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Tag: Columbia University

  • DHS Agents Detain Student in Residence Building, Columbia Says

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    “Alma Mater” sculpture designed by Daniel Chester French in front of the library building on New York City’s Columbia University campus grounds. A symbol of academic pride since 1903.
    Photo: Getty Images

    Federal agents detained a Columbia University student in her university residence on Thursday morning, according to a statement from school leadership.

    In a letter to the school community, Columbia University acting president Claire Shipman said government agents provided false details in order to gain access to a university residential building where the student was detained. She did not identify the student in question or the reason given for their detention, but the Columbia Spectator reports that Ellie Aghayeva, a neuroscience student at the university, shared the message, “Dhs illegally arrested me. Please help,” on an Instagram Story. Aghayeva’s profile on the platform, which has 104,000 followers, largely features lifestyle content centered around her life as a Columbia student.

    “This morning at approximately 6:30 a.m., federal agents from the Department of Homeland Security entered a Columbia Residential building and detained a student,” Shipman said in a statement. “We are working to gather more information, working to reach the family, and providing legal support.”

    Continued Shipman, “Our understanding at this time is that the federal agents made misrepresentations to gain entry to the building to search for a ‘missing person.’ We are working to gather more details.”

    Shipman reemphasized that law-enforcement agents are required to have either a judicial warrant or subpoena to access nonpublic spaces on Columbia’s campus including classrooms, housing, and areas that require ID-swipe access. “An administrative warrant is not sufficient,” she said.

    In response to a request for comment, the Department of Homeland Security issued a statement confirming Aghayeva’s arrest. “ICE arrested Elmina Aghayeva, an illegal alien from Azerbaijan, whose student visa was terminated in 2016 under the Obama administration for failing to attend classes. The building manager and her roommate let officers into the apartment. She has no pending appeals or applications with DHS,” the agency said.

    City Council Speaker Julie Menin and Councilmember Shaun Abreu, whose district encompasses Columbia, issued a joint statement confirming that they were briefed on the incident. “ICE has no place in our schools and universities. These activities do not make our city or country safer, but rather drive mistrust and danger. As Columbia College alumni, our hearts are with the community there, and we have been in contact with the University to offer our assistance,” they said.

    Governor Kathy Hochul also weighed in, reemphasizing her push for legislation that would bar ICE from sensitive locations like dorms and schools. “Let’s be clear about what happened: ICE agents didn’t have the proper warrant, so they lied to gain access to a student’s private residence,” she said.

    Senator Chuck Schumer called the ICE agents’s actions “outrageous” in a statement. “This is unacceptable. We need immediate answers from ICE on the student’s whereabouts,” he said.

    The Columbia Spectator reports that dozens have gathered on Columbia’s campus for an emergency rally protesting the government’s actions, organized by the university’s chapter of the Sunrise Movement. The Intercept captured photos of the growing crowd:

    Last year, Immigrations and Customs Enforcement agents arrested Columbia graduate and activist Mahmoud Khalil at his university-owned apartment on allegations that he provided misleading information on his green-card application. Khalil was later held for months at an ICE detention center in Louisiana and missed the birth of his firstborn son as the Trump administration sought his deportation. A federal judge approved Khalil’s release, but the federal government continues to press for his deportation.


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    Nia Prater

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  • Army taps celebrity chef Robert Irvine to overhaul its mess halls

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    Army taps celebrity chef Robert Irvine to overhaul its mess halls – CBS News









































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    The U.S. Army tapped celebrity chef Robert Irvine to help overhaul its mess halls and meal options, and “CBS Saturday Morning” got an inside look at Irvine’s process.

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  • Tatiana Schlossberg, granddaughter of JFK, reveals terminal cancer diagnosis

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    Tatiana Schlossberg, granddaughter of slain President John F. Kennedy, is battling a rare form of leukemia and may have less than a year to live.

    In an essay published Saturday in the New Yorker, the 35-year-old environmental journalist wrote her illness was discovered in May 2024 after she gave birth to her daughter. She was diagnosed with acute myeloid leukemia with a rare mutation known as Inversion 3 and has undergone several treatments, including chemotherapy and bone marrow transplants.

    Schlossberg is a daughter of former U.S. Ambassador Caroline Kennedy, the former president’s daughter, and Edwin Schlossberg. They live in New York.

    In her essay, Schlossberg acknowledged that her terminal illness adds to a string of tragedies that has befallen the famous political family. Her grandfather was assassinated in Dallas in 1963. Nearly five years later, his brother, Sen. Robert F. Kennedy, was fatally shot in Los Angeles after giving a victory speech at the Ambassador Hotel following his California presidential primary win. Her uncle, John F. Kennedy Jr., died in 1999 when his small plane crashed.

    “For my whole life, I have tried to be good, to be a good student and a good sister and a good daughter, and to protect my mother and never make her upset or angry,” Schlossberg wrote.

    “Now I have added a new tragedy to her life, to our family’s life, and there’s nothing I can do to stop it.”

    She wrote her diagnosis was stunning. She had just turned 34, didn’t feel sick and was physically active, including swimming a mile one day before she gave birth to her second child at Columbia-Presbyterian hospital in New York.

    After the delivery, her doctor became alarmed by her high white blood cell count.

    At first, medical professionals figured the test result might be tied to her pregnancy. However, doctors soon concluded she had myeloid leukemia, a condition mostly observed in older patients. She ended up spending weeks in the hospital.

    “Every doctor I saw asked me if I had spent a lot of time at Ground Zero, given how common blood cancers are among first responders,” Schlossberg wrote. “I was in New York on 9/11, in the sixth grade, but I didn’t visit the site until years later.”

    She has endured various treatments. Her older sister, Rose, was one of her bone marrow donors.

    In the article, Schlossberg mentioned the Kennedy family’s dilemma over controversial positions taken by Robert F. Kennedy Jr., her mother’s cousin. Schlossberg wrote that while she was in the hospital in mid-2024, Kennedy suspended his long-shot campaign for president to throw his weight behind then-Republican candidate Donald Trump.

    Trump went on to name Kennedy to his Cabinet as secretary of the Department of Health and Human Services, which oversees the Food and Drug Administration, National Institutes of Health and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

    In one of his early moves, Trump demanded a cut in government money to Columbia University, which employs her husband, George Moran.

    “Doctors and scientists at Columbia, including George, didn’t know if they would be able to continue their research, or even have jobs,” she wrote. “Suddenly, the health-care system on which I relied felt strained, shaky.”

    On Saturday, her brother Jack Schlossberg, who recently announced his bid for Congress in a New York district, shared on Instagram a link to her New Yorker essay, “A Battle with My Blood.”

    He added: “Life is short — let it rip.”

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    Meg James

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  • The Last Columbia Protester in ICE Detention

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    She eventually reunited with her mother in 2016, when she entered the U.S. on a visitor visa. In Ramallah, she had studied fashion design; in the U.S, she enrolled in English-language programs on an F-1 student visa. Her mother, who is a U.S. citizen, filed a family-based petition for her to start the process of obtaining permanent residency, which was approved in 2021. While waiting for a green card, Kordia withdrew from school, voluntarily giving up her student status. According to court documents, a teacher had led her to believe—falsely, it turned out—that she was already a lawful permanent resident. In the years that followed, she cared for her mother, worked as a waitress, and helped look after her half brother, who is autistic. Paterson, which has a large Palestinian and Arab community, began to feel like home.

    Since Israel launched its war on Gaza, following Hamas’s attacks on October 7, 2023, Kordia has lost more than a hundred and seventy-five relatives in the Strip. “My mind was all about Gaza, nothing else,” she said. The stories she heard from family members were horrifying. They were continuously displaced from one city to the next, fleeing for safety, only to confront more immediate dangers. Kordia, feeling “heartbroken,” didn’t know what to do. “To feel helpless—this is one of the most awful feelings in the world,” she said, adding that one of her aunts had already lost her home during Israeli bombardments in 2021. “There is no safe place in Gaza.”

    As Kordia watched loved ones going hungry or being indiscriminately killed, protest became her only lifeline. She was accustomed to going to New York, a forty-five-minute train ride from Paterson, to visit museums and stroll the city’s streets. On April 30, 2024, as Columbia students erected encampments in solidarity with Palestinians, attracting international attention, she joined a demonstration outside the university’s gates, calling for an end to the violence. Police ordered the crowd to disperse. “Something you only see in movies,” she said of the display of force. Kordia, who felt lightheaded, sat on a sidewalk and was swept up in the arrests; she was handcuffed and shuttled by bus to police headquarters, where she was forced to remove her hijab for a search. The next morning, she was released with a notice to appear in court. The charges were later dismissed. She assumed that was the end of it.

    When Kordia was arrested in March, the government accused her of terrorism. In a public statement issued shortly after her arrest, the Department of Homeland Security mistakenly identified her as a Columbia student. “It is a privilege to be granted a visa to live and study in the United States of America,” Kristi Noem, the Homeland Security Secretary, said. “When you advocate for violence and terrorism that privilege should be revoked, and you should not be in this country.” According to a report by the Associated Press, the N.Y.P.D. had turned over evidence of her arrest at the student demonstrations to ICE.

    The government claims that money that Kordia sent to her family in Gaza—a few thousand U.S. dollars in total—is evidence of material support for Hamas. According to court documents, the money came from her waitressing job and from contributions from her neighbors. In late June, a federal judge concluded that Kordia’s detention likely violated her constitutional right to due process and recommended her release. No convincing evidence linking her to terrorist activity had been brought up. In response, the government contended that she posed a flight risk. Her petition is now pending in federal court alongside a separate asylum proceeding. “It breaks my heart to be labelled as something that I have nothing to do with,” she said.

    In early October, the Trump Administration helped broker a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, which included an exchange of hostages and prisoners. “Together we’ve achieved what everybody said was impossible,” President Trump said. “At long last we have peace in the Middle East.” Kordia, meanwhile, is the last remaining campus protester still in detention from the Trump Administration’s crackdown on pro-Palestinian demonstrators in the U.S. At Prairieland Detention Facility, in Texas, she is fighting for her release while living in constant fear of deportation. She holds a passport from the Palestinian Authority, a travel document that offers no protection if she is deported to Israel. Such deportation, her legal team contends, would send her into the custody of the same Army that has killed dozens of her family members. Both the Israeli government and the Palestinian Authority have targeted those accused of being affiliated with Hamas. Photos of Kordia have circulated widely online. Her lawyers say that the gravity of the allegations against her have compelled her to seek asylum. “I’m not just scared—I’m terrified,” Kordia said. “I’m terrified of being subjected to jail, torture even. It could get to the point of getting killed.”

    In the facility, Kordia spends her days reading, praying, writing in her journal, and answering letters of support. She also finds solace and strength in the friendships she’s developed with the other detainees. “They’re beautiful women with dreams. They’re educated. They’re smart. They’re funny,” she said. “These beautiful women made it bearable.” She formed a particularly strong bond with Ward Sakeik, a Palestinian woman whose family is from Gaza. Sakeik was arrested by ICE in February while returning from her honeymoon in St. Thomas. In July, she was released.

    According to court documents filed in August, Kordia has lost a significant amount of weight in detention. The filing noted that Kordia, a practicing Muslim, “has only had a single halal meal on a religious holiday, even though the detention center accommodates the religious dietary needs of other people in custody.” Kordia said the Quran helps her stay strong, especially the verses that remind her that hardships can be a divine test. One reads, “God does not burden a soul beyond that it can bear.” Kordia added, “Allah has chosen me for this, and I should be honored and proud.” ♦

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    Aida Alami

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  • Judge orders Columbia activist Mahmoud Khalil to be deported to Algeria or Syria

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    A federal immigration judge has ordered Mahmoud Khalil — a former Columbia University graduate student linked to pro-Palestinian protests — to be deported to either Algeria or Syria.

    The ruling was issued last week, but it first came to light in court papers filed by Khalil’s lawyers on Wednesday as part of his lawsuit against the government. A green card holder, Khalil alleges the Trump administration detained him for months and sought to deport him as part of a wider policy of punishing foreign students for protesting Israel’s conduct in its war against Hamas. The Trump administration has accused him of “hateful behavior and rhetoric.” 

    On Friday, Louisiana-based immigration Judge Jamee Comans denied Khalil’s motion for a waiver preventing his removal from the U.S. because he allegedly misrepresented his background on his green card paperwork. Comans once again ordered him to be deported to either Algeria, where Khalil is a citizen, or Syria, where he was born.

    Khalil now has 30 days to appeal Comans’ ruling to a Justice Department body called the Board of Immigration Appeals, and if his appeal is rejected, he will lose his green card status and be ordered to leave the country, his lawyers said in a letter Wednesday to U.S. District Judge Michael Farbiarz.

    Lawyers for Khalil told Farbiarz they plan on amending his lawsuit against the administration in light of “these latest, highly unusual developments.” In a statement Wednesday, Khalil’s legal team argued the immigration judge “rushed to a decision without providing a hearing on the evidence as due process requires, engaging in multiple procedural irregularities.”

    “It is no surprise that the Trump administration continues to retaliate against me for my exercise of free speech,” Khalil said in the statement. “Their latest attempt, through a kangaroo immigration court, exposes their true colors once again.”

    CBS News has reached out to the Department of Homeland Security for comment.

    The legal fight between Khalil and the federal government stretches back to March, when he was first detained by immigration agents in New York. Khalil is one of several international students who were detained due to their links to pro-Palestinian campus activism, which the Trump administration alleges is riddled with antisemitism — a charge the protesters deny.

    Initially, the Trump administration argued Khalil could be deported under a federal law allowing noncitizens to be removed if the Secretary of State determines that their presence poses “adverse foreign policy consequences.” 

    In June, Farbiarz blocked the government from deporting Khalil on foreign policy grounds, finding his “career and reputation are being damaged and his speech is being chilled.” A month later, Khalil was released from immigration detention in Louisiana.

    But his immigration case continued under a separate allegation leveled by the Trump administration. In addition to the foreign policy claims, the government had accused Khalil of leaving out details about his past associations on his immigration paperwork, including membership in a United Nations agency that works with Palestinians and his “continuing employment” at the British Embassy in Lebanon.

    In last week’s ruling, Comans found that Khalil was not legally entitled to a waiver of deportation on those allegations. The immigration judge also said that Khalil shouldn’t get discretion from the court because of the “gravity of his conduct.” She called Khalil an intelligent, ivy-league educated individual” who should’ve known disclosure was required. 

    “This Court finds that Respondent’s lack of candor on his [immigration forms] was not an oversight by an uninformed, uneducated applicant,” the judge wrote. “Rather, this Court finds that Respondent willfully misrepresented material fact(s) for the sole purpose of circumventing the immigration process and reducing the likelihood his application would be denied.”

    Khalil has denied making misrepresentations, saying he was not a member of the U.N. agency, but was instead an unpaid intern through Columbia. He has also stated that he stopped working at the British Embassy in Beirut in 2022, despite the government’s claims that he continued working there after that. 

    In a statement Wednesday, his lawyers called the claims “baseless” and “pretextual.”

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  • Trump and Mamdani both targeted Columbia — only one is backing off

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    Donald Trump said it louder, but Zohran Mamdani said it first — Columbia needs to pay up.

    President Trump has made Columbia University a centerpiece of his war on elite schools, accusing it of fostering antisemitism and threatening to revoke its federal funding, accreditation and tax-exempt status.

    To the left, Mamdani, the Democratic nominee for New York City mayor, has long called for taxing Columbia and New York University’s sweeping property portfolios to fund the city’s struggling public university system.

    But as the right escalated its fight — and Columbia struck an uneasy deal with the White House — Mamdani backed off.

    “On one hand, there is a progressive history behind the policy. On the other hand you’d have to explain why you’re going after an institution of higher education in the same way that Trump is,” said Basil Smikle, a Democratic political strategist and former executive director of the New York State Democratic Party who teaches at Columbia. “You don’t want to have these parallel narratives existing at the same time.”

    Mamdani’s retreat from the issue comes at a fraught time for pedigree schools like Columbia and as voters mull who to elect as the city’s next mayor. Since his surprise victory in the Democratic primary, Mamdani has grasped any opportunity to cast himself as “Trump’s worst nightmare” and tie his rivals Eric Adams and Andrew Cuomo to the GOP president.

    In the same stroke, Mamdani has revised some of his more leftist policy stances. The democratic socialist state assemblymember has walked back his defense of the term “globalize the intifada.” He reversed himself on calls to “defund” and “dismantle” the police. And he hasn’t had very much to say of late about Columbia and NYU’s tax-exempt status.

    Of the 21 bills Mamdani introduced during his four-and-a-half years in the Assembly, two, known as the REPAIR Act, focused on retracting property tax exemptions for private universities that save more than $100 million annually — namely Columbia and NYU.

    The bill package died in committee during the 2023-24 legislative session. It was reintroduced in January 2025, as Mamdani publicly pushed the legislation at rallies, media spots and panel appearances, arguing that the universities are reaping more benefits as tax exempt landlords than they are investing in the public good.

    But as Trump made Columbia a target in his battle against universities, Mamdani’s advocacy faded. The proposal has disappeared from his public remarks and has been relegated to a brief mention on his campaign’s education platform, which still promises to explore taxing Columbia and NYU as a way to fund a tuition-free City University of New York system.

    “In a choice between NYU and Columbia losing tax exemption and giving Trump a raised middle finger, Mamdani chose the latter,” said author and retired Baruch College political science professor Doug Muzzio.

    Columbia’s deal with the Trump administration has become a national flashpoint. After months of pressure — including the suspension of pro-Palestinian student protesters and administrative shakeups — the university agreed last month to a $221 million settlement. In return, the White House restored $400 million in frozen research grants.

    Critics have called the settlement a political shakedown. But for the Trump administration, it served as a successful first draft of a new playbook: use financial leverage to force universities into public accountability on its terms. The president is not stopping at Columbia — similar threats now loom over Harvard, Cornell and Northwestern, among others.

    The fallout also shifted the political rubric for local Democrats, especially in a mayoral race where candidates are pushing to prove their distance from the White House.

    A Mamdani spokesperson said the candidate still supports “the notion of repealing” the universities’ property tax exemptions and “fully funding CUNY, while being laser-focused on his main campaign agenda.” The spokesperson did not respond to questions about whether Trump’s feud with Columbia affected Mamdani’s approach to the tax policy.

    “Zohran condemns Trump’s attacks on universities unequivocally and believes the Administration is playing games with college students and their futures,” Mamdani spokesperson Dora Pekec said in a statement.

    Not everyone on the left sees the overlap as a liability. New York Sen. John Liu, who sponsored the REPAIR Act in the state Senate, said the White House’s involvement hasn’t changed the fundamentals. Columbia saves more than $180 million annually through property tax exemptions, and he wants to see that money invested in CUNY.

    “If the GOP succeeded, which I hope they don’t, they would simply take away that tax-exempt status, and anybody losing their tax exempt status would then resume paying property taxes to New York City. So this doesn’t muddy this issue,” Liu told POLITICO.

    “I’m not rooting for Republican success in their attempt to demonize some of our universities,” he added. “Rather, we’re looking at things from the perspective of these universities have just become mega land owners and landlords, and probably don’t need that $100 million-plus [in] tax breaks that could be better used to fund public education for far more New Yorkers.”

    Mamdani likes to quip that Columbia was his first landlord. The 33-year-old grew up in a university-owned apartment complex reserved for staff and faculty, like his father, Columbia professor Mahmood Mamdani. That early proximity gave him a front-row view of the school’s outsized presence in upper Manhattan — and, later, its polarizing role in city politics.

    Columbia’s property holdings, which straddle multiple neighborhoods uptown, have long been a lightning rod in New York. In West Harlem, memories still linger from the bruising battle over its Manhattanville expansion, when residents accused the university of abusing eminent domain and wielding its political clout to push out longtime tenants and acquire large swaths of the neighborhood for cheap.

    The resulting Community Benefits Agreement promised $170 million for housing, education and job training over 36 years, commitments to local investment that the state says Columbia is making good on. But critics say it failed to slow displacement or curb the university’s appetite for real estate.

    Those scars have made Columbia’s tax breaks especially galling for some lawmakers. Over 15 years, Columbia’s annual property tax exemptions skyrocketed from $38 million to over $180 million — spurring Mamdani and Liu to draft the REPAIR Act, which would redirect that money into CUNY.

    After introducing the bill in 2023, Mamdani launched a campaign to sell the idea. He and City Comptroller Brad Lander even hired a campaign director to advocate for the tax policy. Mamdani pitched it at rallies, in interviews and most recently during a Columbia Law School panel on the university’s “social responsibility” on Feb. 27.

    “There is a growing appetite across New York City, across New York City politics, for some kind of accountability,” Mamdani told the audience. “Because what has passed for them for so long has just been institutions like these running roughshod over the neighborhoods that they’re supposed to call homes.”

    The next week, the Trump administration froze $400 million in federal research grants to the university. Mamdani’s gone quiet on the issue since.

    “Columbia and other top tier institutions are a good foil for progressive policy making, but there are a lot of bigger issues that affect people’s literal safety and security,” Smikle said. “There’s going to be ample time to talk about all of these issues related to higher ed down the road, but voters want to see their candidates fighting for them, and the biggest threat to a lot of democratic and progressive voters is what’s coming out of Washington.”

    The settlement that followed was the product of months of high-profile negotiations between the White House and Columbia. The Trump administration had frozen hundreds of millions of dollars in research grants and signaled it was prepared to keep much of Columbia’s federal funding on ice unless the university agreed to sweeping conditions.

    Acting President Claire Shipman said the $221 million deal protected the school’s academic independence and spared it from protracted litigation that could jeopardize its standing as a leading research institution.

    “We might have achieved short-term litigation victories, but not without incurring deeper long-term damage — the likely loss of future federal funding, the possibility of losing accreditation, and the potential revocation of visa status of thousands of international students,” Shipman wrote in a message to the Columbia community.

    But to critics, it was a capitulation — one that risked opening the door for the White House to dictate campus policy and censor free speech. Education Secretary Linda McMahon praised the agreement as a “roadmap” for other schools, and with dozens of universities still under investigation, higher education leaders warned that the Columbia precedent could be a slippery slope.

    “The Trump administration routinely enters into these kinds of agreements and then, the following day, demands concessions beyond the ones that were made in the agreements,” Jameel Jaffer, executive director of Columbia’s Knight First Amendment Institute, said. “I don’t think anyone can realistically expect that the fact that universities are entering into these settlements means that the Trump administration won’t make more demands of them tomorrow.”

    Columbia’s expensive settlement — which also requires the university to turn over far-reaching data on students and faculty including reporting disciplinary action taken against international students — has drawn criticism from New York Democrats. Rep. Jerry Nadler called the deal “disgraceful,” claiming it weakened other universities’ ability to push back against the White House.

    “Hear me out: if private universities can afford to pay ransom money to Trump, then they can certainly afford to pay property taxes in New York City,” New York City Councilmember Justin Brannan wrote in an X post.

    A Columbia spokesperson declined to comment on the tax bill or criticism from local Democrats, pointing POLITICO to Shipman’s earlier statement on the deal.

    Investing in CUNY has been a priority for Mamdani long before he launched his mayoral bid, a goal his platform promises to achieve by either taxing Columbia and NYU or passing the New Deal for CUNY — another ambitious funding overhaul that is struggling to get off the ground in Albany. His co-sponsor, state Sen. Liu told POLITICO he remains confident the tax measure will advance, already lining up new Assembly sponsors should Mamdani win the mayoralty.

    “Rather than have that conversation now and get pulled into a narrative battle before the election, he might be thinking, ‘This isn’t a fight we need to take on today,’” Smikle said. “Anything else can come after the election.”

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  • The Troubling Lines That Columbia Is Drawing

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    In 2005, a “working definition” of antisemitism was posted on the website of the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia, a research institute founded by the European Union. It described antisemitism, somewhat vaguely, as “a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews.” Even less precise were the eleven examples of antisemitism that followed, many of which focussed on Israel. Among them was “denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination, e.g., by claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavor,” and “applying double standards by requiring of [Israel] behavior not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation.”

    In the two decades since it was introduced, this definition has not been endorsed by most leading scholars of antisemitism, in part because critics believe that it blurs the line between hostility toward Jews and criticism of Israel. It has been a different story in the political arena, where the reception of the definition has been nothing short of astonishing. In 2016, a slightly altered version of the definition was adopted by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (I.H.R.A.), an intergovernmental organization. To date, more than forty governments have adopted it as well, notwithstanding the definition’s lack of precision. In his forthcoming book, “On Antisemitism,” the historian Mark Mazower argues that, to some of the definition’s promoters, its vagueness has been a virtue rather than a drawback. The definition emerged at a time when campaigning against antisemitism was becoming a growing priority—and a highly effective fund-raising tool—for organizations such as the American Jewish Committee and the Anti-Defamation League. What increasingly concerned these groups was not classical antisemitism, which, by the end of the Cold War, appeared to be declining, but the “new antisemitism,” which manifested in what they saw as the demonization of Israel.

    This development would have shocked Israel’s founders, many of whom assumed that the creation of a Jewish state would eliminate antisemitism. (“You still at it, saving Jews from the antisemites?” David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first Prime Minister, asked one of the A.D.L.’s leaders in 1970, implying that the problem could be solved if Jews simply made aliyah.) It also would have startled the organizers of an A.D.L. conference on antisemitism that took place in 1962 in New York, where the participants discussed right-wing extremism but made no mention of Israel. By the early two-thousands, the politics had changed, as major American Jewish groups joined forces with advocates such as Natan Sharansky, an Israeli minister who was appointed chairman of an Israeli body called the Coordination Forum for Countering Antisemitism, to mobilize around the issue—and to redraw the ideological battle lines. As Mazower observes in his book, antisemitism was severed from the broader struggle against other forms of discrimination and shifted from being associated with the political right to being linked to the left, where many of Israel’s most vocal critics could be found. For those looking to silence such critics, Mazower suggests, an expansive definition of antisemitism which could be applied to a broad range of expression was particularly useful.

    No politician has made greater use of the I.H.R.A. definition of antisemitism than President Donald Trump. In 2019, Trump signed an executive order specifying that Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act bars “forms of discrimination rooted in anti-Semitism” and advising federal agencies to consider the I.H.R.A. definition when investigating complaints. More recently, the Trump Administration has threatened sixty universities with “potential enforcement actions” if they fail to protect Jewish students from discrimination. On July 23rd, Columbia reached a settlement with the Administration which required it to pay the government two hundred million dollars over the next three years and to broaden its “commitment to combating antisemitism,” in exchange for having hundreds of millions of dollars in federal grants reinstated. Ten days earlier, Columbia had incorporated the I.H.R.A. definition of antisemitism into both its anti-discrimination policies and the work of its Office of Institutional Equity.

    Mazower has taught at Columbia since 2004. Like most faculty members, he was not consulted about the decision to adopt the I.H.R.A. definition. Neither was Kenneth Stern—its lead author. In recent years, Stern, a lawyer who worked from 1989 to 2014 as an expert on antisemitism at the American Jewish Committee, has expressed dismay that pro-Israel groups have invoked the definition to threaten universities with lawsuits for offering courses and programs on subjects such as Israel’s occupation, which he regards as a violation of academic freedom and a gross distortion of the definition’s purpose. In “The Conflict Over the Conflict,” a book about how the debate around Israel-Palestine is playing out in higher education, he maintains that the definition was originally created to help data collectors gather statistics on antisemitism, and that its use to suppress political speech “poses one of the most significant threats to the campus today.”

    When demonstrations against the war in Gaza began to roil college campuses two years ago, numerous universities invited Stern to advise them on how to navigate the turmoil. One of these schools was Columbia, where he gave a presentation on the subject in Butler Library. At the talk, Stern told me recently, he emphasized the importance of safeguarding academic freedom. “I said, If you are going to make a decision, ask yourself this one question,” he recalled. “Will it help academic freedom, will it harm academic freedom, or will it be neutral? If it helps, it will get buy-in from faculty. If it harms academic freedom, it will backfire.” When Stern learned about Columbia’s settlement with the Trump Administration, he concluded that his advice had gone unheeded. “I see nothing good coming out of this,” he said of the agreement, which he believes will make it impossible “for faculty to do their jobs.”

    Columbia has insisted that the settlement was crafted “to protect the values that define us.” In a recent article in the Columbia Spectator, Gil Eyal and Peter Bearman, two sociologists at the university, disagree, noting that scholars doing comparative research on genocide could find themselves accused of antisemitism for including the case of Israel’s current campaign in Gaza. Under the I.H.R.A. definition, “drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis” is considered antisemitic. Without drawing such comparisons, it will be difficult even to discuss whether the war in Gaza constitutes genocide, they noted. A few days before their article’s publication, Rashid Khalidi, the author of “The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine” and a professor emeritus of modern Arab studies, published an open letter in The Guardian addressed to Columbia’s acting president, Claire Shipman, in which he announced that he would not be teaching a lecture course on the Middle East this fall because of the school’s adoption of the I.H.R.A. definition. “A simple description of the discriminatory nature of Israel’s 2018 Nation State Law – which states that only the Jewish people have the right of self-determination in Israel, half of whose subjects are Palestinian – or of the apartheid nature of its control over millions of Palestinians who have been under military occupation for 58 years would be impossible in a Middle East history course under the I.H.R.A. definition,” Khalidi wrote. Marianne Hirsch, a genocide scholar and the daughter of Holocaust survivors, has indicated that she is considering no longer teaching because she is unsure if she will be able to continue to assign texts such as “Eichmann in Jerusalem,” a book by Hannah Arendt—a critic of Zionism and arguably the most influential Jewish thinker of the twentieth century.

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    Eyal Press

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  • Columbia University President Dr. Minouche Shafik resigns months after campus protests

    Columbia University President Dr. Minouche Shafik resigns months after campus protests

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    Columbia restricts access to Manhattan campus


    Columbia restricts access to Manhattan campus

    02:09

    NEW YORK – Columbia University President Dr. Minouche Shafik has resigned. It comes months after she was criticized for her handling of on-campus protests in response to the Israel-Hamas war.

    In an email sent to students and faculty Wednesday, Shafik wrote in part:

    “I write with sadness to tell you that I am stepping down as president of Columbia University effective August 14, 2024. I have had the honor and privilege to lead this incredible institution, and I believe that–working together–we have made progress in a number of important areas. However, it has also been a period of turmoil where it has been difficult to overcome divergent views across our community. This period has taken a considerable toll on my family, as it has for others in our community. Over the summer, I have been able to reflect and have decided that my moving on at this point would best enable Columbia to traverse the challenges ahead. I am making this announcement now so that new leadership can be in place before the new term begins.”

    Shafik went on to say she has been asked by the United Kingdom’s Foreign Secretary to chair a review of the government’s approach to international development and how to improve capability, which will allow her to return to the House of Lords in the U.K. Parliament.

    Katrina Armstrong has been named interim president, according to Columbia’s website. Columbia’s fall semester begins Sept. 3.

    Stay with CBS News New York for the latest on this developing story.

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  • 30 cases dismissed against pro-Palestinian protesters arrested inside Columbia University building

    30 cases dismissed against pro-Palestinian protesters arrested inside Columbia University building

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    A New York judge on Thursday dismissed trespassing cases against 30 individuals who were among the dozens arrested inside Columbia University’s Hamilton Hall during a pro-Palestinian protest in April, with prosecutors citing a lack of evidence.Of the 46 initially arrested, 15 defendants still face charges, the Manhattan district attorney’s office said.Dozens of pro-Palestinian protesters were accused of unlawfully entering the university’s Hamilton Hall on April 30 and barricading themselves inside before the university asked for assistance from the New York Police Department. After being removed from the building, many were charged with criminal trespass in the third degree, a class B misdemeanor.Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg said at the time he intended to look at each case and make decisions based on facts and the law. In the past, the Manhattan DA’s office has declined to prosecute or deferred prosecution cases where large numbers of people were arrested as part of civil disobedience.During Thursday’s court hearing, Judge Kevin McGrath dismissed 30 cases of trespass against those who have no criminal history. One other defendant previously had their case dismissed, for a total of 31 individuals no longer facing charges.“At the time of the charged conduct, the defendants were either staff employed by, or students enrolled in, Columbia University, and are now subject to student or staff disciplinary proceedings,” according to the Manhattan DA’s news release.In calling for the dismissal of charges Thursday, Assistant District Attorney Stephen Millan cited what he called “extremely limited video,” adding that “the security cameras were immediately covered by certain defendants,” who prosecutors have been unable to identify.The available video evidence “fails to establish or prove” the 31 people participated in damaging university property or causing harm to anyone, making it difficult for prosecutors to prove anything other than trespassing at trial, the DA’s office said.Also complicating matters, students inside Hamilton Hall were wearing face masks, making it difficult to tie students to specific acts, according to a law enforcement official.Columbia University on Thursday declined to comment on the court proceedings when contacted by CNN.Protesters ‘unanimously’ reject dealsFourteen of the defendants still facing charges – 12 of whom were neither staff nor students at Columbia – have been offered Adjournments in Contemplation of Dismissal (ACD), the Manhattan DA’s office said. An ACD allows a court to defer a defendant’s case – with the potential that the defendant’s charge will be dismissed – if the defendant does not engage in additional criminal conduct.But those defendants have refused the offer, they said at a news conference held outside the courtroom after Thursday’s hearing, speaking to demonstrators wearing keffiyehs, a traditional Palestinian scarf.“We stand here today united by our action and the Palestinian cause,” one of the protesters said. “The state has attempted, once again, to divide us – dismissing some of our cases and offering others deals in accordance with their outside agitator narrative,” adding they reject the division they say is intended to “preserve the sanctity of Columbia University, not an institution in the city of New York but always above and apart from it.”“All of us who took part in the liberation of Hind’s Hall were driven by the same necessity to escalate, to escalate for Gaza, to resist the savage genocide of our siblings in Palestine,” the protester continued, referring to Hamilton Hall by another name bestowed on it by protesters.“We exercised our shared right to oppose the U.S. war machine by putting our bodies upon the years of Columbia, one of its most well-oiled domestic components.”The protester said the defendants unanimously rejected deals to present a “united front against state repression.”The 14 defendants are scheduled to appear back in court on July 25.“The only allegation that’s different is they weren’t currently enrolled as a student or weren’t employed by the university,” said public defender Matthew Daloisio, who is representing 43 defendants.Daloisio argued those defendants experienced the same police raid and got the same injuries as anyone else during the NYPD raid.A 15th defendant, James Carlson, 40, was arrested on burglary charges at Columbia University, is facing a charge of criminal trespass in the third degree from the Manhattan DA, according to court records. He is also facing an arson charge from a separate incident. He’s pleaded not guilty in both cases, court records show.On Thursday, Carlson went before the judge, where the prosecutor recounted how he is being accused of involvement in the Hamilton Hall protest. Carlson is accused of damaging a NYPD camera and being involved in burning an Israeli flag. When the prosecutor described the flag burning in court, some supporters in the courtroom snickered, prompting the court officer to reprimand them, telling them to be quiet.The district attorney said there are ongoing school disciplinary proceedings for the students who had their case dismissed.CNN’s Emma Tucker contributed to this report.

    A New York judge on Thursday dismissed trespassing cases against 30 individuals who were among the dozens arrested inside Columbia University’s Hamilton Hall during a pro-Palestinian protest in April, with prosecutors citing a lack of evidence.

    Of the 46 initially arrested, 15 defendants still face charges, the Manhattan district attorney’s office said.

    Dozens of pro-Palestinian protesters were accused of unlawfully entering the university’s Hamilton Hall on April 30 and barricading themselves inside before the university asked for assistance from the New York Police Department. After being removed from the building, many were charged with criminal trespass in the third degree, a class B misdemeanor.

    Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg said at the time he intended to look at each case and make decisions based on facts and the law. In the past, the Manhattan DA’s office has declined to prosecute or deferred prosecution cases where large numbers of people were arrested as part of civil disobedience.

    During Thursday’s court hearing, Judge Kevin McGrath dismissed 30 cases of trespass against those who have no criminal history. One other defendant previously had their case dismissed, for a total of 31 individuals no longer facing charges.

    “At the time of the charged conduct, the defendants were either staff employed by, or students enrolled in, Columbia University, and are now subject to student or staff disciplinary proceedings,” according to the Manhattan DA’s news release.

    In calling for the dismissal of charges Thursday, Assistant District Attorney Stephen Millan cited what he called “extremely limited video,” adding that “the security cameras were immediately covered by certain defendants,” who prosecutors have been unable to identify.

    The available video evidence “fails to establish or prove” the 31 people participated in damaging university property or causing harm to anyone, making it difficult for prosecutors to prove anything other than trespassing at trial, the DA’s office said.

    Also complicating matters, students inside Hamilton Hall were wearing face masks, making it difficult to tie students to specific acts, according to a law enforcement official.

    Columbia University on Thursday declined to comment on the court proceedings when contacted by CNN.

    Protesters ‘unanimously’ reject deals

    Fourteen of the defendants still facing charges – 12 of whom were neither staff nor students at Columbia – have been offered Adjournments in Contemplation of Dismissal (ACD), the Manhattan DA’s office said. An ACD allows a court to defer a defendant’s case – with the potential that the defendant’s charge will be dismissed – if the defendant does not engage in additional criminal conduct.

    But those defendants have refused the offer, they said at a news conference held outside the courtroom after Thursday’s hearing, speaking to demonstrators wearing keffiyehs, a traditional Palestinian scarf.

    “We stand here today united by our action and the Palestinian cause,” one of the protesters said. “The state has attempted, once again, to divide us – dismissing some of our cases and offering others deals in accordance with their outside agitator narrative,” adding they reject the division they say is intended to “preserve the sanctity of Columbia University, not an institution in the city of New York but always above and apart from it.”

    “All of us who took part in the liberation of Hind’s Hall were driven by the same necessity to escalate, to escalate for Gaza, to resist the savage genocide of our siblings in Palestine,” the protester continued, referring to Hamilton Hall by another name bestowed on it by protesters.

    “We exercised our shared right to oppose the U.S. war machine by putting our bodies upon the years of Columbia, one of its most well-oiled domestic components.”

    The protester said the defendants unanimously rejected deals to present a “united front against state repression.”

    The 14 defendants are scheduled to appear back in court on July 25.

    “The only allegation that’s different is they weren’t currently enrolled as a student or weren’t employed by the university,” said public defender Matthew Daloisio, who is representing 43 defendants.

    Daloisio argued those defendants experienced the same police raid and got the same injuries as anyone else during the NYPD raid.

    A 15th defendant, James Carlson, 40, was arrested on burglary charges at Columbia University, is facing a charge of criminal trespass in the third degree from the Manhattan DA, according to court records. He is also facing an arson charge from a separate incident. He’s pleaded not guilty in both cases, court records show.

    On Thursday, Carlson went before the judge, where the prosecutor recounted how he is being accused of involvement in the Hamilton Hall protest. Carlson is accused of damaging a NYPD camera and being involved in burning an Israeli flag. When the prosecutor described the flag burning in court, some supporters in the courtroom snickered, prompting the court officer to reprimand them, telling them to be quiet.

    The district attorney said there are ongoing school disciplinary proceedings for the students who had their case dismissed.

    CNN’s Emma Tucker contributed to this report.

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  • Charges dropped against most of Columbia University’s Hamilton Hall protesters

    Charges dropped against most of Columbia University’s Hamilton Hall protesters

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    Charges dropped against many arrested after occupying Columbia’s Hamilton Hall


    Charges dropped against many arrested after occupying Columbia’s Hamilton Hall

    01:05

    NEW YORK — Charges were dropped Thursday against most of the Columbia University students and staff who were arrested inside Hamilton Hall during pro-Palestinian demonstrations back in April.

    The Manhattan District Attorney’s Office announced that of the 46 people charged with trespassing, 31 cases were dismissed due to a lack of evidence. The DA’s office said surveillance cameras inside the building had been covered and that no police officers were injured during the arrests.

    Prosecutors told 14 others that their cases would be dropped if they avoid getting arrested in the next six months, but they rejected that offer, the DA’s office said. Of those 14, only two are students, prosecutors said.

    A fifteenth defendant whose trespassing charge was not dropped is also facing unrelated charges of burning a flag during a Columbia protest and breaking an NYPD camera while detained in a holding cell, the DA’s office said. 

    A group of Columbia students spoke outside Manhattan criminal court Thursday to address the dropped charges.

    “The state has attempted once again to divide us, dismissing some of our cases and offering others deals in accordance with their outside agitator narrative,” one student said. “As ever, we categorically reject this division as one drawn along arbitrary, classist lines meant to preserve the sanctity of Columbia University, not an institution in the city of New York, but always above and apart from it.”

    The students and staff who are no longer facing criminal charges still have to deal with ongoing school disciplinary proceedings, prosecutors said.

    The DA’s office said, however, that it is continuing to pursue cases involving assaults against police officers.

    The arrests ended two weeks of demonstrations at Columbia University, as students called on the school to divest from companies doing business with Israel. Protesters had set up an encampment on the school’s main lawn, and some forced their way inside Hamilton Hall after discussions with school officials broke down.

    Columbia University President Dr. Minouche Shafik then requested the NYPD’s help to clear the hall.

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  • Why Are New Business Applications at All-Time High? | Entrepreneur

    Why Are New Business Applications at All-Time High? | Entrepreneur

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    More people are starting businesses now than ever before — and the reason could be that the opportunity cost, or what they have to give up in exchange for entrepreneurship, is lower than ever.

    Data that the U.S. Census Bureau released earlier this month shows that the total number of applications to start businesses hit a record 5.5 million last year.

    That’s half a million more applications than what was filed in 2022.

    Related: Here’s What Millions of Small Businesses Have in Common, According to a New Survey

    Census Bureau data from the first four months of this year show that the startup boom is still going strong, too — from January through April, the number of new business applications totaled over 1.7 million.

    Why are more people filing to start new businesses?

    Columbia Business School professor Angela Lee told Entrepreneur that the reason could be the “unprecedented number of layoffs from big tech companies in the last several years, resulting in a large pool of talent freed up to pursue entrepreneurship.”

    Columbia Business School professor Angela Lee (left) and Co-Founder of Plum Alley Investments Andrea Turner Moffitt (right). Photo by Monica Schipper/Getty Images)

    Lee, the director of the Eugene Lang Entrepreneurship Center, also noted that “entrepreneurship has historically been counter-cyclical because the opportunity cost to start a company goes down during a recession.”

    Related: Want to Start a Billion-Dollar Business? Look to These Two Industries, Which Have the Most Unicorn Growth

    Big tech companies have been laying off employees in record numbers in recent years.

    Tech layoffs last year affected 263,180 employees globally according to tracker Layoffs.fyi.

    Amazon laid off the most people (27,410) last year, but Meta (21,000), Google (12,115) and Microsoft (11,158) also contributed to record numbers.

    The unemployment rate has remained stable, in the 3.7% to 3.9% range in the U.S. over the past nine months, according to the latest U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics jobs report.

    Related: ‘The Employment Situation’ Report for April Shows Employers Are Taking Hiring Down a Notch, Employee Wage Growth Slowing

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    Sherin Shibu

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  • Why Universities Have Started Arresting Student Protesters

    Why Universities Have Started Arresting Student Protesters

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    Photo: Spencer Platt/Getty Images

    Over the past couple of months, more than 2,000 students have been arrested at colleges and universities around the U.S. for protesting Israel’s bombardment of Gaza. That’s more student protesters arrested than at any point since the massive anti–Vietnam War demonstrations of the late 1960s. Those protests, and the sometimes violent response of police invited onto campuses to quell them, shaped for a generation how universities have responded to student protests — generally with more negotiation and less force. So what explains the apparent willingness now of university administrators to abandon those lessons and have so many student pro-Palestinian protesters arrested?

    It isn’t because today’s pro-Palestinian student protesters are particularly violent or disruptive. According to one study, of 553 U.S. campus demonstrations between April 18 and May 3, fewer than 20 resulted in serious interpersonal violence or property damage. That’s about 3.6 percent, which isn’t zero, but in the context of student protests on an issue that divides the university community, it’s reasonable to see the number as a success.

    Which again raises the question of why so many universities have responded with a heavy hand. At NYU, where I teach, president Linda Mills and her staff have called in the NYPD to arrest students simply for protesting. Dozens of students and faculty were arrested at an April 22 demonstration at Gould Plaza (in front of NYU’s Stern School of Business) that was raucous but peaceful. The administration cited unspecified instances of “disorderly, disruptive, and antagonizing behavior” but pointed to no incidents of violence, threats of violence, or other lawbreaking. (The NYU student government and the NYU chapter of the American Association of University Professors have issued statements forcefully rejecting the administration’s account of disorder. In particular, the NYU AAUP, in a report based on testimony from faculty present at the event, accuses the administration of a “gross distortion of facts.”)

    Sometimes, the narrative is more complicated: The circumstances of arrests have varied between universities and even between different protests at the same university. For example, on April 18, immediately following Columbia president Minouche Shafik’s grilling in Congress over alleged campus antisemitism, her administration called in the NYPD to arrest more than a hundred students who had set up tents on school property. Columbia complained that these students were trespassing and disrupting university functions. But some have been accused of more serious misconduct. For example, the several dozen students arrested on April 30 after occupying and barricading themselves inside Columbia’s Hamilton Hall have been charged with criminal trespass. However, if press reports of breaking and entering are correct, at least some of them could also have been charged with burglary.

    But in the relatively recent past, even these kinds of disruptive protests haven’t always led to arrests. In 1985, anti-apartheid student protesters at Columbia occupied the same building for three weeks and erected an encampment at the entrance. Columbia administrators didn’t call the cops. They negotiated with the students and then filed a lawsuit asking a New York State court to order the protesters to leave. The court granted that request — but the judge also took care to balance the university’s interests with the students’ right to protest, designating an area on the steps of Hamilton Hall and in the adjoining quadrangle in which demonstrators would be free to peacefully assemble. By October 1985, Columbia essentially gave in to the students’ divestment demands, selling $39 million of South Africa–related holdings (including stock in companies like Coca-Cola, Chevron, Ford, and American Express), making it the first Ivy League school to do so.

    Much the same was true at the University of Pennsylvania, where I went to college in the mid-1980s. When I arrived at Penn in the fall of 1984, protests against South African apartheid were beginning to heat up. In late January 1985, students began a series of peaceful but disruptive sit-in demonstrations, culminating in the round-the-clock occupation of Penn president Sheldon Hackney’s office. A larger student group, the Penn Anti-Apartheid Coalition, conducted a 20-day sit-in occupying the centerpiece of Penn’s campus, College Hall. Penn students also set up an encampment, which they named “Millersville” after Paul F. Miller, then chairman of Penn’s board of trustees. The name was not meant as a compliment. As with Columbia, Penn did not respond by calling in police to make arrests. Rather, it threatened to apply ordinary university disciplinary measures, but Penn’s administration also negotiated with student leaders. By June 1986, Penn’s board of trustees established a timeline for divestment.

    All of which only sharpens the contrast with Penn’s decision earlier this month to call in police in full riot gear to arrest students in a peaceful (albeit disruptive) pro-Palestinian encampment on its campus.

    So why are universities cracking down so much harder on today’s pro-Palestinian student protesters relative to 1980s anti-apartheid student protesters? Some have argued that universities’ willingness to curtail their students’ speech rights has grown out of the academic left’s abandonment of free-speech principles. This argument maintains that the university’s commitment to free speech has waned as many on the academic left promote restrictions on right-wing speech designed to make campus life more welcoming for minorities and members of other historically marginalized groups. If speech can be restricted to protect the feelings of Black or transgender students on campus, the argument goes, then it’s more difficult to hold the line on protecting pro-Palestinian speech when some Jewish students feel threatened by it.

    There is some truth to that perspective. Anyone who spends time on an American campus today can’t avoid noticing how the academic left has adopted the rhetoric of “safety” — i.e., the idea that students from marginalized groups cannot thrive unless they are protected from regressive political ideas and speech. This view is inimical to the central purpose of the university, which is not to make people ideologically comfortable but rather the opposite — to expose them to all manner of ideas, even ideas that may offend or undermine them. And it is also tailor-made for abuse: Now, the concept of safety has been weaponized to suppress pro-Palestinian speech — like “From the river to the sea” — that is not explicitly hateful but that questions the legitimacy of the Jewish state and can be interpreted as a call for war against it. All of which understandably makes some supporters of Israel, Jewish and non-Jewish, deeply uncomfortable.

    I suspect, however, that universities would be cracking down even if no campus leftist had ever argued that some right-winger’s freedom of speech was less important than a minority student’s safety. The central reason for the crackdown on pro-Palestinian student protests is both simpler and sadder: America’s universities are, and long have been, only situationally committed to free speech. Specifically, universities are unable to adhere to their own avowed commitment to student free speech whenever an important part of their community disagrees with the message.

    It was relatively easy for universities to tolerate disruptive 1980s anti-apartheid protests because no one in the community was making the case for the racist South African government. (Although there were, predictably, a few apartheid sympathizers at Dartmouth.)

    In contrast, virtually every university community is deeply divided over the Gaza war, as they were over the Vietnam War back in the 1960s. And in both those instances, we saw universities engaged in repression.

    The pressure on universities today to crack down may be even greater than in the past. What with billionaire alums meddling in university decision-making and egging on New York’s mayor to send the NYPD into Columbia, Jewish students filing (risible) lawsuits alleging institutional antisemitism, and members of Congress agitating for the firing of university presidents and threatening inquisitions, powerful forces are lined up against the student protesters. In this environment, what university administrator would be brave — or foolish — enough to step forward and say, for example, that the Jewish state’s legitimacy or whether Zionism is a form of racism are fair topics for discussion at their school?

    Of course, blame does not lie all on one side, and it is true that some pro-Palestinian student protesters have said and done dumb and offensive things: for example, the reports that at some protests students barred “Zionists” from their encampments, or the Columbia student-protest leader who was captured on video saying, “Zionists don’t deserve to live,” and “Be grateful that I’m not just going out and murdering Zionists.” Given the history and continued presence of antisemitism and the heinous crimes committed against Jews in living memory, some students have employed edgier slogans and more provocative behavior than perhaps was wise.

    That said, I’m not indulging students when I note that their moral clarity is, as it is with most young people, at the same time their greatest strength and weakness. The students are less likely than us cynical oldsters to shrug their shoulders as Israel makes Gaza unlivable and wipes out tens of thousands of Gazan civilians, including women and children, who had nothing to do with Hamas’s October 7 atrocities. Yet the students are less likely to have the longer-term perspective needed to recognize the moral complexities of the long-running Israeli-Palestinian dispute and to allow those complexities to temper their actions and rhetoric. We usually understand this about the young. But on this issue, many of us are willing and even eager to point to actions and slogans we don’t like and use them to tar the protests as a whole.

    So what comes next? It may be that university administrators, having gotten through graduation and looking forward to a long summer with students off campus, think they have the situation under control. But it seems more likely that we are at the beginning, not the end, of an extended period of trouble on campus. The immediate causes of the protests — the Gaza war and Palestinian suffering and dispossession — aren’t likely to abate anytime soon. A January poll found that 94 percent of Jewish Israelis believe the extraordinary destruction the Israeli military has inflicted on Gaza was appropriate or even insufficient. In February, a poll found that most Jewish Israelis opposed providing relief supplies, including food and medicine, to Gaza’s civilians. The facts seem increasingly to fit the student protesters’ narrative: The barrier standing in the way of justice for Palestinians isn’t Benjamin Netanyahu but Israel.

    That is a message a big part of the university community simply will not tolerate. Can university administrators arrest enough student protesters to silence the message? I doubt it. But September isn’t too far off. We’ll soon know.

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    Christopher Sprigman

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  • Columbia Professor Says School Discriminated Against Her

    Columbia Professor Says School Discriminated Against Her

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    NEW YORK — Amra Sabic-El-Rayess is a genocide survivor, born and raised in Bosnia, where at least 100,000 people were killed. She was a teen when she lived under complete military siege, unable to go to school under the threat of bombs.

    Bosnian Serb forces systematically executed as many as 8,000 Bosnian Muslim males in Srebrenica — the largest massacre in Europe since the Holocaust. Women and girls were systematically gang-raped and assaulted. Every day, civilians were tortured, starved and murdered.

    In 1995, Sabic-El-Rayess received a scholarship to emigrate to the U.S. She graduated from Brown University and became the first Muslim president of the university’s alumni association in its 258-year history.

    She earned her Ph.D. in Comparative and International Education at Columbia University and shortly thereafter joined as a lecturer for the university’s Teachers College. Since then, she has traveled the world to deliver presentations and talks on hate prevention and education. In 2021, President Joe Biden penned a letter to Sabic-El Rayess, telling her he was “inspired” by her “bravery and strength” and that she embodied the “very idea of America” after reading her memoir.

    However, she believes it was not enough for the department heads at Columbia. In a lawsuit filed in federal court last month, Sabic-El-Rayess alleged that she was repeatedly denied the opportunity to become a tenured professor at the university’s Teachers College because of both her Muslim religion and her age.

    “I survived the Bosnian genocide. I know what hate feels like. I know where hate can take a society. The one love that I had from America was that I wouldn’t be seen as someone who is the other,” she told HuffPost. “I was reminded that I was the other.”

    A spokesperson for Columbia denied the claims raised in her lawsuit in a statement to HuffPost this week.

    “Dr. Amra Sabic-El-Rayess is a valued member of our TC community. We reject the claims made in Dr. Sabic-El-Rayess’s lawsuit and deny the allegations of discrimination. We will present our case in a court of law,” a spokesperson for Teachers College, Columbia, told HuffPost in an email.

    Seats for the commencement exercises, now canceled, are set up at Columbia University’s main campus in New York City on May 06, 2024.

    Spencer Platt via Getty Images

    After completing her master’s and doctorate degrees at Columbia in 2012, Sabic-El-Rayess was recruited to join Teachers College, the graduate school for education at Columbia, as a lecturer. For 10 years, she taught students and designed over 20 courses that focused on the prevention of violence targeting people due to their race, ethnicity or faith. In 2020, she launched an international interfaith research lab in which she researched, studied, and trained students and faculty alike on the dangers of bigotry and hate.

    In an interview with HuffPost, Sabic-El-Rayess’ golden highlights framed her face as she folded her perfectly manicured hands. Her soft pink nails matched her lipstick as she sat up with her back straight. She spoke gracefully, rarely elevating her tone, recounting the pain she’s felt at her university.

    She echoed criticisms that Columbia University has faced over the last month as protests wracked the campus and were met twice with police crackdowns — that one of the most prestigious universities in the world and the fifth-oldest university in the country fell painfully short of its commitment to antiracism and diversity.

    “We live in one of the most diverse cities in the United States of America. We have students from all over the world. A big proportion of our students are international students. We have faculty members of all backgrounds,” said Sabic-El-Rayess. “But we have never had a tenured or tenure-track Teachers College faculty member who is Muslim. Why?”

    Sabic-El-Rayess has published dozens of peer-reviewed articles, published two nonfiction books and wrote for news outlets including USA Today and Al Jazeera. She’s traveled the world to present her research, including the U.K., South Korea and Australia. Earlier this month, she returned from a trip from Oslo, Norway, where she spoke at a conference about the transnational impact of hate.

    Her accomplishments did not go unnoticed. In addition to the note from Biden, her publications won several awards. She brought more than $10 million of research funding to Teachers College. The university beamed at her accomplishments, promoting and applauding her work publicly.

    However, Sabic-El-Rayess was not tenured at Columbia, meaning her job was still at risk. Tenured professors are secured in their full-time employment, whereas lecturers are employed by contracts that need to be reviewed and approved by the administration after a set amount of years. Tenured professors also receive a slew of benefits, including higher pay and health care. Most notably, tenured professors have the security of academic freedom and scholarly independence without fear of being fired because of the nature of their work.

    There are two ways for a professor to achieve tenure status: through a formal application or a target of opportunity hire, where an outstanding applicant is hired into the tenure track. Sabic-El-Rayess formally applied for tenure twice, beginning in December 2012.

    During that process, she received what she said was an uncomfortable email from a colleague, according to the lawsuit. The hiring committee asked her colleague “about diversity,” he said in an email to her, according to the lawsuit. The colleague said that if she were brought up as Muslim, he would “communicate that to the search committee as one additional dimension of diversity.” She responded yes.

    But the request spooked her. She taught courses about Islam and spoke about the dangers of her experience as a survivor of the Bosnia genocide in presentations and through her published works, but how well she taught or conducted research “had nothing to do with whether I’m a Muslim or not. And I knew it was wrong. But I was scared to say it was wrong. I was terrified.”

    Weeks later, she learned she was rejected without a reason, according to the lawsuit. She applied again the following year, 2013, and told HuffPost she was denied again without explanation.

    Columbia did not respond to HuffPost’s follow-up questions.

    Frustrated, in 2014, Sabic-El-Rayess met with the then-department chair to ask how she could improve her chances of being promoted to a tenured professor. The chair acknowledged her accomplishments, she told HuffPost. But according to the suit, the chair told her that her Muslim identity makes it difficult for her to receive full support from the university.

    In 2016, she became an associate professor, the highest non-tenure position she could attain. For years, as she noted in her lawsuit, she watched as the department promoted other tenured professors, none Muslim, and none she believed were as accomplished as her.

    “The underlying message is clear,” she said. “As a Muslim, we don’t want you here in a capacity that is equal to non-Muslims.”

    It wasn’t only the rejections. Sabic-El-Rayess said that over the years after her rejections, she faced unfair scrutiny over her courses about Muslims and Islam, with the review committee tasked with approving new courses and questioning the “relevance and importance” of one of her courses in 2018.

    In another instance cited in the lawsuit, she notified leadership after a colleague tweeted that graduation caps “dangerously” resembled a fez, a traditional hat often worn by Muslim men. In 2021, one Muslim student was discouraged from taking her course, according to the lawsuit, with another professor telling her that her course “just says Islam is great and Muslims are not terrorists. You probably know more than the professor!”

    Sabic-El-Rayess sent emails to the president and the interim provost at the time, which were reviewed by HuffPost. In these emails, she detailed what she said were her discriminatory experiences with staff, reiterated her accomplishments, and questioned the lack of support for a tenure-tracked position.

    Dr. Amra Sabic-El-Rayess, an associate professor of practice at Teachers College at Columbia University, says she wasn't promoted because she is Muslim.
    Dr. Amra Sabic-El-Rayess, an associate professor of practice at Teachers College at Columbia University, says she wasn’t promoted because she is Muslim.

    “I have been told because I am Muslim, I will never [be] supported for tenure at TC, and I have been asked, in writing, in the midst of a hiring practice if I’m a practicing Muslim,” she wrote in the April 2023 email to the interim provost reviewed by HuffPost.

    “No meaningful action has ever been taken in my response to reporting anti-Muslim racism because, as I have come to realize through my experience, such prejudice is normalized and accepted at TC.”

    She’s sent dozens of emails and met with various colleagues, peers and members of the administration, all of whom are listed in the lawsuit, all to no avail. Instead, the university reduced her salary last year, according to the lawsuit, in what she described as another form of retaliation for speaking out.

    Columbia did not respond to HuffPost’s question about the salary reduction.

    “No matter how hard I worked, no matter how much I gave of myself to the institution, to its people, to my colleagues, to the students, I was never from their perspective in terms of promotion and recognizing and respect, I was never equal,” she said.

    She filed a $10 million lawsuit in the southern district of New York last month as a last resort. The university will respond to the lawsuit in June. Until then, she continues to teach on campus, motivated by the reason she began to teach in this field — a desire to see change and end discrimination.

    “The institution is happy to parade me, this individual who has had a major contribution in terms of innovation and research and all of that. They’ve used my work to uplift themselves as the institution,” she said. “But the message internally to me has always been clear. No matter what you accomplish, you will never open that door. You will never walk through that door.”

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