what it takes to reprioritize the NUSD’s budget for our schools and our students,” he said.
The Natomas Teachers Association will return to the negotiation table on Dec. 10.
The State Department said Wednesday that it has fired a U.S. diplomat over a romantic relationship he admitted having with a Chinese woman alleged to have ties to the Chinese Communist Party.The dismissal is believed to be the first of its kind for violating a ban on such relationships that was introduced late last year under the Biden administration.The Associated Press reported earlier this year that in the waning days of Democrat Joe Biden’s presidency, the State Department imposed a ban on all American government personnel in China, as well as family members and contractors with security clearances, from any romantic or sexual relationships with Chinese citizens.Tommy Pigott, a State Department spokesman, said in a statement that the diplomat in question was dismissed from the foreign service after President Donald Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio reviewed the case and determined that he had “admitted concealing a romantic relationship with a Chinese national with known ties to the Chinese Communist Party.””Under Secretary Rubio’s leadership, we will maintain a zero-tolerance policy for any employee who is caught undermining our country’s national security,” Pigott said.The statement did not identify the diplomat, but he and his girlfriend had been featured in a surreptitiously filmed video posted online by conservative firebrand James O’Keefe.
WASHINGTON —
The State Department said Wednesday that it has fired a U.S. diplomat over a romantic relationship he admitted having with a Chinese woman alleged to have ties to the Chinese Communist Party.
The dismissal is believed to be the first of its kind for violating a ban on such relationships that was introduced late last year under the Biden administration.
The Associated Press reported earlier this year that in the waning days of Democrat Joe Biden’s presidency, the State Department imposed a ban on all American government personnel in China, as well as family members and contractors with security clearances, from any romantic or sexual relationships with Chinese citizens.
Tommy Pigott, a State Department spokesman, said in a statement that the diplomat in question was dismissed from the foreign service after President Donald Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio reviewed the case and determined that he had “admitted concealing a romantic relationship with a Chinese national with known ties to the Chinese Communist Party.”
“Under Secretary Rubio’s leadership, we will maintain a zero-tolerance policy for any employee who is caught undermining our country’s national security,” Pigott said.
The statement did not identify the diplomat, but he and his girlfriend had been featured in a surreptitiously filmed video posted online by conservative firebrand James O’Keefe.
Exposing years-old concerns about California’s resilience to wildfires, a government whistleblower and other witnesses in a recent state trial alleged that cleanup operations after some of the largest fires in state history were plagued by mismanagement and overspending — and that toxic contamination was at times left behind in local communities.
Steven Larson, a former state debris operations manager in the California Governor’s Office of Emergency Services, failed to convince a jury that he was wrongly fired by the agency for flagging those and other issues to his supervisors. After a three-week trial in Sacramento, the jury found Larson was retaliated against, but also that the agency had other, legitimate reasons for dismissing him from his post, according to court records.
Still, the little-discussed trial provided a rare window into a billion-dollar public-private industry that is rapidly expanding — and becoming increasingly expensive for taxpayers and lucrative for contractors — given the increased threat of fires from climate change.
It raised serious questions about the state’s fire response and management capabilities at a time when the Trump administration says it is aggressively searching for “waste, fraud and abuse” in government spending, proposing cuts to the Federal Emergency Management Agency and clashing with state leaders over the best way to respond to future wildfires in California.
The allegations raised in the trial also come as FEMA and the Army Corps of Engineers are overseeing similar debris removal work — by some of the same contractors — following the wildfires that destroyed much of Pacific Palisades and parts of Altadena in January, and as fresh complaints arise around that work, as The Times recently reported.
Steve Larson poses for a portrait at Elk Grove Park on Sept. 1. Larson, who was a former state debris operations manager in the California Governor’s Office of Emergency Services, is a whistleblower alleging widespread problems in California fire cleanups.
(Andri Tambunan / For The Times)
During the trial, Larson and other witnesses with direct knowledge of state fire contracts raised allegations of poor oversight and sloppy hiring and purchasing practices by CalRecycle, the state agency that oversaw multiple major cleanup contracts for CalOES; overcharging and poor record-keeping by contractors; toxic contamination being left behind on properties meant to have been cleared; and insufficient responses to those problems from both CalOES and FEMA officials.
The claims were buttressed at trial by the introduction into evidence of a previously unpublished audit of cleanup operations for several large fires in 2018. They were mostly rejected by attorneys for the state, who acknowledged some problems — which they said are common in fast-paced emergency responses operations. They broadly denied Larson’s allegations as baseless, saying he was an inexperienced and disgruntled former employee who was fired for poor performance.
The allegations were also dismissed by CalOES and by Burlingame-based Environmental Chemical Corp., which was the state’s lead contractor on the 2018 fires and is now the Army Corps of Engineer’s lead contractor on cleanup work for the Palisades and Eaton fires, which is nearing completion.
Anita Gore, a spokeswoman for CalOES, defended the agency’s work in a statement to The Times. While acknowledging some problems in the past, she said the agency is “committed to protecting the health and safety of all Californians, including in the aftermath of disasters, and is unwavering in its desire to maintain a safe and inclusive workplace where everyone can feel respected and thrive.”
In its own statement to The Times, ECC said it followed the directives and oversight of state and federal agencies at all times, and “is proud of its work helping communities recover from devastating disasters.”
“We approach each project with professionalism, transparency, and a commitment to delivering results under extraordinarily challenging conditions,” the company said.
Maria Bourn, one of Larson’s attorneys, told The Times that while her client lost at trial — which they are appealing — his case marked a “win for government accountability and the public at-large” by revealing “massive irregularities by wildfire debris removal contractors” who continue to work in the state.
“The state’s continued partnership with these companies when such widespread irregularities were identified by one of its own should alarm every taxpayer,” Bourn said.
A Malibu home lies in ruins after the Woolsey fire. Many questions were raised about the response.
(Al Seib / Los Angeles Times)
Camp, Woolsey and Hill fires
The allegations centered in large part around the state-run cleanup efforts following the Camp fire in Northern California, which killed 85 people and all but erased the town of Paradise in November 2018, and the contemporaneous Woolsey and Hill fires in Southern California, which ripped through Malibu and other parts of Los Angeles and Ventura counties.
FEMA has reimbursed the state more than $1 billion for costs associated with those cleanup efforts.
In a July 28, 2019, email entered as evidence in the trial, Larson wrote to CalOES chief of internal audits Ralph Zavala that he wanted to talk to him about “potential fraud” by Camp fire contractors, including ECC.
“I cannot say for sure, but something sure smells fishy,” Larson wrote in the email. “Either their contract was not in fact the lowest bid or they are creating fraud in the way they collect debris.”
Larson wrote in the same email that ECC was “supposedly the lowest bidder” but was “costing more” than the lower bids, which he wrote “doesn’t make sense.” At trial, Larson and his attorneys repeatedly claimed that instead of properly investigating his claims, his supervisors turned against him.
Other current and former state officials testified that they had raised similar concerns.
Todd Thalhamer, a former Camp fire area commander and operations chief who still works for CalRecycle, testified during the trial that he’d told Larson he believed ECC had low-balled its bid to win the work, then overcharged the state by millions of dollars. He said he had “dug very deep into the tonnage cost that they were charging, how they were charging, how they were cleaning it up,” and believed that ECC had been able to “game the system” by reporting that it was hauling out more of the debris types for which it could charge the most.
ECC denied manipulating bids or overcharging the state, and said that “all debris types and volumes are 100% inspected by and determined by CalRecycle and its monitoring representatives and systems, not by ECC or its subcontractors.”
Thalhamer testified that he’d sent an “email blast” out to top CalOES and CalRecycle officials telling them of his findings. He said that led to internal discussions and some but not all issues being resolved.
Further concerns were raised in records obtained by Larson’s attorneys from the prominent accounting firm EY, formerly known as Ernst & Young, which the state paid nearly $4 million to audit the Camp, Woolsey and Hill fire cleanup work.
According to those records, which were cited at trial, EY found that CalRecycle was “unable to produce documentation that fully supports how the proposed costs were determined to be reasonable when evaluating contractor proposals,” and didn’t appear to have “appropriate controls or oversight over the contractor’s performance.”
EY flagged $457 million charged by the contractors through 89 separate “change orders” — or additional charges not contemplated in their initial bids. It said the state lacked an adequate approval process for determining whether to accept such orders, couldn’t substantiate them and risked FEMA rescinding its funding if it didn’t take “immediate corrective action.”
EY specifically flagged $181 million in change orders for the construction of two “base camps” near the burn areas, from which the contractors would operate. It said the state only had invoices for $91 million of that spending, and that even those invoices were not itemized. EY executive Jill Powell testified that the firm believed such large contract changes were likely to be flagged as questionable by FEMA.
ECC — one of two contractors EY noted as having made the base camp change orders — defended its work.
The company said change orders are a necessary part of any cleanup operation, where the final cost “depends on the final quantities of debris that the Government directs the Contractors to remove and how far the material has to be transported for recycling or disposal.”
Such quantities can change over the course of a contract, which leads to changes in cost, it said.
As for the base camps, ECC said the state had explicitly stated in its initial request for proposals that it would “develop the requirements” and negotiate their cost through change orders, because details about their likely location and size were still being worked out when the bids were being accepted.
“Bidders could not know at the time of bid, which area of Paradise they would be assigned, how many properties would be assigned to the bidder, and therefore the exact size of the workforce that the Government would want housed in a Base Camp,” ECC said.
ECC said it “submitted invoices with supporting documentation in the format requested” by CalRecycle for all expenditures, and was “not aware of any missing invoices.”
“We cannot speak to what EY was provided from the State’s files or how the State provided those materials for EY’s review,” the company said. “Any gap in what EY reviewed should not be interpreted as meaning ECC failed to submit documentation.”
ECC said state officials only ever complimented the company for its work on the 2018 fires. And it said it continues to work in Southern California “with the same professionalism and care we bring to every project.”
SPSG, the second contractor EY flagged as being involved in the base camp change orders, did not respond to a request for comment.
Attorney James F. Curran, who represented the state at trial, said in his closing arguments that the work was not “running perfect” but was coming in on schedule and under budget. He said state officials were not ignoring problems, just cataloging non-pressing issues in order to address them when the dust cleared, as is common in emergency operations.
Curran said many of Larson’s complaints were based on his unfamiliarity with such work and his refusal to trust more experienced colleagues. He said Larson was fired not for flagging concerns, but because of “misconduct, arrogance, communication style problems, and performance problems.”
Gore, the CalOES spokeswoman, said CalRecycle awarded the contracts “through an open, competitive procurement process with oversight from CalOES and FEMA,” and that CalOES worked to address problems with contractors before Larson ever voiced any concerns.
Gore said CalOES hired EY to identify any potential improvements in the contracting and reimbursement process, and changed its policy to pay contractors per parcel of land cleared rather than by volume of debris removed in part to address concerns about potential load manipulation.
She said the agency could not answer other, detailed questions from The Times about the debris removal process and concerns about mismanagement and alleged overcharging because the Larson case “remains pending and subject to appeal,” and because CalOES faces “other, active litigation” as well.
The EY audit also flagged issues with several other contractors, including Tetra Tech and Arcadis, according to draft records obtained from EY by Larson’s attorneys and submitted as evidence at trial.
The EY records said Tetra Tech filed time sheets for unapproved costs, without sufficient supporting information, with questionable or excessive hours, with digital alterations that increased hourly rates, and without proper supervisor approvals. It said it also charged for work without providing any supporting time sheets.
The EY records said the company also used inconsistent procedures for sampling soil and testing for asbestos, used billing rates that were inconsistent between its contract and its invoices, charged for “after hours” work without supporting documentation, filed questionable, per-hour lodging costs, appeared to have digitally edited change orders after they were signed and dated, and relied inappropriately on questionable digital signatures for approving change orders.
Tetra Tech did not respond to a request for comment.
The EY records said Arcadis filed change orders for costs that appeared to be part of the “normal course of business,” filed invoices for work that began before the company’s state contract was signed, and relied inappropriately on digital signatures.
Arcadis referred all questions to CalRecycle. CalRecycle provided a copy of its own “targeted” audit of Arcadis’ work, which found the company had complied with the requirements of its nearly $29-million contract with the state. CalRecycle otherwise referred The Times back to CalOES.
A recovery team searches for human remains after the Camp fire.
(Marcus Yam / Los Angeles Times)
North Bay fires
Concerns about cleanup work following major fires in Sonoma, Santa Rosa and other North Bay counties in 2017 — under both CalOES and the Army Corps of Engineers — also arose at the trial.
Sean Smith, a former 20-year veteran of CalOES and a prominent figure in California debris removal operations to this day, alleged in an email submitted at trial that ECC and other contractors hired to clear contaminated debris and soil from those fires over-excavated sites in order “to boost loads to get more tonnage and money.”
ECC denied Smith’s claims, saying it “does not perform excessive soil removal” and that it followed “the detailed debris removal operations plan requirements” of the Army Corps of Engineers, which had its own quality assurance representatives monitoring the work.
In a deposition, Smith also testified that, in the midst of spending more than $50 million to repair that over-excavation, state officials identified lingering contamination at “what would be considered hazardous waste levels.”
“They hadn’t finished the cleanup in all spots, and we found it, and we recorded it,” he said.
Smith testified that those findings were presented to high-ranking CalOES and FEMA officials during a meeting in San Francisco in October 2018. At that meeting, CalOES regional manager Eric Lamoureux laid out all the state’s contamination findings in detail, “but nobody wanted to hear it,” Smith said.
During his deposition, Smith alleged that the “exact words” of one FEMA attorney in attendance were, “We have to find out how to debunk the state’s testing” — which he said he found surprising, given the testing was based on federal environmental standards.
“I don’t know how you’d debunk such a thing,” Smith said.
FEMA officials did not respond to requests for comment. CalOES also did not answer questions about the alleged meeting.
ECC said that Smith, who managed and signed its contracts with CalOES, gave ECC “a very positive performance review” when it completed the Sonoma and Santa Rosa work — describing its work as “exceptional.”
Smith said he quit his post working on those fires after the San Francisco meeting, though he continued working for the agency in other roles for a couple more years. Smith more recently formed his own debris removal consulting firm — which has been involved in soil testing for the state after other recent fires.
CalOES did not respond to questions about Smith’s claims or separation from the agency.
When ICE agents raided the construction site of a burned property in Altadena this month, they made no arrests. The man they were after was not there. But the mere specter of them returning spooked the workers enough to bring the project to a temporary halt.
The next day, half of the 12-man team stayed home. The crew returned to full strength by the end of the week, but they now work in fear, according to Brock Harris, a real estate agent representing the developer of the property.
“It had a chilling effect,” he said. “They’re instilling fear in the workers trying to rebuild L.A.”
Harris said another developer in the area started camouflaging his construction sites: hiding Porta Potties, removing construction fences and having workers park far away and carpool to the site so as not to attract attention.
The potential of widespread immigration raids at construction sites looms ominously over Los Angeles County’s prospects of rebuilding after the two most destructive fires in its history.
A new report by the UCLA Anderson Forecast said that roundups could hamstring the colossal undertaking to reconstruct the 13,000 homes that were wiped away in Altadena and Pacific Palisades on Jan. 7 — and exacerbate the housing crisis by stymieing new construction statewide.
“Deportations will deplete the construction workforce,” the report said. “The loss of workers installing drywall, flooring, roofing and the like will directly diminish the level of production.”
A house under construction in Altadena.
(Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)
The consequences will spread far beyond those who are deported, the report said. Many of the undocumented workers who manage to avoid Immigration and Customs Enforcement will be forced to withdraw from the labor force. Their specialties are often crucial to getting projects completed, potentially harming the fortunes of remaining workers who can’t finish jobs without their help.
“The productive activities of the undocumented and the rest of the labor force are often complementary,” the report said. “For example, home building could be delayed because of a reduction in specific skills” resulting in “a consequent increase in unemployment for the remaining workforce.”
Jerry Nickelsburg, the director of the Anderson Forecast and author of the quarterly California report released Wednesday, said the “confusion and uncertainty” about the rollout of both immigration and trade policies “has a negative economic impact on California.”
Contractors want to hire Americans but have a hard time finding enough of them with proper abilities, said Brian Turmail, a spokesperson for the Associated General Contractors of America trade group.
“Most of them are kind of in the Lee Greenwood crowd,” he said, referring to a country music singer known for performing patriotic songs. “They’d rather be hiring young men and women from the United States. They’re just not there.”
“Construction firms don’t start off with a business plan of, ‘Let’s hire undocumented workers,’” Turmail said. “They start with a business plan of, ‘Let’s find qualified people.’ It’s been relatively easy for undocumented workers to get into the country, so let’s not be surprised there are undocumented workers working in, among other things, industries in construction.”
The trade group said government policies are partly to blame for the labor shortage. About 80% of federal funds spent on workforce development go to encouraging students to pursue four-year degrees, even though fewer than 40% of Americans complete college, Turmail said.
“Exposing future workers to fields like construction and teaching them the skills they need is woefully lacking,” he said. “Complicating that, we don’t really offer many lawful pathways for people born outside the United States to come into the country and work in construction.”
A home under construction in Altadena, where immigration agents visited earlier this month.
(Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)
The recently raided Altadena project had plenty of momentum before the raid, Harris said. The original house burned in the Eaton fire, but the foundation survived, so the developer, who requested anonymity for fear of ICE retribution, purchased the lot with plans to rebuild the exact house that was there.
Permits were quickly secured, and the developer hoped to finish the home by December. But as immigration raids continue across L.A. County, that timeline could be in jeopardy.
“It’s insane to me that in the wake of a natural disaster, they’re choosing to create trouble and fear for those rebuilding,” Harris said. “There’s a terrible housing shortage, and they’re throwing a wrench into development plans.”
Los Angeles real estate developer Clare De Briere called raids “fearmongering.”
“It’s the anticipation of the possibility of being taken, even if you are fully legal and you have your papers and everything’s in order,” she said. “It’s an anticipation that you’re going to be taken and harassed because of how you look, and you’re going to lose a day’s work or potentially longer than that.”
De Briere helped oversee Project Recovery, a group of public and private real estate experts who compiled a report in March on what steps can be taken to speed the revival of the Palisades and Altadena as displaced residents weigh their options to return to fire-affected neighborhoods.
The prospect of raids and increased tariffs has increased uncertainty about how much it will cost to rebuild homes and commercial structures, she said. “Any time there is unpredictability, the market is going to reflect that by increasing costs.”
The disappearance of undocumented workers stands to exacerbate the labor shortage that has grown more pronounced in recent years as construction has been slowed by high interest rates and the rising cost of materials that could get even more expensive because of new tariffs.
“In general, costs have risen in the last seven years for all sorts of construction,” including houses and apartments, said Devang Shah, a principal at Genesis Builders, a firm focused on rebuilding homes in Altadena for people who were displaced by the fire. “We’re not seeing much construction work going on.”
The slowdown has left a shortage of workers as many contractors consolidated or got out of the business because they couldn’t find enough work, Shah said.
“When you start thinking about Altadena and the Palisades,” he said, “limited subcontractors can create headwinds.”
WASHINGTON, February 14, 2025 (Newswire.com)
– Federal contractor Monbo Group International and its affiliate sued the U.S. Department of Navy in the Federal District Court of the District of Columbia for allegedly violating the Administrative Procedure Act.
According to court documents, “the Navy improperly published Monbo Group International and its affiliate’s name on a debarment list without following the applicable debarment procedures found in the Federal Regulations and Statutes.”
The lawsuit also accuses “the Navy of defamation and interference with Monbo Group International’s economic business advantage.”
The lawsuit demands an injunction against the Navy. In addition to the injunction, the lawsuit also seeks an order from the Court, directing the Navy to remove references to debarment from the contracting records of Monbo Group International and its affiliate.
The Navy, who is represented by the Department of Justice (DOJ), attempted to have the suit thrown out of court by filing a motion to dismiss, but the Federal District Court Judge denied the Navy’s motion to dismiss. In addition to denying the Navy’s motion to dismiss, Federal Judge Amit Mehta ordered the Navy to answer the lawsuit and to submit the certified Administrative Record to the Court.
The order issued by Federal District Court Judge, Amit Mehta, represents a major defeat for the Navy. With the order, the case proceeds to trial on the record. “We are pleased with the court’s decision and look forward to moving this case forward,” the company said.
Navy employees Javier Aponte, Kenneth Brown, Nicholous Johnson, Ross Phillip, and Timothy Vonderharr are also named as defendants in the lawsuit.
The case is Monbo v. U.S. Department of Navy et al, U.S. District Court For the District of Columbia, Case Number: 1:24-CV-02547.
A veteran Los Angeles County sheriff’s deputy has died six months after he was severely burned in a fire at one of the department’s mobile shooting ranges, a family spokesperson said Sunday.
Alfredo “Freddy” Flores, 51, of Sylmar, died Saturday evening at Valley Presbyterian Hospital, where he was being treated for third-degree burns suffered when a tractor-trailer range where he was getting re-certified burst into flames last October in Castaic.
Flores, and a second injured deputy serving as range master, were initially taken to a local hospital in critical but stable condition and sent to Los Angeles General Medical Center for further treatment. Flores was transferred to Valley Presbyterian and never left the Van Nuys hospital, said attorney and family spokesman Joe A. Nunez.
Flores was a 22-year department veteran who worked at the North County Correctional Facility, Altadena Station and, at the time of the accident, Court Services West Bureau. “He was well-respected in the department and in the community and his passing will leave a huge void in the hearts of many who knew him,” the Sheriff’s Department said in a statement.
The department did not provide an update on the condition of the other injured deputy.
The blaze started around 9:30 a.m. Oct. 10 in the trailer, which was parked next to the men’s jail at Pitchess Detention Center. At the time, Sheriff Robert Luna said the department would conduct an investigation to find out the cause and “get to the bottom of it so we prevent it from happening again.”
The Department has relied on more than a dozen range trailers so thousands of deputies can test their skills four times a year as required by department policy. After the fire, the department shut down all of its mobile firing ranges, launched an internal investigation and called in the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives for help.
It was at least the fourth time in less than a decade that a Sheriff’s Department mobile range caught fire.
In 2016, a contractor working on a trailer parked at the department’s Tactics and Survival Training Center using a metal grinder sparked a blaze. It is unclear how much damage it caused or if anyone was injured.
In 2019, a mobile trailer being used by sheriff’s deputies at the Marina del Rey sheriff’s station during a training exercise caught fire when a non-explosive device used to simulate a stun grenade started a fire that engulfed the trailer. All the deputies escaped injury.
That same year, a trailer parked near the Castaic jail complex caught fire. As with the 2016 blaze, officials said the cause was a contractor with a power tool. The department did not offer additional details.
Multiple range experts told The Times last year that mobile range fires appear to be rare but there is a risk of fire from unburned gunpowder at any range that isn’t adequately cleaned and ventilated.
In a statement, Nunez said Flores’ family was “acutely aware of the inherent risks associated with the position” but nothing could have prepared it for “his untimely departure due to injuries sustained stemming from the malfunction of equipment during a training drill.”
Los Angeles County Supervisor Janice Hahn released a similar statement Sunday, saying that though Flores “put his life on the line every day to protect the communities he served, it is a terrible tragedy that he lost his life from what should have been a routine training exercise.”
Nunez said the family was thankful the department is not using mobile shooting ranges and would not comment if they would be filing a wrongful-death lawsuit. He said he was serving as a family spokesperson.
Funeral arrangement have not yet been completed, he said.
Times staff writer Keri Blakinger contributed to this report.
The nation’s electric utilities have voiced overwhelming support for reducing carbon emissions. Eighty percent of U.S. electricity customers are served by a utility with a 100% carbon-reduction target, according to the Smart Electric Power Alliance, and utility executives have touted their sustainability plans at the U.N. Climate Conference, Davos and beyond.
So why is it so hard to get help switching to a climate-friendly heat pump?
Marvels of modern engineering, heat pumps provide heating and cooling by transferring warm or cold air into or out of a home, eliminating the need to generate heat. They have been shown to substantially slash consumer heating costs and cut greenhouse gas emissions up to 50%.
Like so many other Americans who helped fuel a residential construction boom following the onset of the pandemic, I recently embarked on a wholesale remodel of my home in the Bay Area. Unlike most of my fellow remodelers, I make my living analyzing trends in customer experience with the nation’s electric, gas and water utilities. As an energy nerd, I saw the project as a chance to delve into the various incentives that the utilities have been promoting to facilitate my conversion from a gas-fired furnace to an electric heat pump.
What I found was a tangle of red tape, well-meaning but tragically ill-informed customer service representatives, and hours upon hours of filing forms, chasing down obscure information and questioning contractors — all in a quixotic quest to claim my local, state and federal rebates.
Heat pumps loom large as a component of electric utility sustainability initiatives. The Biden administration recently announced that $63 million in Inflation Reduction Act funding would be used to spur domestic manufacturing of heat pumps, and local, state and federal incentives have been deployed in most jurisdictions nationwide to encourage consumers to make the switch.
At the federal level, consumers are eligible for a tax credit that covers 30% of the cost of buying and installing a heat pump, up to a maximum of $2,000 per year. The TECH Clean California program offers incentives to contractors to install heat pumps, and the Los Angeles Department of Water & Power and other utilities offer rebates and other benefits. In Marin County, where I live, state, county and local incentives promised to bring the total rebate on my project to almost $5,000.
That prospect, along with the long-term value of increased efficiency, was enough to persuade me to take the plunge on a system that was a bit more expensive than a comparable gas furnace. Moreover, my extensive research on the subject was enough to overcome widespread misconceptions about the technology and its ability to comfortably heat and cool my home.
The good news is that my heat pump works wonderfully! It’s so good that I’ve started recommending one to my friends and neighbors. It isn’t loud or dry like traditional heat; it’s even and smooth. The system allowed much more flexibility in our construction and design. And, best of all, I now have central cooling for the first time.
Unfortunately, I’ve also put hours of work into chasing rebates I still haven’t received.
Ironically, the easiest part of the process was applying for a federal rebate through the Internal Revenue Service. When the IRS sets the benchmark for customer service, you know you have a problem.
Among the challenges I faced were an hour-plus conversation with a friendly Pacific Gas & Electric Co. representative who knew absolutely nothing about heat pump programs; an apologetic county official who informed me that I would need to fill out a commercial form even though my project was residential because “that’s the way the paperwork is written”; and even a request to provide detailed photos of my old gas furnace — the one that had already been removed — to prove I had made the switch.
Fortunately, because I was documenting the process partly for my own education, I had those photos and welcomed the opportunity to find all the hurdles consumers face. But will typical consumers — those who don’t spend their workdays analyzing the minutiae of utility customer experience — even bother to deal with this craziness? Probably not.
Perhaps that has something to do with the widespread customer apathy toward electric utility sustainability efforts. J.D. Power’s most recent study of this topic found that just 19% of customers were even aware of their utility’s carbon reduction initiatives.
We’re living in an era of amazing technological innovation, and we have public policies designed to catalyze consumer adoption of these breakthroughs. But if the same old bureaucratic hurdles stand in the way of access to those programs, no one wins.
There is a huge opportunity here for innovative utilities to take the lead on improving not only our policies but also the mechanisms that make them work. As a utilities industry professional, I’m optimistic that our leaders will take up this cause. As a consumer, I just hope I eventually get my rebate.
Andrew Heath is the vice president of utilities intelligence at J.D. Power.
Miriam del Carmen Ramirez was walking back into the carrot fields in New Cuyama after a brief work break, and looked over her shoulder to check on her mother, who was just a few yards behind.
As a crew of about 60 workers were headed back to finish picking the field, she heard the engine of a truck nearby, then panicked yelling.
“You could hear people screaming, and I couldn’t see my mom,” the 24-year-old farmworker said.
A truck driver driving in reverse had struck her mother, Rosa Miriam Sanchez, 58, prompting workers to scream for the driver to stop. Ramirez said she ran to her mother, who died in her arms as she called 911 for help.
As tragic as the death was, witnesses told The Times that they were further incensed when the workers at Grimmway Farms were told to finish picking the carrot fields while Sanchez’s body lay under a blanket a few feet away and authorities inquired about the incident.
The Sept. 20 accident in Santa Barbara County has prompted an investigation by Grimmway Farms and Cal/OSHA — the state agency that regulates workplace safety. But farmworkers say they also want an investigation into supervisors’ decision to order laborers to finish picking carrots while Sanchez’s body still lay in the dirt. Some workers said the incident had left them shaken, and some have chosen to look for other work rather than return to the farm.
“I don’t know who gave that order for them to continue working, but I found it extremely disrespectful, and that specific order just proved that they don’t care about us for nothing,” said Ernesto Perez, a farmworker who saw what happened and ran over to help Sanchez. “Even a worker losing their their life wasn’t going to stop them from finishing the work. We’re just a piece of trash for them.”
In a statement, Grimmway Farms said it was conducting an internal investigation into the circumstances of Sanchez’s death, as well as reviewing why workers returned to work after the crash. But President and Chief Executive Jeff Huckaby said in the statement that the company did not believe the directive to keep working was made by Grimmway Farms.
“We are heartbroken by Ms. Sanchez’s death and for all those impacted by this accident,” the statement read. “Based on early findings from our ongoing internal investigations, we do not believe a directive was made by Grimmway to continue work on the day of the accident. However, it is evident that work should have ceased immediately.”
An investigation by the Santa Barbara County Sheriff’s Office determined that the crash was an accident, a spokesperson for the agency told The Times.
But Ramirez and other farmworkers are calling for an investigation into how the incident was handled. They are also demanding an inquiry into safety concerns that they had about the truck and the driver involved, and why workers were told to finish picking the carrot field with Sanchez’s body nearby.
A spokesperson for Cal/OSHA confirmed the agency had opened an investigation into the incident. The agency has also opened inspections of the contractors involved, including Esparza Enterprises Inc., which hired the workers, and M & M Labor Inc., which hired the unidentified driver. The agency would not confirm details of the investigation.
As with many commercial farms in the country, Grimmway often uses labor provided by a network of contractors that hire the employees to work on the farms.
Those contractors, such as in Sanchez’s case, often supervise and direct the workers while they’re in the field. Ramirez said she and her mom had been working at Grimmway Farms since May under the supervision of Esparza Enterprises.
Representatives of Esparza Enterprises and M & M Labor did not return calls seeking comment for this story.
Video taken by farmworkers shows a body covered by a blanket behind a flat-bed truck. A few feet away, workers are seen bent over in the field, picking carrots from the dirt.
“They went back to work right away,” Ramirez said. “My mom was right next to it, but a different crew went over and finished that piece.”
One witness said one of Sanchez’s co-workers walked over at one point and put a cross on her covered body.
A spokesperson for Grimmway Farms said that the company had no confirmation from its internal review that people were instructed to continue working, but added that the farm was considering new communications training and procedures “to ensure this does not happen again.”
“In the tragedy of the moment, while help was being called, aid was being rendered, and the scene was being secured so investigations could be conducted, we regret that a formal announcement was not made immediately that all work should be stopped in the field,” the spokesperson said.
One farmworker, who witnessed the incident and asked not to be identified for fear of losing her job, told The Times that one of the work crews was asked to finish picking the field that Sanchez and her crew had been tasked with that day. The second crew was told that if they declined, a different crew would replace them to finish the field.
“That same day, they proved that even if you lose your life, they’re going to continue,” Perez said. “As long as we make them money, they don’t care about us.”
Perez and Ramirez said workers had aired safety concerns about the truck and the driver to supervisors before the accident, including worries that the truck did not sound an audio alert when it was driving in reverse, and concerns that the driver drove down the field at high speeds.
The truck routinely drives near farmworkers on the field, picking up crates of carrots as the laborers move down the field, workers said.
The three farmworkers who spoke with The Times said workers had also aired concerns about the driver hitting things in the past, including water jugs and the mirror of a tractor.
A spokesperson for Grimmway Farms said the company was unaware of any previous concerns about the driver.
“To our knowledge, concerns regarding the driver were never relayed to the Grimmway safety department or leadership,” the spokesperson said in an email. “Our investigation is ongoing, and we will take appropriate actions based on the findings.”
Grimmway farms is also working with the contractor that employed the unidentified driver, Garcia Trucking and its affiliate M & M Trucking, to install cameras and alarms on the vehicles, the spokesperson said.
Perez said that when he saw the truck run over Sanchez on Sept. 20, about seven people nearby began to yell at the driver to stop.
“When I saw her, I started freaking out,” he said of Sanchez.
The driver stopped, Perez said, and then drove the truck forward, running over Sanchez a second time.
“She passed right there on the filed,” Perez said. “There was no way to help her.”
The driver no longer drives for Garcia Trucking and is not permitted to drive on Grimmway Farms property, the farm spokesperson said.
Perez said that the incident left him shaken and that he had not returned to work for the contractor since, even though he’s struggling to find ways to make a living.
He had grown close to Sanchez over the years, he said, carpooling to the fields at times. When his mother died, Perez said, Sanchez helped him through his grief.
“She had her own way of showing you her love,” he said. “She always spoke her mind, like my mother. She didn’t let anyone give her [grief], and I liked that.”
Her death has been devastating, but seeing workers ordered to finish harvesting the field while her body was still lying on the ground has left him angry, he said.
“They didn’t value her life for anything — it was like roadkill for them,” he said. “I can’t go back. After seeing that, I can’t go back to that.”
Instead, he’s picked up odd jobs in construction.
Since her mother’s death, Ramirez said, she too has stopped working for the contractor. She has returned to the fields for work, but she and her younger brother are now saving money to move away from the area.
“We’re going to try to move,” she said, “and just live as normally as we can.”
To Steven Propster, the swirling flames looked like something straight out of a Hollywood movie. They crackled and licked at his heels, and he fleetingly wondered whether he’d make it out alive.
After nearly three decades at the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department, Propster — then a deputy — knew this was one of his closest calls. It was the spring of 2019, and he and two co-workers had been testing a training device inside one of the department’s mobile shooting ranges when the trailer caught fire.
“It became a full-on inferno,” Propster told The Times.
Four years later, that scene seemed all too familiar, when a range trailer parked next to the county’s Castaic jail complex went up in flames and landed two deputies in the hospital with third-degree burns. It was at least the fourth time in less than a decade that a Sheriff’s Department mobile range caught fire, a frequency of blazes that several firearms experts said was surprising.
“It’s curious that they’ve had this number of fires,” said Phil Ludos, a former Michigan police chief who is now vice president of a range trailer training company in Florida. “Did we not learn? If I had one fire in a mobile range, I wouldn’t have another fire.”
Typically, the Sheriff’s Department relies on range trailers so thousands of deputies can test their skills four times a year as required by department policy. After the Oct. 10 blaze, the department quickly shut down all of its mobile firing ranges, launched an internal investigation and called in the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives for help.
“We need to know why it happened and get to the bottom of it so we can prevent it from happening again,” Sheriff Robert Luna said afterward at a news conference.
But to some deputies and those who represent them, the latest fire seemed frustratingly preventable — especially considering how many had come before.
“It appears the Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department has been caught once again trying to ‘do more with less,’ resulting in inadequate maintenance of these range trailers and serious injuries to two of our deputies,” said Richard Pippin, president of the Assn. of Los Angeles Deputy Sheriffs. “ALADS is shocked to learn that there have been so many similar fires and there haven’t been, to our knowledge, any changes to the range trailer procedures.”
*****
The Sheriff’s Department has been using range trailers since the late 1980s. In a county the size of Los Angeles, they offered an attractive and affordable alternative to relying on more permanent firing ranges built in far-flung places. Instead of paying deputies overtime to spend a day driving to a fixed location for their required firearms testing every few months, the department could move the mobile ranges from station to station every week.
Three decades ago, officials said that, aside from convenience, in some ways mobile ranges were safer than outdoor ones. “There are no distractions,” Deputy Robert Drake told the Los Angeles Daily News in 1992. “Here, you have the target down range, and that’s it.”
At the time, the department had five trailers, though that number has since expanded to 15. The 50- to 53-foot mobile structures usually have three shooting lanes overseen by a range master. The interior walls are covered with soundproofing foam, and a thick rubber or metal plate known as a bullet trap sits behind the target.
Every few months, deputies practice in them using training rounds designed to minimize lead exposure. Like regular indoor ranges, shooting trailers require regular cleaning to prevent a dangerous buildup of lead and gunpowder.
A former range deputy with the Sheriff’s Department explained the problem in more detail.
“When you shoot a gun, there’s gunpowder and explosives inside the cartridge,” the deputy said, asking to remain anonymous due to pending litigation involving the department. “Not all of that gunpowder burns — sometimes it ends up on the floor in front of you, sometimes it ends up on your hands.”
It’s a “known problem,” he said, and can lead to blazes that get out of control.
Though mobile ranges are a common law enforcement tool, it’s not clear how often they catch fire. Multiple range experts said fires appear to be rare. The National Law Enforcement Firearms Instructors Assn. said it does not track that data, and that the risk of fires from unburned gunpowder is a possibility at any range that isn’t adequately cleaned and ventilated.
“When you tell me that there’s a fire inside a range, most often that means it either hasn’t been maintenanced properly or they’re not using the right kind of ammo,” said Ludos, vice president of Mobile Tactics, which uses range trailers to conduct firearms qualifications and training across the country. “We’ve really been active since 2015, and we have never had an incident, never had an injury with anybody on a trailer.”
The first mobile range fire Sheriff’s Department officials could find any record of was in 2016, when a contractor working on a trailer parked at the department’s Tactics and Survival Training Center started using a grinder — a type of power tool that cuts metal — inside the structure.
Sparks from the grinder started a fire, but when The Times asked for more details this month officials did not specify whether anyone was injured or how much damage the fire caused.
Three years later, in March 2019, Propster and a few deputies at the Marina del Rey station decided to set up a training scenario to prepare for the possibility of an active shooter on a boat.
Propster, who’d previously worked in SWAT, said he suggested starting off the scenario with a flashbang trainer, a nonexplosive device that resembles another common tool in the law enforcement arsenal: a flashbang, or stun grenade.
A traditional flashbang is a type of explosive that’s typically not lethal and is used to disorient suspects with a bright flash and a loud bang. A flashbang trainer is a reusable version of the device that makes a loud noise but doesn’t contain any explosives.
But before setting off a loud noise in public and possibly causing panic, Propster wanted to try out the device in a more controlled setting to check how loud it really was. Since the range trailer had soundproofing, he said, he and the other deputies decided to test it out there.
The first time, Propster said, the device went off without a hitch. One of the other deputies suggested trying it a second time, without ear protection.
They heard the loud boom they expected. But then they saw a fizzle “somewhat like an old dynamite fuse,” Propster told internal affairs investigators at the time, according to a recording of the interview that he shared with The Times.
“A flame about the size of a large candle popped up,” he continued. “It was probably an inch high.”
One of the other deputies stomped out the flame with his foot, Propster told investigators. As soon as he did, two more flames popped up nearby — and he shouted for another deputy to bring a fire extinguisher.
“He doused it — but two seconds later, flames went running up the wall,” Propster told The Times. “We ran toward the door, and the flame began to swirl and burn everything and chase us out. It was like a movie.”
The three deputies in the trailer ran to the door and burst outside, narrowly escaping as the trailer went up in flames. Unspent ammunition started to pop and explode. When firefighters arrived, Propster said, they struggled to extinguish the blaze.
“It stayed hot for two days,” he said. “It reignited twice.”
Ultimately, Propster said, he and the other deputies involved were all punished with five days of unpaid leave. Department officials confirmed that employees had been disciplined in connection with the Marina del Rey incident but did not offer specifics.
Even though Propster knew he’d started the fire — albeit accidentally — he came away from the incident worried about the department’s continued use of range trailers.
“If you have one fire, it’s a one-off,” he said. “Two, OK, what’s causing this?”
That same year, a trailer parked near the Castaic jail complex caught fire. As with the 2016 blaze, officials said the cause was a contractor with a power tool. Again, the department said the incident was investigated but did not offer additional details.
This year’s fire also started in a trailer near the Castaic complex. Officials said the range trailer — originally purchased in 1992, making it one of the department’s oldest — had been serviced and cleaned by an outside contractor in July. The department’s Facilities Services Bureau did its normal trailer maintenance there in September.
When the blaze began earlier this month, there were two deputies inside: a 17-year veteran assigned to North County Correctional Facility and a 20-year veteran assigned to Sylmar Court. One was taking a department-mandated recertification test, and the other — the range master — was supervising.
Though both deputies were severely burned, they are recovering and expected to survive. Representatives for InVeris Training Solutions, the company officials said built the trailer, did not respond to a request for comment.
The Sheriff’s Department has not yet said how the fire started, but department spokeswoman Nicole Nishida said investigators have preliminarily determined it was accidental.
“All the prior fires were determined to be caused by peripheral circumstances and not due to the operational functionality of the mobile ranges,” Nishida added. “The Marina del Rey incident was due to inappropriate use of the mobile range and the other two fires were caused by contractors doing maintenance to the interior.”
Several nearby sheriff’s departments — including those in Ventura, Riverside and San Bernardino counties — told The Times they do not use range trailers. But for those that do, the recent fire has been a cause for concern.
The San Diego County Sheriff’s Department said it has one range trailer but isn’t currently using it because there are no firearms qualifications underway at the moment. The department hasn’t had any problems with the trailer in the past, according to Lt. David LaDieu. But officials are “aware of the situation in Los Angeles and will monitor” it, he said.
Since the incident in Castaic, the Orange County Sheriff’s Department has stopped using its two mobile pistol ranges, even though officials there also said they hadn’t seen any signs of a problem.
“We felt it was imperative to take every precaution by shutting both down and ensuring they are inspected for any potential hazards,” Sgt. Mike Woodroof told The Times in an email. “We currently do not have a date when we expect our MPR’s [Mobile Pistol Ranges] to be operational again, but we will not rush as the safety of all that utilize them are our top priority.”
But taking the mobile ranges offline could create another problem for departments — especially those in large counties — when it comes to ensuring deputies complete their firearms qualifications. In Los Angeles, those qualifications typically take place four times a year, and it’s not yet clear how that will work for now, or whether the department will ultimately resume its use of the mobile trailers.
“In the meantime,” Nishida said, “we are looking into alternative options for firearm qualifications for personnel throughout the county.“
For decades, construction contracts and subcontracts—both in New York and elsewhere—seem to have attracted more than their share of payment disputes. Owners regularly run out of money. Contractors and subcontractors regularly screw up (and run out of money). Projects regularly go over budget—but rarely stay under budget—and regularly fail (often because they ran out of money).
In response, New York, like most other states, allows contractors and subcontractors to file mechanics’ liens against projects if not paid. Those liens can eventually be enforced just like foreclosing a mortgage. Mechanics’ lien laws give contractors and subcontractors a very powerful collection technique not available to ordinary creditors, such as unpaid real estate lawyers.
Contractors tried to reduce their exposure to some of these risks by adding “pay when paid” clauses to their subcontracts. Those clauses said that the contractor didn’t have to pay the subcontractor unless the owner decided to pay the contractor. It was a great mechanism for the contractor to shift the risk of nonpayment to its subcontractors.
The New York courts decided that the mechanism was too great to actually work. It flew in the face of the New York mechanics’ lien law, which said that any waiver of the right to file a mechanic’s lien was unenforceable. And, the courts said, a “pay when paid” clause amounted to a back-door waiver of the subcontractor’s right to file a mechanic’s lien.
In 2002, the New York Legislature complicated these issues by deciding that the relationship among owners, contractors, and subcontractors required further improvement. The legislature passed a law that set standards and procedures for how and when owners are supposed to pay contractors, and contractors are supposed to pay subcontractors. The law unambiguously required the contractor to pay its subcontractors whether or not the owner paid the contractor. The owner’s nonpayment shouldn’t be the subcontractors’ problem, according to the legislature.
The 2002 law did, however, carve out an exception: If the owner appointed an agent to act for the owner in signing contracts, then the agent wouldn’t be responsible for any payments due under those contracts. That conforms to traditional principles of the law of agency.
At least one smart contractor tried to use this exception to create protections similar to a “pay when paid” clause. That contractor inserted new language into its subcontracts, requiring each subcontractor to acknowledge that the contractor merely acted as an agent for the owner, so only the owner was responsible for payment. The owner’s payments would, of course, run through the contractor on the way to the subcontractor, but the contractor was still just an agent for the owner—a channel for payment—without liability.
It didn’t work. A court decided that the contractor couldn’t shrug its shoulders and claim to be nothing more than the owner’s agent. Instead, the rest of the subcontract made clear that it was a separate and independent contract between the contractor and the subcontractor. The subcontractor signed the contract in its own name. The subcontractor’s obligations ran to the contractor, not the owner. The contractor couldn’t escape liability by claiming it was an agent.
Although this contractor lost its litigation with the subcontractor, the “agency” theory just might work in a future subcontract. A contractor would need to play it through thoroughly. The contract would need to make clear throughout that the contractor is a mere innocent “agent” of the owner, and signs and acts only in that capacity.
If the contractor were in fact a construction manager, then such agency status makes sense. In a traditional general contract arrangement, however, where the contractor expects to make a profit after paying subcontractors, it’s not so easy for the contractor to claim to be the owner’s agent. Contractors may have to come up with some other solution to the problem.