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  • This Aurora neighborhood was all but forgotten — until the whole country started talking about it

    This Aurora neighborhood was all but forgotten — until the whole country started talking about it

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    Delmar Parkway was easy to forget. 

    The neighborhood in Aurora, on the border with Denver between Colfax Avenue and 6th Avenue, has the same problems as many neglected urban areas: trash piles, reckless drivers, poor lighting, vandalism, syringes, fireworks and bullet casings. 

    Oldtimers and newcomers differ on what they think the neighborhood’s future should be. But most people Denverite has spoken to agree: Neither cops, politicians, nor journalists have seemed to pay much attention.

    That changed in late August. A camera captured armed men entering an apartment in a half-century-old apartment complex, The Edge at Lowry, at 12th Avenue and Dallas Street. 

    Minutes after the men entered the apartment, where many Venezuelan immigrants live, gunfire erupted outside the complex, and 25-year-old Oswaldo Jose Dabion Araujo was shot dead.

    “We had been used to gunshots, obviously,” says Madeleine Schaffner, who lives a few blocks away. “But for a lot of us, I think that felt like the breaking point. That’s too close. We can’t be having shootouts in the street.”

    The incident didn’t just shake the neighborhood. The video of the armed men spread internationally and put this area at the center of the United States’ debate over immigration. 

    As the story blanketed national media, TV crews pointed their cameras toward the renters. Reporters from New York rushed to the building. They aimed microphones at neighbors and scribbled down anonymous quotes. 

    The Edge at Lowry apartment complex, near Aurora’s border with Denver. Sept. 18, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Then, the Colorado Republican Party and former President Donald Trump pointed to the video as proof that the “sanctuary city” of Denver had dumped the Venezuelan prison gang Tren de Aragua in the “quiet suburb” of Aurora. Overnight, Delmar Parkway became a symbol of election-year fears about a supposed foreign takeover, not just of an apartment building but, falsely, of an entire city. 

    Armed vigilantes have threatened to confront the apartment residents; a white supremacist spewed hate speech at a city council meeting; and a billboard at the state border has mocked the situation.

    Meanwhile, Trump himself has promised to come to town.

    “You may never see me again, but that’s OK,” Trump said at a political rally in New York on Sept. 18. “Got to do what I got to do.”

    And yet many of the people living in this national spotlight feel totally ignored.

    Around the neighborhood, new immigrants worry the media is misrepresenting the story and that racist rhetoric is putting them at risk — just as they’re trying to build new lives. 

    Other residents from across the political spectrum are banding together, looking for a way forward.

    “We want to be safe here,” Schaffner says. “We don’t really care who’s doing it. We just don’t want people to shoot guns here.” 

    She and other neighbors are trying to sort truth from fiction. They’re trying to be seen. 

    “No one’s ever come and talked to us,” says another resident, electrician David Bottoms. “Really. No one.”

    David Bottoms sits in his backyard, on the Aurora block where he’s lived for his entire life. Sept. 14, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    The story of a neighborhood 

    Wearing a National Rifle Association t-shirt, Bottoms cools down from a hot day of pulling bindweed. His dogs dart around the yard. Far away, police sirens whine. 

    Not one bullet zips through the air — not on this Saturday night in September. Bottoms treasures quiet evenings like this one. He says they’ve been all too rare. 

    Like countless people nationwide, Bottoms has watched the stories about his neighborhood on TV, from the home he shares with his father. It’s been in their family for decades. And the family has been in Aurora since the late 1800s, when the town was still called Fletcher. 

    Bottoms remembers his childhood spent playing soccer at Del Mar Park and swimming in the Highline Canal.

    “We had a rope swing,” he says. “We’d go up there and catch crawdads. We’d build stupid little rafts and stuff like that.” 

    His grandparents farmed dryland wheat. They were there before Fitzsimons Army Hospital and Lowry Air Force Base brought the city new life — and also after the military left, gutting Aurora’s economy.

    His family was there when nearby Colfax Avenue thrived, and they saw what happened after I-70 took traffic elsewhere and Aurora sprawled onto the plains, taking Old Aurora’s economic energy and the middle class with it. 

    A shuttered commercial space on East Colfax Avenue’s main stretch through Aurora. Sept. 14, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    In the 1970s, Colfax began to turn from a thriving business corridor to an open civic wound, with crime and desperation bleeding into the Delmar Parkway neighborhood.  

    In the ‘80s, a new chapter began with the arrival of Mexican immigrants.

    Over the years, those immigrants started businesses. Spanish became the neighborhood’s second language. The bakery Panaderia el Paisa Bakery, the candy shop Dulcería El Pachangon, the ice cream shop Nevería La Mexicana and the church Iglesia Liberación y Poder de Dios opened blocks away. 

    And now, new Venezuelan immigrants are redefining the community again.

    Hundreds of new immigrants have arrived

    In recent years, millions of immigrants have left Venezuela for countries around the world. They’re fleeing gangs, crime, corrupt police and an economic crisis.

    Over the past two years, more than 42,000 new immigrants, most from Venezuela, have arrived from the border to Denver, many bused here by Texas Gov. Greg Abbott. 

    Some of those immigrants were looking for cheaper housing. With help from the City of Denver and nonprofits, some moved into Delmar Parkway — many at the Edge apartments. ( Denver does not have information on where individual immigrants were placed by nonprofits and cannot say how many new immigrants moved into the Edge specifically.)

    The arrival of hundreds of new people, many of whom have nothing, has meant changes for the neighborhood. There are new faces, new music and new people contributing to the culture of the community.

    There’s also been a steady ramp up in reports of crime and complaints from residents. And the new arrivals have often been left to live in squalor, with the city accusing landlord CBZ Management of running the Edge and other apartments as a “slumlord.”

    A shabby apartment, its floor littered with garbage and its walls dingy. There's a broken couch and a standalone oven — and a bunch of loose doors leaning against the wall.
    Inside an apartment at Aurora’s Edge at Lowry complex, where residents are protesting their landlords’ alleged negligence of the property. Sept. 4, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Since 2021, 54 complaints have been filed with the City of Aurora, including about broken heating, flooding, black mold, exposed wiring and other problems at the Edge. Repeatedly, the complaints noted, the landlord would not respond. 

    Local elected officials, especially Aurora City Council member Danielle Jurinsky and Mayor Mike Coffman, described the situation in increasingly alarming terms, with both saying that the Edge and two other CBZ apartments had “fallen” to or been “taken over” by Tren de Aragua. Police have repeatedly pushed back on that claim, though they say that men connected with the gang have carried out a string of violent crimes around the buildings. 

    In a joint statement, Coffman and Jurinsky clarified a gang had not taken over Aurora and that police were responding to the situation in the apartments. Coffman now says Tren de Aragua is not in charge of the apartments at all. 

    But it was too late. The video of the armed men lit a combustible situation, bringing national attention.

    Aurora Police Chief Todd Chamberlain leads a press conference about the alleged “gang takeover” in the city, at Aurora’s municipal building, as screenshots from the viral video that started this frenzy sit behind him on an easel. Sept. 20, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Residents are trying to make sense of claims about crime.

    Michael Davis listens to the blues and watches a kid zip her scooter over chalk drawings on the sidewalk. Originally from Denver’s East Side, Davis has lived in his Delmar Parkway house for 12 years. 

    By the time he moved in, the neighborhood had been struggling, in ways, for decades. Government offices and facilities had moved elsewhere. And there was little investment in Old Aurora.

    So, Davis found a deal on a house much cheaper than anything he could find in Denver. He bought his home for around $75,000. Now, it would cost around $400,000.

    Sure, there are gunshots, he says, but it’s not as bad as the East Side was in the ‘80s and ‘90s. 

    Back then, the Bloods and Crips warred across Colorado Boulevard.

    Michael Davis. Sept. 15, 2024.
    Kyle Harris/Denverite

    “My auntie got murdered on the East Side,” Davis says. “It was much rougher back then.”

    And crime in Delmar Parkway, he says, is nothing new. 

    After the video of armed men went viral, friends and family started checking in on Davis.

    Like many residents, he felt the reality on his block didn’t match the overblown national claims.

    “Nobody’s taking over,” he says. “I walk my dog every day by [the apartments]. And, I mean, it is a rough apartment complex over there. It’s been rough.” 

    The intersection of 13th Avenue and Dayton Street in Aurora’s Ward I, on the city’s border with Denver. Sept. 18, 2024.

    Others say it has been far from normal.

    Every time a shot goes off, Denise Taylor’s 10-year-old grandson dives to the floor. 

    “Grandma,” he asks. “Do you know what’s going on?”

    “Baby, I don’t know,” she replies. “It’s just out of control.” 

    Taylor grew up in Gary, Indiana. She left after violence swept her community and looked for a fresh start in Colorado. She’s lived a block from the Edge for the past 12 years, with her three grandchildren. 

    Denise Taylor. Sept. 15, 2024.
    Kyle Harris/Denverite

    Over the past year, she says she’s heard more gunfire than ever before, sometimes daily.

    “You’ll never know when the shots are going to blast out,” Taylor says. “The bullets don’t have no names.”

    Crime data supports the idea that the area has seen changes in crime recently, compared to the rest of Aurora.

    Data Source: Aurora Police Department

    Citywide, felony and misdemeanor crimes dropped after peaking in the pandemic, according to Aurora police records of crimes reported between Jan. 1 and Aug. 31 for each year since 2019. But for the blocks around the Edge and other CBZ-owned apartments, crime either stayed at high levels or rose slightly.

    The data also show crime isn’t new in these areas. The neighborhoods around CBZ’s buildings — and around Colfax Avenue — generally saw more felonies than the rest of the city since 2019.

    Data Source: Aurora Police Department

    David Pyrooz, a University of Colorado Boulder sociology professor who studies crime statistics, and Catherine Durso, a University of Denver computer science and statistics professor, reviewed Denverite’s data analysis. Both say these trends suggest something has changed in the areas surrounding these apartment complexes. 

    But this data does not address what changed, they stressed.

    “COVID-era peaks” are the highest levels of crimes per block group, logged between Jan. 1 and Aug. 31, from 2019 to 2023.
    Data Source: Aurora Police Department

    Police also have made a series of arrests of men alleged to have committed violent crimes at the Edge and other CBZ-managed properties; they accused the men of connections to Tren de Aragua.

    Separately, officers arrested one man and are seeking several others who they say appeared in the viral August video, and also recovered a rifle from a nearby apartment. Police haven’t confirmed any connections to the gang among those people.

    Data Source: Aurora Police Department

    And yet even as the violence near the apartments has frightened people like Taylor, her family also has formed connections with the Venezuelan immigrants who live there.

    Taylor’s grandson has Venezuelan friends. She lets them play together at the Edge, trusting his new friends’ parents, but she checks in with him frequently. 

    By dark, he must return home. 

    Six little girls, two in matching navy dresses, smile towards a camera as they sit on a windowsill under a bush.
    Girls sit in the shade as their parents participate in a press conference at Aurora’s Edge at Lowry apartment complex to “set the record straight” on an alleged “gang takeover” of the property. Sept. 4, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    The view from the Edge

    After the August shooting, city officials threatened to close the Edge, in part because of longstanding habitability issues.

    Denverite reporters saw rodents, mold, broken appliances and clogged drains at the apartments. The three CBZ apartments have totaled 30 fire code violations since 2020. The city is suing the company over the alleged unlivable state of some of its apartments, while the landlord has blamed the city for failing to respond to the alleged gang activity. The city is pressuring CBZ to sell one of its other buildings.

    CBZ has declined to respond to Denverite’s requests for comment. 

    Around the apartments, many new immigrants feel they’ve been caught in the middle — abandoned by the city and landlord, scapegoated by the media and politicians.

    “I don’t know what happened, whether it’s true, whether it’s a lie,” says Cris Guzmán, raising the possibility that the video of the armed men was fabricated.

    Cris Guzmán sits with his pals on the sidewalk across the street from The Edge apartment complex in Aurora. Sept. 14, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    We meet Guzmán relaxing with friends on the sidewalk across from the Edge, long into the night. Some neighbors, like David Bottoms, think the men are an intimidating sight — but to Guzmán, it’s more like an outdoor living room. Even near midnight, he is quick to offer a white plastic chair or a cooler for strangers to sit. 

    “It’s a perfect night,” he says.

    He’s trying to learn English, but that takes time. He’s finding work, but not enough of it. He misses his wife and child he took from Venezuela to Mexico City. He left them to journey across the border, into the United States, looking for better jobs. 

    And he’s exhausted by how his home has been invaded by reporters who are spinning stories he doesn’t trust. 

    “I’ve never seen anyone with a gun here,” he says. 

    As he tells it, the news stations and social media users have been pushing lies. It’s not residents committing most of the crimes, he says, but people from outside taking advantage of them. He doesn’t trust that journalists are getting the story right. They don’t spend enough time in the community to understand it. 

    That’s a common feeling around the apartments.  As the uproar grew, renters at the building held a rally for the press in August. They wanted to put the focus on the condition of the apartments and the landlord’s failure to help. No gang runs the Edge, they insisted.

    “They’re trying to say that here there are delinquents, that here there are criminals. Here there are moms, there are families, there are fathers. To me … the only criminal here is the owner of the building,” resident Moises Didenot told reporters at the time.

    A man in a ball cap and shades yells into a microphone, as people holding signs around him raise their arms and shout, too.
    Moises Didenot holds up documents that show he’s been paying his rent at Aurora’s Edge at Lowry apartment complex, despite that his landlord has rarely worked to fix his place, during a press conference to “set the record straight” on an alleged “gang takeover” of the property. Sept. 4, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite
    Dozens of people are gathered beneath a brick apartment building. Some hold signs above their heads. People in the foreground point cameras towards the larger group.
    A press conference at Aurora’s Edge at Lowry apartment complex to “set the record straight” on an alleged “gang takeover” of the property. Sept. 4, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Taylor and her grandson stopped by the apartments to see what was happening during the press conference. The 10-year-old joined the rally, demanding justice for his friends who lived there. Taylor, on the other hand, had doubts about the idea that there was no gang presence in the building.

    An alleged Tren de Aragua member is facing domestic violence charges after being accused of  threatening a woman with a gun at the Edge, according to an affidavit. In a separate incident, police say the man broke into an apartment where two people were sleeping and threatened them with a gun. Five more men, according to police documents, entered the same apartment, saying “they run this place.”

    Other crimes have been tied to the gang across the metro area, though police leaders maintain the presence of the gang is small and that the department is working to keep it that way.

    “I ain’t gonna say they got a gang over there,” Taylor says. “But it just feels like there’s no peace.” 

    Venezuelan immigrants live throughout the neighborhood — and they’re scared. 

    Jhon Harrinson, who came to Aurora two years ago, stands in front of his house a few blocks from the Edge. He lives here with his family, including his newborn daughter, who is a U.S. citizen. 

    He says he’s embarrassed when Venezuelans commit crimes. And he fears the blowback. 

    When he first came to the neighborhood, things were quiet. And he liked it that way. There weren’t so many car thefts and nightly gunshots.

    “The safety issues started to be heard more since the Venezuelans started renting in the buildings,” he says. “We’ve been living here for two years now, in this same house, and it was only then that this started.” 

    Aurora Mayor Mike Coffman watches as his new police chief leads a press conference about the alleged “gang takeover” in their city, at Aurora’s municipal building. Sept. 20, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Mayor Mike Coffman says it’s a mistake to collectively blame the residents of the apartments for crime.

    “There’s a criminal element that preys upon the Venezuelan migrant community,” Coffman told Denverite. “And when you have a concentration, like at those apartment buildings, I think that criminal element will superimpose themselves on top of that community and exploit them.”

    Still, Harrinson worries about how people from the United States interpret the news. He hopes they don’t assume all Venezuelans, or all Spanish speakers, are the problem. 

    “It affects us because the majority of people in the neighborhood are Hispanic,” he says. “Others look at us distrustfully, thinking that we are doing something wrong. And that is not the case.”

    Some new immigrants are working to keep the community safe. 

    Nanci Angulo wears a bulletproof vest that reads “SECURITY.” 

    Her military garb looks out of place at El Paisa Panaderia on Colfax Avenue, a few blocks from the Edge. Smells of cinnamon and yeast waft from the shelves. Working men fill round metal trays with stacks of sweet pastries. 

    Angulo has lived in Denver for a year and has worked at the panaderia for most of that time. She misses the police work she did back in Venezuela, and she’s happy to be keeping the shop safe. 

    “I thank God for being here, having the job I have and being part of a better economy here in this country,” she says. 

    Before she started working security, people living outside on Colfax would steal bread and soda from the store, and money from customers. That mostly stopped after she started.

    Nanci Angulo. Sept. 14, 2024.
    Kyle Harris/Denverite

    But beyond the store’s doors, she sees society’s ills on Colfax Avenue. People are homeless and desperate, she says. They have smashed the store’s windows. They’ve robbed workers walking to their cars at night. These kinds of crimes have been going on for years. In some cases, impoverished new immigrants have been absorbed into the poverty that has racked the area for decades. 

    She’s not alone in seeing it. A store manager told Coffman about a 12-year-old girl who was caught stealing food to sell on Colfax to support her family.

    “It’s sad that it’s part of a desperation,” Coffman said. “What, food? Stealing food? …The craziness of all this is [many new immigrants] cannot apply for a work permit until they’re here for 150 days.”

    Colfax Avenue’s main stretch through Aurora, on a Saturday night. Sept. 14, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Tired of the shootings, and the national narrative, neighbors have organized. 

    When she was in her late 20s, a year and a half ago, Madeleine Schaffner moved from a rental in Denver’s upscale Highlands neighborhood to a home built in 1911 in Delmar Parkway, where she could afford to buy. She fell in love with the community, with its helpful neighbors and nearby cultural amenities. 

    “I feel like when I first moved here, it was actually pretty chill,” Schaffner says. “It wasn’t too crazy. I didn’t really hear gunshots for the first few months of living here, which was nice.” 

    But gunfire started blasting almost nightly a few months after she moved in. Bullets nearly grazed her home, she says. And drivebys and gun fights between people on foot ramped up. 

    Madeleine Schaffner. Sept. 15, 2024.
    Kyle Harris/Denverite

    On Aug. 18, when rapid fire erupted at the Edge, she assumed she had heard a mass shooting. 

    “Obviously it’s very justified to feel scared right now,” she says. 

    Schaffner started looking for community organizations to join. Nothing focused on safety seemed to exist, outside of the social media site Nextdoor. So, she and her friends on her block called a community meeting.

    They knocked on doors, posted on Nextdoor and eventually brought together a small group from the neighborhood to Denver’s Schlessman Library on a Saturday morning. 

    A woman in a blue and white dress stands at the front of a classroom, complete with colored chairs and a whiteboard, raising her arms as she speaks to a crowd of people sitting between her and the lens.
    Shannon Peterson opens a meeting of Denver and Aurora residents concerned about crime in their neighborhood, partially related to The Edge at Lowry apartment complex, at Denver’s Schlessman Family Branch Library. Sept. 8, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    The group talked about the need for traffic-calming infrastructure to slow down the cars zipping around the community. Others complained about the lack of lighting, sluggish police response and an absentee city government. 

    They decided they could help each other out.

    “If there’s a shooting, we can let each other know,” she said. “We can see if anyone has videos, kind of collect evidence, and then hopefully also have that power in numbers to contact our representatives.”

    Though the neighbors all want greater safety, there’s a lot they don’t agree on. 

    Bottoms, the NRA member, blames people, not guns for the shootings. He wants the feds to close the southern border to the United States and Denver to stop funding handouts to new immigrants. 

    David Bottoms sits in his backyard, on the Aurora block where he’s lived for his entire life. Sept. 14, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    If that happened, he believes maybe the gunshots would stop. Maybe his dad’s truck wouldn’t have been stolen. Perhaps the fights in front of his home would cease, and he wouldn’t find so many diapers in his trash bin. 

    Meanwhile, Schaffner wants to avoid talking about crime in the context of immigration. Doing so, she fears, puts innocent people in the crosshairs.

    “There’s people coming and targeting innocent people at that apartment and threatening them and saying, ‘We’re going to take back our neighborhood,’” Schaffner says. “It’s just inviting more violence into the area, which nobody wants.” 

    The whole political conversation in the United States is odd to Baiyu Hua, who attended the recent neighborhood meeting. 

    Baiyu and Miranda Hua in their home in Aurora, which stands around the corner from The Edge apartment Complex. Sept. 14, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Growing up in China, he never heard gunshots. In Aurora, he often hears them nightly. 

    “I understand the unique history of this country and the choices of the people,” he says. “And that’s why people have chosen the right to bear arms. And I respect that very much.” 

    But the cost of that choice is high, he explains. 

    “It’s a really bloody price, in my point of view,” Hua says. “I think we all know as Americans, we’re paying the price every single day.” 

    And it’s not just the shootings. Other crime in the neighborhood goes unaddressed. When Baiyu and his wife Miranda Hua walk Colfax Avenue at night, they see drug deals, sex trade, graffiti and broken windows. 

    “For one reason or another, certain parts of the city were ignored,” Baiyu says. “It was allowed to decay to a certain point of where you can no longer ignore it.”

    Around the world, people view the United States as a “shining city on the hill,” Baiyu says. Then they arrive and experience urban decay, something far worse than they saw back home.

    “It should be a rude awakening to any authorities in the U.S., from the city to the federal level,” Baiyu says.

    A kid on a bike rides out of the courtyard of a row of brick buildings. Cars are parked in spaces on the right.
    Aurora’s Edge at Lowry apartment complex. Sept. 4, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    When the community group recently met, they mostly avoided fighting over immigration, neighborhood divisions and gun control. Unlike national politicians, they came together, rather than pushing each other away. 

    “I was proud of our group for staying very respectful,” Schaffner says. 

    “Politics need to stay out of it,” Bottoms says. “It has to stay out of it for any part of this to work.”


    Denverite reporters Kevin Beaty and Rebecca Tauber and CPR reporter Molly Cruse contributed to this story.

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  • Aurora to landlord in gang controversy: Fix it and list it, or face prosecution

    Aurora to landlord in gang controversy: Fix it and list it, or face prosecution

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    The building at 1568 Nome St. is one of several that are getting national attention about the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua.

    Items left in Aurora’s Fitzsimons Place apartments after a recent closure forced residents to hastily move out. Aug. 13, 2024.

    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    The city of Aurora has reached a legal agreement with the owners of 1568 Nome St., an apartment complex at the center of speculation about the presence of Venezuelan gang members in the city, according to documents released by the city. 

    In the documents, the building’s owner agrees to list the property for sale and pay abatement costs in order to avoid prosecution for a raft of legal violations. The agreement is dated Aug. 12, 2024, the day before the city closed the complex, leaving more than 300 people scrambling for housing. Residents complained of mold, animals, trash and crime.

    That closure, and its surrounding circumstances, garnered national attention, resulting in a presidential debate call-out and a potential, but still unofficial, visit to Aurora by former President Donald Trump.

    At the time, city officials said the closure was necessary after years of unsafe conditions that went unaddressed by property owner Zev Baumgarten, who is represented in documents as both Nome Partners LLC and CBZ Management

    The correspondence outlined in the documents was between city attorneys and Walter Slatkin, a Denver-based lawyer representing Nome Partners LLC. In it, Nome Partners LLC agreed to pay the city up to $60,000 for abatement costs associated with the closure and trash removal at the property. The company also agreed to actively market the property for sale within six months of the abatement’s completion.

    The agreement, signed by Slatkin on Aug. 8, 2024, also waived Baumgarten’s right to a speedy trial in the case. This resulted in the delay of his jury trial for dozens of building code violations, which was originally going to happen on Aug. 27.

    The case is now set for trial on Feb. 14, 2025, although he could avoid trial altogether if Nome Partners LLC holds up its end of the legal agreement with city attorneys.

    Michael Brannen, a spokesperson for the city, said if Nome Partners LLC pays the city back for costs accrued during the abatement and lists the property for sale before his trial date, Aurora will file a motion to dismiss with prejudice all pending claims, actions, summons, and suits against Baumgarten and his business entities. That means the case would be closed and could not be brought back to court.

    The city says this particular agreement is only for the property on Nome St. and is not tied to other properties managed or owned by Baumgarten, Nome Partners LLC, or CBZ Management. Two other complexes, Whispering Pines and The Edge at Lowry, have both been featured in coverage spanning the globe following speculation about their ties to the Tren de Aragua gang. 

    The attorney who signed the agreement with the city has not yet responded to Denverite’s request for comment.

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  • JD Vance Downplays Laura Loomer’s Racist Comments, Doubles Down On Immigrant Conspiracy

    JD Vance Downplays Laura Loomer’s Racist Comments, Doubles Down On Immigrant Conspiracy

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    Senator JD Vance continued to peddle unfounded claims about Haitian immigrants in Springfield, Ohio, on Sunday and said he didn’t “like” far-right activist Laura Loomer’s racist social media post about Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris.

    When NBC’s Meet the Press Kristen Welker asked Vance about Loomer’s comments, he alleged that he’d only read them this morning, because “I knew that you’d ask me about it.”

    “Look, Kristen,” Vance began, “I make a mean chicken curry, I don’t think that it’s insulting for anybody to talk about their dietary preferences or what they want to do in the White House.”

    “Do I agree with what Laura Loomer said about Kamala Harris? No, I don’t. I also don’t think that this is actually an issue of national import. Is Laura Loomer running for president? No,” he continued. “Kamala Harris is running for president, and whether you’re eating curry at your dinner table or fried chicken, things have gotten more expensive thanks to her policies.”

    In addition to her comments about Harris, Loomer has been in the news this month for her increasing influence on Donald Trump’s campaign for the presidency. Loomer was among those Trump took on his private plane en route to Philadelphia for ABC’s presidential debate last week. When asked about this, Trump responded that “a lot” of people fly with him because “it’s a very big plane.” Trump said Loomer is a “free spirit” and “supporter.”

    Trump was also alongside Loomer at official September 11 memorials in New York and Pennsylvania this week. Loomer has promoted the conspiracy that 9/11 was an “inside job” and recently said in a CNN interview that, “I’ve never denied the fact that Islamic terrorists carried out the 9/11 terrorist attacks. In fact, the media calls me anti Muslim precisely for the reason that I spend so much time focusing on talking about the threats of Islamic terrorism in America.”

    On Sunday, Welker pressed Vance on Loomer’s comments and how they relate to his Indian-American wife and potential second lady, Usha Vance.

    “Senator, were you and your wife offended, and do you disavow those comments that even some Trump allies say are blatantly racist?” Welker asked. “Kristen, I just told you, I don’t like those comments,” Vance replied. “I also don’t look at the internet for every single thing to get offended by.”

    Loomer saw Vance on Meet The Press—and lauded the VP hopeful’s responses.

    “Vance,” Loomer wrote on X, formerly Twitter, “has done a fantastic job as an Ohio Senator, and he has given a voice to the forgotten men and women who want to talk about real issues.”

    “Donald Trump and JD Vance are giving those people a voice to tell the TRUTH about how they are being replaced by Kamala Harris’s invaders,” she posted, adding, “PS: I hope I can try the Senator’s chicken curry one of these days.”

    Minutes before in the interview, Vance again doubled down on the unfounded claim that Haitian immigrants in Springfield, Ohio, are harming and eating household pets and geese.

    “Months ago, I raised the issue of Haitian illegal immigrants draining social services and generally causing chaos all over Springfield, Ohio,” Vance posted on X earlier this week.

    “Reports now show that people have had their pets abducted and eaten by people who shouldn’t be in this country. Where is our border czar?”

    So far, the xenophobic rumors have been spouted by Vance, Elon Musk, Charlie Kirk, the founder and president of Turning Point USA, and Trump himself—to name a few.

    On the debate stage in Philadelphia on Tuesday night, Trump said without any proof, “In Springfield, they’re eating the dogs. The people that came in. They’re eating the cats. They’re eating—they’re eating the pets of the people that live there.”

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    Katie Herchenroeder

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  • Biden Denounces Trump for Attacking Haitian Immigrants With False Pet-Eating Stories

    Biden Denounces Trump for Attacking Haitian Immigrants With False Pet-Eating Stories

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    Earlier in the week, Vance spread the claim on X, writing, “Reports now show that people have had their pets abducted and eaten by people who shouldn’t be in this country. Where is our border czar?” In an interview following the debate, CNN’s Kaitlan Collins pressed the Ohio senator about the false claims, asking him, “why push something that’s not true?” Vance doubled down, responding, “First of all, city officials have not said it’s not true, they’ve said they don’t have all the evidence.… We’ve heard from a number of constituents on the ground, Kaitlan, who—both firsthand and secondhand reports—saying this stuff is happening, so they very clearly…think that it is happening. And I think that it’s important for journalists to actually get on the ground and uncover this for themselves when you have a lot of people saying, ‘my pets are being abducted’ or ‘geese at the city pond are being abducted and slaughtered right in front of us.’”

    As The Washington Post notes, “Members of the Haitian community in Springfield were granted temporary protected status in the United States after fleeing profound unrest and violence in their home country.” Since Trump, Vance, and others have spread the pets story, the rhetoric has escalated, and numerous buildings in Springfield—including its City Hall and an elementary school—were evacuated Thursday due to a bomb threat that included “hateful language” about the city’s immigrant population.

    California is so awful that he…owns property there

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    Elsewhere!

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  • Denver turns new immigrant shelters into cold weather shelters

    Denver turns new immigrant shelters into cold weather shelters

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    An encampment outside of Elitch Gardens on a very cold morning. March 14, 2024.

    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Denver Mayor Mike Johnston announced the city will be closing the last remaining city shelters for new immigrants at the end of September. The city will convert the two short-term immigrant shelters into cold-weather shelters for people experiencing homelessness.

    Cold-weather shelters open only on particularly cold days and nights.  But these new ones will open more often and for longer periods than the city’s current cold-weather shelters.

    Immigrant arrivals to Denver have dropped dramatically in recent months. The change marks an effort to instead focus city resources on general homelessness.

    Prior to this move, cold-weather overnight shelters only opened when temperatures were projected to hit 20 degrees. With this change, they’ll open when it’s 25 degrees. And instead of staying open for only 12-hour stints, the new cold-weather shelters will stay open for 24 hours.

    The city estimates it will be saving $3 million by closing the new-immigrant shelters and ending its program to bus new immigrants to other cities. 

    Jon Ewing, a spokesperson for the mayor’s office, estimates the cold-weather shelters could be activated 80 times next year. They will be staffed by Bayaud Enterprises, a nonprofit who has a contract with the Department of Housing Stability.

    Johnston proposed spending $1.2 million on cold-weather shelters next year.

    Denver City Council members have been asking for more cold-weather shelter.

    Last year, some council members pushed for 24-hour cold-weather shelters to open, and for an end to sweeps when the temperature drops below freezing.

    Johnston vetoed the ban on cold-weather sweeps, and council upheld his decision. 

    At-Large City Councilmember Sarah Parady, a sponsor of that bill who had pushed for the city to reexamine how it handles homelessness during cold weather, views the Johnston administration’s decision as a victory. 

    “Bringing people inside saves lives, and this plan removes known barriers to shelter access and will double the hours of availability of cold weather emergency shelter this winter,” Parady said in a statement. “I’m grateful to have worked alongside advocates, Council colleagues, city agencies, and Mayor Johnston to make this expansion happen.” 

    Other council members weighed in on the mayor’s decision. 

    “It is simply wrong to leave people to fend for themselves in Colorado’s winter cold, when other more humane options are available,” said District 6 Councilman Paul Kashmann, in a statement. “This new policy promises to reduce the number of folks who lose fingers and toes, if not their lives, when temperatures plummet.”  

    Is 25 degrees the right threshold for cold-weather shelters?

    Last year, University of Colorado researcher Dr. Joshua Barocas told council members the city’s 20-degree threshold for opening shelters was not based in scientific evidence. Frostbite can set in at much higher temperatures.  

    At the time, he pointed to cities like New York that open cold-weather shelters when temperatures are as high as 32 degrees. 

    And even that, he said, does not guarantee people’s safety.

    Hypothermia can set in during wet conditions at temperatures as high as 40 degrees, he said. 

    Meanwhile, here’s why the demand for shelter for new immigrants has dropped — for now. 

    The Biden administration passed an executive order drastically reducing the number of new immigrants who could enter the United States back in June. Denver has not received a single busload of new immigrants since June 10.

    August saw fewer than 160 newcomers arrive in August. While the city has two shelters available for new immigrants, only one is in operation and has anywhere from zero to eight people on any given night. 

    Both facilities will be turned into emergency shelters. 

    The city also shifted its approach to new arrivals by shutting down hotels where families were staying for the long term. They moved toward a more “sustainable” approach: short-term shelters , legal support and workforce training. Now, those shelters are closing, but the other elements will remain.

    What happens if large numbers of new immigrants arrive again? 

    While Ewing said it’s unlikely the city will start receiving buses from Texas anytime soon, the city has a response plan. 

    Catholic Charities will continue to offer bridge shelter for newcomer families. The contract between the city and the nonprofit ends in December. 

    Denver is keeping its Asylum Seeker Program that offers workforce training, legal aid and food to roughly 850 individuals. 

    Denver has helped more than 40,000 new immigrants over the past two years. 

    “Border crossings are where they were in, say, 2021, before this response began,” Ewing said. “And the number of people arriving in Denver is really no different than the number of people arriving in St Louis, Missouri, or Nashville, Tennessee, or anywhere really, right now. It’s just relatively low.”

    Update: This story has been updated with the project’s budget.

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  • New to Canada and no pension: How to save for your retirement – MoneySense

    New to Canada and no pension: How to save for your retirement – MoneySense

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    The difficulties facing newcomers to Canada with respect to retirement planning are particularly acute. Given how Canada’s immigration points system works, economic immigrants are usually in their late 20s or early 30s—and they face unique challenges:

    1. Depleted savings: If you’re a 30-year-old newcomer, chances are you’ve used a large portion—if not all—of your savings to set up your new life in Canada. So, you’re behind in the retirement savings game. If retirement savings were a 100-metre race, lifelong Canadians have a 20- to 30-metre head start over newcomers.
    2. Lower income: If you’re a newcomer to Canada, you’ve probably had to restart your career a few rungs lower on the corporate ladder because of your lack of Canadian work experience. This means you’re not earning as much as others your age who have similar experience. Consequently, your ability to save for retirement is lower.
    3. Lack of knowledge: You need to understand Canada’s financial and tax systems to maximize its retirement planning opportunities, and gathering this knowledge takes time.
    4. Reduced contributions: Joining the Canadian workforce later in life than their Canadian-born peers, immigrants have fewer years to contribute to the Canada Pension Plan (CPP) and build up registered retirement savings plan (RRSP) and tax-free savings account (TFSA) contribution room. For this reason, they rely on less tax-efficient unregistered savings and investment vehicles to sustain their retirements to a greater degree than their neighbours.

    But there’s good news. As Toronto-based financial advisor Jason Pereira points out, “Canada’s retirement system does not discriminate against newcomers. The rules are the same for everybody.” So, with the right knowledge and expertise, you can work towards building a strong retirement plan. 

    How to start retirement planning as an immigrant

    To plan for retirement, you need to know:

    • How much money will you need each month in retirement? The simplest method to estimate your income requirement in retirement is to consider it to be 70% to 80% of your current income. For example, if you earn $75,000 a year today, 70% of that is $52,500—that’s $4,375 per month—in today’s dollars. Alternatively, you could estimate the amount you’d need in retirement using this tool.
    • How much you’ll receive from government pension and aid payments: You need to estimate approximately how much you’ll get from the Canada Pension Plan (CPP) and other government programs: Old Age Security (OAS) and the Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS). The tool at this link will help you do so. Ayana Forward, an Ottawa-based financial planner, notes that “some home countries for newcomers have social-security agreements with Canada, which can help newcomers reach the eligibility requirements for OAS.”
    • How much you’ll receive from your employer-sponsored retirement plan: Workplaces without a defined benefit pension plan sometimes offer a registered investment account (usually a group RRSP), with contributions made by you and your employer or only your employer. If you have a group RRSP from your employer, what will its estimated future value be at the time of your retirement? You could use a compound interest calculator to find out.
    • How to make up for a shortfall: The CPP, OAS, GIS and your group RRSP likely won’t be enough to fund your retirement. You’ll need to make up for the shortfall through your personal investments or additional sources of income.

    Sample retirement cash flow for a 35-year-old (retirement age 65)

    This table illustrates the types of income you could have in retirement. The amounts used in the table are hypothetical estimates. (To estimate your retirement income, try the various tools linked to above.)

    Amount (today’s value) Amount (inflation adjusted)
    A Amount needed $52,500 $127,400
    B Government pension and aid payouts
    (CPP, OAS, GIS)
    $22,000 $53,400
    C Employer-sponsored pension plan
    (group RRSP)
    $8,000 $19,400
    D B + C $30,000 $72,800
    E Shortfall (A – D) $22,500 $54,600
    F Needed value of investments in the year of retirement (E divided by 4%, based on the 4% rule) $562,500 $1,365,000
    G Needed flat/constant monthly investment amount from now to retirement $969

    In the example above, the person faces an annual shortfall of $22,500. In other words, this person needs to generate an additional $22,500 per year to meet their retirement income needs, after accounting for the typical government pension or aid payouts and their employer-sponsored retirement plan. To do this, they’d need to invest about $969 per month, assuming an 8% annual rate of return from now to retirement 30 years later. How could they fill this gap and meet their shortfall? Enter self-directed investments, real estate and small-business income.

    Build your own retirement portfolio

    An obvious and tax-efficient way to cover your retirement income shortfall is to build your own investment portfolio from which to draw income in your retirement years. These investments can be held in registered or non-registered accounts. Registered accounts, such as the TFSA and RRSP, offer useful tax advantages—such as a tax deduction and/or tax-free or tax-sheltered gains, depending on the account—but the amount you can contribute to these accounts is limited. Non-registered accounts have no contribution limits but offer no tax advantages. 

    Newcomers often have lower TFSA and RRSP contribution room compared to their peers because they’ve lived and worked in Canada for a shorter period. “TFSA contribution room starts accruing the year of becoming a resident of Canada,” Forward explains. “RRSP contribution room is based on earned income in the previous year.”

    Your TFSA and RRSP contribution room information is available on your Notice of Assessment from the Canada Revenue Agency, which you’ll receive after you file your tax return. To check your TFSA limit, you can also use a TFSA contribution room calculator.

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    Aditya Nain

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  • Trump’s debate line about immigrants eating pets ‘echoes’ racist rhetoric of past world leaders, professor says

    Trump’s debate line about immigrants eating pets ‘echoes’ racist rhetoric of past world leaders, professor says

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    During Tuesday’s presidential debate, former President Donald Trump made a claim that quickly went viral on social media — and prompted an immediate fact check.

    During a rant about border control, Trump repeated a conspiracy theory about Haitian immigrants in Springfield, Ohio, that has gained traction in some right-wing circles. 

    “In Springfield, they’re eating the dogs, the people that came in,” he said. “They’re eating the cats. They’re eating the pets of the people that live there.”


    MORE: Authors of Jan. 6 graphic novel to send copies to every public high school and library in Pa.


    ABC News anchor and moderator David Muir interjected, saying there are no credible reports of pets being harmed or abused by immigrants in Springfield. But that has not stopped Trump or his running mate, Sen. JD Vance (Ohio), from spreading this and other inflammatory conspiracy theories about Haitian migrants in the Ohio city. In a lengthy Tuesday post to X, formerly known as Twitter, Vance implied that they were also spreading communicable diseases like tuberculosis and HIV.

    Though the extreme nature of these claims might feel new, they have a long and ugly history. Social media users and commentators quickly likened the comments to the dehumanizing rhetoric Nazi Germany deployed against Jewish people leading up to and during World War II. 

    Katie Sibley, a history professor at St. Joseph’s University, believes the comparisons are valid. As she notes, antisemites including Adolf Hitler have long leaned on blood libel myths that date back to the Middle Ages, which accuse Jewish people of kidnapping Christian babies for ritualistic sacrifice. Sometimes, these pernicious stories incorporate cannibalism, with the blood of the children allegedly used to make matzah.

    “It’s really striking,” Sibley said of the similarities in language. “Here we have people who were accused of eating pets, somebody else’s treasured, small, beloved creature. It sort of echoes that.”

    Language’s link to violence

    As scholars have emphasized, dehumanizing language often precedes violence. In the lead-up to the 1994 Rwandan genocide, the Hutu people frequently referred to the Tutsi population as “cockroaches” on a popular radio station. In the mid-1930s, Nazi propaganda depicted Jewish people as worms and “poisonous” serpents. Damaging lies like the blood libel myth were also plastered on the cover of Der Stürmer, the virulently antisemitic German newspaper, and even continued to spread after the concentration camps were liberated. Mobs killed 42 Jews and injured another 40 in a pogrom in the Polish city of Kielce in 1946 after an 8-year-old boy went missing for two days.

    Threats of violence are now starting to emerge in Springfield. Its City Hall was evacuated Thursday over an emailed bomb threat that read, in part, “We have Haitians eating our animals.” The author of the email also claimed to have placed explosives at two DMVs and two elementary schools.

    According to the Haitian Times, many immigrant families in Springfield have kept their children home from school out of fear for their safety.

    Loss of legal rights

    Apart from violence, damaging conspiracy theories are also linked to the suppression of rights throughout history. In 1877, the San Francisco health officer blamed an outbreak of smallpox on “unscrupulous, lying and treacherous Chinamen, who have disregarded our sanitary laws.” Politicians refused to provide Chinese immigrants proper health care, sending them to the filthy “pesthouse” on hospital grounds. 

    This scapegoating and discrimination continued into the 20th century. In 1900, after a Chinese immigrant was diagnosed with the first case of bubonic plague in the United States, the city destroyed local businesses in Chinatown and ransacked homes, burning possessions to “fumigate” the area. The xenophobia toward Chinese immigrants extended far beyond San Francisco, leading to the Chinese Exclusion Act, which banned Chinese laborers from entering the country for a decade.

    “This really had an impact,” Sibley said. “People were very much mistreated. Their communities were cut off, and they were barged in upon by the police.

    “There is that bridge from rhetoric to actual laws.”

    As Sibley notes, racist rhetoric also preceded the internment of about 117,000 Japanese Americans during World War II. Politicians including Chase Clark, the governor of Idaho, compared them to “rats.”

    Trump’s comments in context

    This is not the first time critics have accused Trump of weaponizing language, or echoing Nazi rhetoric. But his and Vance’s comments — along with campaign ads linking immigrants to crime — have alarmed marginalized communities and the historians who have studied these cycles again and again.

    “We think in this country, we’re not going to have those kind of laws anymore,” Sibley said. “You know, we got rid of the Chinese Exclusion Act, and we got rid of internment, of course, after World War II. But remember that when Trump first came into office, he talked about a Muslim registry. 

    I think what’s changed is that the rhetoric has been accepted increasingly, sadly, in the public space.” 


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    Kristin Hunt

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  • ‘I’m living a lie’: On the streets of Aurora, pregnant Venezuelan immigrants struggle to survive

    ‘I’m living a lie’: On the streets of Aurora, pregnant Venezuelan immigrants struggle to survive

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    She was eight months pregnant when she was forced to leave her Denver homeless shelter. It was November.

    Ivanni Herrera took her 4-year-old son Dylan by the hand and led him into the chilly night, dragging a suitcase containing donated clothes and blankets she’d taken from the Microtel Inn & Suites. It was one of 10 hotels where Denver has housed more than 30,000 migrants, many of them Venezuelan, over the last two years.

    First they walked to Walmart. There, with money she and her husband had collected from begging on the street, they bought a tent.

    They waited until dark to construct their new home. They chose a grassy median along a busy thoroughfare in Aurora, the next town over, a suburb known for its immigrant population.

    “We wanted to go somewhere where there were people,” Herrera, 28, said in Spanish. “It feels safer.”

    That night, temperatures dipped to 32 degrees. And as she wrapped her body around her son’s to keep him warm enough that he could sleep, Ivanni Herrera cried.

    Seeking better lives, finding something else

    Over the past two years, a record number of families from Venezuela have come to the United States seeking a better life for themselves and their children. Instead, they’ve found themselves in communities roiling with conflict about how much to help the newcomers — or whether to help at all.

    Unable to legally work without filing expensive and complicated paperwork, some are homeless and gambling on the kindness of strangers to survive. Some have found themselves sleeping on the streets — even those who are pregnant.

    Like many in her generation, regardless of nationality, Herrera found inspiration for her life’s ambitions on social media. Back in Ecuador, where she had fled years earlier to escape the economic collapse in her native Venezuela, Herrera and her husband were emboldened by images of families like theirs hiking across the infamous Darién Gap from Colombia into Panama. If all those people could do it, they thought, so can we.

    They didn’t know many people who had moved to the United States, but pictures and videos of Venezuelans on Facebook and TikTok showed young, smiling families in nice clothes standing in front of new cars boasting of beautiful new lives. U.S. Border Patrol reports show Herrera and the people who inspired her were part of an unprecedented mass migration of Venezuelans to America. Some 320,000 Venezuelans have tried to cross the southern border since October 2022 — more than in the previous nine years combined.

    Just weeks after arriving in Denver, Herrera began to wonder if the success she had seen was real. She and her friends had developed another theory: The hype around the U.S. was part of some red de engaño, or network of deception.

    After several days of camping on the street and relieving herself outside, Herrera began to itch uncontrollably with an infection. She worried: Would it imperil her baby?

    She was seeing doctors and social workers at a Denver hospital where she planned to give birth because they served everyone, even those without insurance. They were alarmed their pregnant patient was now sleeping outside in the cold.

    Days after she was forced to leave the Microtel, Denver paused its policy and allowed homeless immigrants to stay in its shelters through the winter. Denver officials say they visited encampments to urge homeless migrants to come back inside. But they didn’t venture outside the city limits to Aurora.

    As Colorado’s third-largest city, Aurora, on Denver’s eastern edge, is a place where officials have turned down requests to help migrants. In February, the Aurora City Council passed a resolution telling other cities and nonprofits not to bring migrants into the community because it “does not currently have the financial capacity to fund new services related to this crisis.” Yet still they come, because of its lower cost of living and Spanish-speaking community.

    In fact, former President Donald Trump last week called attention to the city, suggesting a Venezuelan gang had taken over an apartment complex. Authorities say that hasn’t happened.

    The doctors treated Herrera’s yeast infection and urged her to sleep at the hospital. It wouldn’t cost anything, they assured her, just as her birth would be covered by emergency Medicaid, a program that extends the health care benefits for poor American families to unauthorized immigrants for labor and delivery.

    Herrera refused.

    “How,” she asked, “could I sleep in a warm place when my son is cold on the street?”

    Another family, cast out into the night

    It was March when David Jaimez, his pregnant wife and their two daughters were evicted from their Aurora apartment. Desperate for help, they dragged their possessions into Thursday evening Bible study at Jesus on Colfax, a church and food pantry inside an old motel. Its namesake and location, Colfax Avenue, has long been a destination for the drug-addicted, homeless veterans and new immigrants.

    When the Jaimez family arrived, the prayers paused. The manager addressed the family in elementary Spanish, supplementing with Google Translate on her phone.

    After arriving from Venezuela in August and staying in a Denver-sponsored hotel room, they’d moved into an apartment in Aurora. Housing is cheaper in that eastern suburb, but they never found enough work to pay their rent. “I owe $8,000,” Jaimez said, his eyes wide. “Supposedly there’s work here. I don’t believe it.”

    Jaimez and his wife are eligible to apply for asylum or for “ Temporary Protected Status ” and, with that, work permits. But doing so would require an attorney or advisor, months of waiting and $500 in fees each.

    At the prayer group, Jaimez’s daughters drank sodas and ate tangerines from one participant, a middle-aged woman and Aurora native. She stroked the ponytail of the family’s 8-year-old daughter as the young girl smiled.

    When the leader couldn’t find anywhere for the family to stay, they headed out into the evening, pushing their year-old daughter in her stroller and lugging a suitcase behind them. After they left, the middle-aged woman leaned forward in her folding chair and said: “It’s kind of crazy that our city lets them in but does not help our veterans.” Nearby, a man nodded in agreement.

    That night, Jaimez and his family found an encampment for migrants run by a Denver nonprofit called All Souls and moved into tent number 28. Volunteers and staff brought in water, meals and other resources. Weeks later, the family was on the move again: Camping without a permit is illegal in Denver, and the city closed down the encampment. All Souls re-established it in six different locations but closed it permanently in May.

    At its peak, nearly 100 people were living in the encampment. About half had been evicted from apartments hastily arranged before their shelter time expired, said founder Candice Marley. Twenty-two residents were children and five women were pregnant, including Jaimez’s wife. Marley is trying to get a permit for another encampment, but the permit would only allow people over 18.

    “Even though there are lots of kids living on the street, they don’t want them all together in a camp,” Marley said. “That’s not a good public image for them.”

    A city’s efforts, not enough

    Denver officials say they won’t tolerate children sleeping on the street. “Did you really walk from Venezuela to be homeless in the U.S.? I don’t think so,” said Jon Ewing, spokesman for Denver’s health and human services department. “We can do better than that.”

    Still, Denver struggled to keep up with the rush of migrants, many arriving on buses chartered by Texas to draw attention to the impact of immigration. All told, Denver officials say they have helped some 42,700 migrants since last year, either by giving them shelter or a bus fare to another city.

    Initially, the city offered migrants with families six weeks in a hotel. But in May, on pace to spend $180 million this year helping newcomers, the city scaled back its offer to future migrants while deepening its investment in people already getting help.

    Denver paid for longer shelter stays for 800 migrants already in hotels and offered them English classes and help applying for asylum and work permits. But any migrants arriving since May have received only three days in a hotel. After that, some have found transportation to other cities, scrounged for a place to sleep or wandered into nearby towns like Aurora.

    Today, fewer migrants are coming to the Denver area, but Marley still receives dozens of outreaches per week from social service agencies looking to help homeless migrants. “It’s so frustrating that we can’t help them,” she said. “That leaves families camping on their own, unsupported, living in their cars. Kids can’t get into school. There’s no stability.”

    After the encampment closed, Jaimez and his family moved into a hotel. He paid by holding a cardboard sign at an intersection and begging for money. Their daughter only attended school for one month last year, since they never felt confident that they were settled anywhere more than a few weeks. The family recently moved to a farm outside of the Denver area, where they’ve been told they can live in exchange for working.

    On the front lines of begging

    When Herrera started feeling labor pains in early December, she was sitting on the grass, resting after a long day asking strangers for money. She waited until she couldn’t bear the pain anymore and could feel the baby getting close. She called an ambulance.

    The paramedics didn’t speak Spanish but called an interpreter. They told Herrera they had to take her to the closest hospital, instead of the one in Denver, since her contractions were so close together.

    Her son was born healthy at 7 pounds, 8 ounces. She brought him to the tent the next day. A few days later the whole family, including the baby, had contracted chicken pox. “The baby was in a bad state,” said Emily Rodriguez, a close friend living with her family in a tent next to Herrera’s.

    Herrera took him to the hospital, then returned to the tent before being offered a way out. An Aurora woman originally from Mexico invited the family to live with her — at first, for free. After a couple weeks, the family moved to a small room in the garage for $800 a month.

    To earn rent and pay expenses, Herrera and Rodriguez have cleaned homes, painted houses and shoveled snow while their children waited in a car by themselves. Finding regular work and actually getting paid for it has been difficult. While their husbands can get semi-regular work in construction, the women’s most consistent income comes from something else: standing outside with their children and begging.

    Herrera and her husband recently became eligible to apply for work permits and legal residency for Venezuelans who arrived in the United States last year. But it will cost $800 each for a lawyer to file the paperwork, along with hundreds of dollars in government fees. They don’t have the money.

    One spring weekday, Herrera and Rodriguez stand by the shopping carts at the entrance to a Mexican grocery store. While their sons crawl along a chain of red shopping carts stacked together and baby Milan sleeps in his stroller, they try to make eye contact with shoppers.

    Some ignore them. Others stuff bills in their hands. On a good day, each earns about $50.

    It comes easier for Rodriguez, who’s naturally boisterous. “One day a man came up and gave me this iPhone. It’s new,” she says, waving the device in the air.

    “Check out this body,” she says as she spins around, laughing and showing off her ample bottom. “I think he likes me.”

    Herrera grimaces. She won’t flirt like her friend does. She picks up Milan and notices his diaper is soaked, then returns him to the stroller. She has run out of diapers.

    Milan was sick, but Herrera has been afraid to take him to the doctor. Despite what the hospital had said when she was pregnant, she was never signed up for emergency Medicaid. She says she owes $18,000 for the ambulance ride and delivery of her baby. Now, she avoids going to the doctor or taking her children because she’s afraid her large debt will jeopardize her chances of staying in the U.S. “I’m afraid they’re going to deport me,” she says.

    But some days, when she’s feeling overwhelmed, she wants to be deported — as long as she can take her children along. Like the day in May when the security guard at the Mexican grocery store chased off the women and told them they couldn’t beg there anymore. “He insulted us and called us awful names,” Rodriguez says.

    The two women now hold cardboard signs along a busy street in Denver and then knock on the doors of private homes, never returning to the same address. They type up their request for clothes, food or money on their phones and translate it to English using Google. They hand their phones to whoever answers the door.

    The American Dream, still out of reach

    In the garage where Herrera and her family live, the walls are lined with stuffed animals people have given her and her son. Baby Milan, on the floor, pushes himself up to look around. Dylan sleeps in bed.

    Herrera recently sent $500 to her sister to make the months-long trip from Venezuela to Aurora with Herrera’s 8-year-old daughter. “I’ll have my family back together,” she says. And she believes her sister will be able to watch her kids so Herrera can look for work.

    “I don’t feel equipped to handle all of this on my own,” she says.

    The problem is, Herrera hasn’t told her family back in Venezuela how she spends her time. “They think I’m fixing up homes and selling chocolate and flowers,” she says. “I’m living a lie.”

    When her daughter calls in the middle of the day, she’s sure not to answer and only picks up after 6 p.m. “They think I’m doing so well, they expect me to send money,” she says. And Herrera has complied, sending $100 a week to help her sister pay rent and buy food for her daughter.

    Finally, her sister and daughter are waiting across the border in Mexico. When we come to the U.S., her sister asks, could we fly to Denver? The tickets are $600.

    She has to come clean. She doesn’t have the money. She lives day to day. The American Dream hasn’t happened for Ivanni Herrera — at least, not yet. Life is far more difficult than she has let on.

    She texts back:

    No.

    ___

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  • Aurora won’t close more apartments allegedly affected by Venezuelan gangs (yet)

    Aurora won’t close more apartments allegedly affected by Venezuelan gangs (yet)

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    Aurora’s Edge at Lowry apartment complex. Sept. 4, 2024.

    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Last week, Aurora Mayor Mike Coffman urged the city to shut down the apartment buildings that have made national headlines over an alleged “Venezuelan gang takeover.” 

    “I strongly believe that the best course of action is to shut these [buildings] down and make sure that this never happens again,” he posted on Facebook.

    He was responding to reports of activity by the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua at several apartment buildings, which has become the focus of national media coverage.

    He added that the Aurora City Attorney’s Office was preparing to, “request an emergency court order to clear the apartment buildings where Venezuelan gang activity has been occurring by declaring the properties a ‘Criminal Nuisance.’”

    But those plans are not moving forward, for now.

    Aurora is working with the property owners on other options, local officials said. A spokesperson for Coffman said that closing the buildings is no longer the mayor’s goal.

    The proposed closures would have affected hundreds of people living in two buildings owned by CBZ Management: The Edge at Lowry and Whispering Pines Apartments.

    A third building, Fitzsimons Place, at 1568 Nome Street, has already been shut down over code violations.

    A group of people hold signs; the closest reads "We are father and mother of a family."
    Residents of Aurora’s Edge at Lowry apartment complex, and their supporters, hold signs during a press conference to “set the record straight” on an alleged “gang takeover” of the property. Sept. 4, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    The apparent change of plans comes as Coffman is reportedly negotiating with the landlords at CBZ Management. They’re working on a plan, according to a city spokesperson.

    “Due to new communications with the property owners and their attorneys since [last] Friday, there are no immediate plans to go forward with such a request at this time,” wrote Aurora spokesperson Michael Brannen, in a statement this week. “But it remains one of the City’s legal options moving forward, if needed.”

    What we know and what we don’t about these apartment complexes and Tren de Aragua

    Aurora has arrested 10 suspected Tren de Aragua members for various crimes, including assault and attempted murder. In Denver, one crime has been linked to the gang: the robbery of a family-owned jewelry store

    The city and the landlord have a strained relationship. Coffman has called the owners “slumlords,” while the landlords have accused the city of letting Tren de Aragua “take over” the buildings.

    The city and the landlord have been in a multi-year battle with the city over zoning code and habitability issues — complaints residents have been making for years. That dispute led to the previous shutdown of Fitzsimons Place, forcing families out of nearly 100 units.

    There’s another complicating factor: Coffman doesn’t have the power to unilaterally shut down apartments, according to Councilmember Crystal Murillo. She’s the representative of the district in western Aurora that is home to the apartment buildings.

    Aurora Police officers march into the recently closed Fitzsimons Place apartments in Aurora to make sure people move out. Aug. 13, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    A shutdown would require support from Council and also work from the City Manager, she said.

    Murillo is uncertain how her fellow council members would vote, but she opposes a shutdown. She told Denverite she’s concerned that the apartments are unlivable and that the landlord has abandoned the building — but if the building is closed, residents will have nowhere to go, and many could be left homeless.

    “I am concerned that people are still at risk,” Murillo said. “We already know there’s a shortage of affordable units that are livable. And you know, I’m concerned that this false narrative is making that even harder.”

    A shabby apartment, its floor littered with garbage and its walls dingy. There's a broken couch and a standalone oven — and a bunch of loose doors leaning against the wall.
    Inside an apartment at Aurora’s Edge at Lowry complex, where residents are protesting their landlords alleged negligence of the property. Sept. 4, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Community activists rallied on Tuesday to decry the idea of shutting down the apartments, as well as to protest CBZ Management’s alleged poor upkeep of the buildings, as well as to push back on what they described as racist and biased media coverage of their community.

    Several Venezuelan immigrants said they can’t find new apartments because landlords don’t want to rent to them — a problem that’s only grown worse with sometimes hyperbolic claims of a gang takeover in Aurora. 

    The City of Aurora is already embroiled in legal action against Zev Baumgarten, an owner of CBZ. The company has not responded to multiple Denverite requests for comment. Coffman also has not responded to requests for interviews about those negotiations or his desire to shutter the buildings.

    Aurora previously shuttered a separate CBZ Management property, displacing hundreds of people

    The closure of Fitzsimons Place, at 1568 Nome Street, forced 300 tenants out of 99 units.

    The City of Aurora provided those tenants with a few weeks of rent and the possibility of downpayment assistance, but no city workers were on the ground to help tenants on the day of the shutdown. Only nonprofit workers were present.

    Weeks after the shutdown, Nate Kassa, an organizer with the East Colfax Community Collective, said organizers are overwhelmed as they try to find new housing for so many people.

    Emily Goodman, with the East Colfax Community Collaborative, helps Yubusay Fonseca find a place to go after she and her neighbors were forced to move out of the recently closed Fitzsimons Place apartments in Aurora. Aug. 13, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Many families from the Nome Street apartments fell through the cracks, and he worries they may be living on the streets, he said. Murillo fears the same would happen to the residents of the other CBZ Management apartments the city has considered shuttering.

    Murillo has heard from housing advocates that some landlords are reluctant to rent to people coming from the CBZ buildings, “because now they’re all being labeled incorrectly and falsely as gang members,” she said.

    “And so really, the collateral damage are still the residents. They were the victims in the first place. They’re still the victims now. And they’re suffering the consequences and being caught in the crossfire of this political grandstanding that’s happening.”

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  • Tren de Aragua in Aurora, explained in 5 minutes

    Tren de Aragua in Aurora, explained in 5 minutes

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    In recent days, Aurora has been the subject of national media stories, viral online claims and political rhetoric, all centered on the allegation that a Venezuelan gang, Tren de Aragua, has taken control of certain apartment buildings in the city.

    After reviewing media reports, visiting the affected apartment complexes, and speaking to residents, officials, and community members, Denverite sorted out what is true, what is contested and what is unknown. Here’s what we know and what we don’t.

    And if you want to go deeper, here’s more.

    What we know

    A landlord has claimed the gang has “taken over” apartment buildings

    The apartments in question are owned by CBZ Management, a company based in New York. Hundreds of recent immigrants, many of them Venezuelan, live at the buildings. Over the summer, the landlord claimed that Tren de Aragua had “taken over” the complexes, including by shaking down renters for money and kicking out the apartment’s managers.

    Various reports have referred to gang presence at apartment buildings including The Aspen Grove, Whispering Pines and The Edge at Lowry. On Wednesday, CBS News published further details related to Whispering Pines. A law firm working for a lender for the complex says members of Tren de Aragua had “threatened to kill … members of Whispering Pines management,” and had demanded half of the building’s rent revenue, according to CBS.

    Tren de Aragua does have a local presence

    Police officials in Denver and Aurora say Tren de Aragua has a small local presence. They’ve linked gang members to some crimes, including an alleged attempted murder at Fitzsimons Place and the robbery of a Denver jewelry store. A video also shows heavily armed men in one of the apartment buildings, The Edge at Lowry, though it is unclear if they were Tren de Aragua members or what they were doing.

    But local officials have denied the takeover claims

    City officials deny that the gang has taken control of any part of either Denver or Aurora, including the apartment buildings. However, Aurora police acknowledged on Wednesday that they had received complaints of rent theft at three CBZ Management communities; they have not made any arrests in those cases.

    Denver Mayor Mike Johnston claimed that among thousands of new immigrants to the area, around 15 are involved in criminal activity. Aurora police say they have identified 10 members of the gang, six of whom were in custody on Wednesday. The Denver mayor said that Tren de Aragua has much less of a presence locally than the Crips and Bloods, two American gangs.

    The landlord was already in trouble with the city

    Long before the arrival of Venezuelan immigrants, CBZ Management’s buildings were the target of city enforcement actions. Residents have complained of pest infestations, broken utilities, and structural damage, much of which Denverite documented at a recent visit.

    The city recently shut down one of the buildings, Fitzsimons Place on Nome Street, over habitability issues, forcing out hundreds of residents. That building had also been the site of a Tren de Aragua-linked shooting over the summer, which led to an attempted murder charge against a member.

    These issues have contributed to a hostile relationship between the landlord and the city, with Mayor Mike Coffman calling the owners “slumlords.”

    Some residents have denied the allegations of gang control

    At a press conference on Tuesday, dozens of residents said that the landlord’s claims of shakedowns and gang control were false. They said that the video of the armed men in one apartment building was a “one-time” event. And they also said that they were more concerned about their landlord and the mismanagement of the building.

    But complaints from residents about criminal activity have also surfaced. Cindy Romero said she captured the video of the armed men at The Edge at Lowry. She told CBS News that she saw people with automatic weapons and witnessed shootouts, with the police offering little help.

    Tren de Aragua has been a growing concern nationwide

    Tren de Aragua, translated Aragua Train, is a gang that was formed by prisoner Héctor “El Niño” Guerrero more than a decade ago in the Tocorón prison in the Venezuelan state of Aragua. Federal officials say the group has grown out of South America and into the U.S. over the last six years.

    The Biden administration imposed sanctions on the gang in July for “a variety of criminal activities including human smuggling and trafficking, gender-based violence, money laundering, and illicit drug trafficking.” The U.S. and Colombia are offering $12 million for the capture of its leaders. Some media reports have said the gang has about 5,000 members worldwide.

    Politicians have amplified and in some cases exaggerated claims

    The Colorado Republican Party claimed that “gangs have taken over Aurora.” Former President Donald Trump said on a podcast that “very tough young thugs” with “big guns” were “taking over big areas” of Aurora. Aurora Mayor Mike Coffman, a Republican, has denied many of those claims, saying Tren de Aragua instead has a limited presence.

    The social media uproar may be endangering residents

    Residents of the apartments say they’ve been the subject of death threats and racist rhetoric from outsiders. Denverite reviewed some of the messages. Some of those messages appear to be coming from would-be vigilantes who are responding to claims of a gang takeover.

    Police say they’re responding

    Aurora Police have been investigating the claims of gang activity, and they are joining state agencies in a task force to respond to the gang’s presence. A spokesperson for the Denver Police Department told Denverite that its officers are working with Denver apartment managers, residents and others to ensure they stay safe.

    What we don’t know

    The extent of Tren de Aragua’s influence

    While some members of the gang have been implicated in crimes in the Denver metro, the overall influence of Tren de Aragua in Aurora remains hard to quantify. Officials have not confirmed the scale of the gang’s operations.

    The extent to which the property owner’s allegations are true

    Aurora police confirmed that they’ve heard resident complaints about rent theft. But with no arrests being made, the details of the alleged crimes and potential perpetrators remain unclear. Denverite has not yet heard eyewitness testimony about the rent theft and extortion claims. Though it is clear the gang has a presence in some CBZ buildings, the extent of its operations and impact remains contested among both residents and officials.

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    Andrew Kenney

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  • Everyone’s talking about a Venezuelan gang in Aurora. Here’s what we know — and what we don’t

    Everyone’s talking about a Venezuelan gang in Aurora. Here’s what we know — and what we don’t

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    A handful of run-down Aurora apartment buildings and a Venezuelan gang have become a focal point of the United States immigration debate. 

    But several city and law enforcement officials say the gang’s presence and influence in the city is smaller than what national news outlets and some politicians have claimed.

    The apartments’ landlord recently said that members of the gang Tren de Aragua took possession of the buildings, shook down residents for rent money and chased out the property managers — but those are allegations that many residents and some city officials deny.

    In recent weeks, rumors surrounding the gang have gone viral on social media. News outlets have published sensational headlines after a video of armed men at an apartment in Aurora was widely shared.

    There was this one from the New York Post: “Brutal Venezuelan gang violence spills into quiet suburb from the sanctuary city next door— despite efforts to keep migrants out.” And this one from Newsweek: “Colorado Town Being ‘Overrun’ By Venezuelan Gangs.” There were countless others.

    In response, some have called for mass deportations and violence against new immigrants in the Denver metro. Elected officials and political candidates have even accused the leaders of Aurora and Denver of a coverup, and blamed Denver’s immigration policies for what’s happening. 

    Meanwhile, many residents of the apartment buildings in question are receiving death threats and fear for their safety, not from the Venezuelan gang but from would-be vigilantes who are threatening the residents with violence.

    A stew of hot takes, hyperbole, conflicting statements from officials, anonymous sourcing, racist speech, and political campaigning have defined the conversation.

    It’s hard to know who to trust, what’s real and what isn’t. 

    Jeraldine Mazo, a resident of Aurora’s Edge at Lowry apartment complex, speaks during a press conference to “set the record straight” on an alleged “gang takeover” of the property. Sept. 4, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Denverite reviewed the news stories and the claims made by the landlord, officials, politicians, activists and the police. We spent time at one apartment building, speaking with residents; observed the City of Aurora displacing residents of another building; and reviewed federal and local government statements.   

    We learned the apartment buildings have been in terrible shape for years and still are. Many residents say they are not scared of gangs. They fear the owners of the complex. And local police departments say Tren de Aragua does not have an outsized role in metro area crimes, despite claims the gang has taken over the Denver area. 

    Still, the gang’s members have allegedly been involved in one high-profile robbery and an attempted homicide in the metro.

    We could not substantiate whether they shook renters down for money and chased out property managers.

    Let’s start with what we know. 

    There are a handful of apartment buildings in Aurora owned by CBZ Management, a company based in Brooklyn, New York. For years, residents of several of those buildings have complained about rats, mice and insects, concerns over crime and poor treatment by management. 

    All that predates the arrival of tens of thousands of Venezuelan immigrants in the Denver area. 

    For the past two years, Aurora has been working to get the property owners into compliance with the law, said Jessica Prosser, Aurora’s director of housing and community services, at a press conference in August.

    Many newly arrived Venezuelans and other Spanish-speaking immigrants were placed into those apartments by nonprofits. Those homes, as uninhabitable as many of the units may be, are among the few that are affordable to newly arriving immigrant families.

    “We have received numerous complaints and allegations about stolen rent from residents at all three CBZ complexes,” Aurora Police spokesperson Joe Moylan wrote Denverite in an email. “But to date we have not established probable cause to make any arrests on those claims.”

    We know there have been recent assaults and shootings at and near some of the properties. Aurora Police arrested a man on suspicion of attempted homicide and say he is connected to Tren de Aragua. 

    We know there is a video of men with guns entering one of the apartments at The Edge at Lowry. Aurora Police have not confirmed the identity of those men. 

    At that same apartment complex, Denverite reporters saw multiple mice and bedbugs; mold growing in a bathtub; a stove that hasn’t worked for two months; a sink that won’t drain; and a broken fan. 

    A man in a red t-shirt holds up cardboard squares with mice stuck to them. He looks distraught. A kid reaches for one from the right.
    Juan Carlos Alvarado Jimenes holds up mice he just pulled out of an apartment at Aurora’s Edge at Lowry apartment complex, during a press conference shaming their landlord and to “set the record straight” on an alleged “gang takeover” of the property. Sept. 4, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    We also know the entire city of Aurora has not been taken over by the gang, as the Colorado Republican Party claimed in a fundraising email. Police have been at The Edge at Lowry speaking with residents, and the Aurora police chief says that no gang is running the apartment complex. Residents said the same at a Tuesday press conference at the building. 

    Mayors in both Denver and Aurora say Tren de Aragua has a small presence in the region and law enforcement is monitoring it carefully, making arrests when appropriate — and that they will continue to do so. 

    “We think this is a vanishingly small number of people,” said Denver Mayor Mike Johnston. “And we feel very confident (that the) situation’s under control, and we are ahead of the curve on being able to prevent more violence from happening.”

    We also know that both cities have long histories with violent crime and criminal organizations that date back decades before the arrival of more than 40,000 new immigrants. 

    Beyond that, the truth gets murky. 

    What is Tren de Aragua? 

    Tren de Aragua, translated Aragua Train, is a gang that was formed by prisoner Héctor “El Niño” Guerrero more than a decade ago in the Tocorón prison in the Venezuelan state of Aragua. 

    The group took over the prison, installing “a professional baseball field, swimming pools, children’s play equipment — even a small zoo, with monkeys and flamingos,” the Washington Post reported

    When the Venezuelan government took the prison back from the gang in September 2023, Guerrero was not there, but prisoners’ family members, including children, had apparently been left behind.

    “Over the past six years, Tren de Aragua leader Niño Guerrero has expanded the group’s criminal network throughout South America and recently extended north into Central America and the United States,” the State Department wrote in a July statement

    For years, the international police organization INTERPOL and governments throughout the Americas have pushed to arrest people tied to Tren de Aragua.

    The gang’s activities have spread from Venezuela to Colombia, Chile, Peru, Ecuador, Brazil, Bolivia, Panama, and the United States, according to the U.S. Department of the Treasury

    In July 2024, the Biden-Harris administration and Treasury Department declared sanctions on the gang for a variety of criminal activities including “human smuggling and trafficking, gender-based violence, money laundering, and illicit drug trafficking.” 

    That same month, the United States joined Colombia in offering a $5 million reward for the capture of Guerrero and $7 million more for the capture of other leaders. 

    Multiple news outlets have reported that the gang has roughly 5,000 members worldwide, though Denverite has not been able to independently confirm that. 

    What is Tren de Aragua’s presence in Colorado?

    Tren de Aragua has a presence in Denver and Aurora, according to city spokespeople. 

    In June, the family-owned jewelry store Joyeria El Ruby, in Denver’s West Highland neighborhood, was robbed at gunpoint. Police said eight people were involved. Four suspects, Oswaldo Lozada-Solis, 23; Jesus Daniel Lara Del Toro, 20; Jean Franco Torres-Roman, 21; and Edwuimar Nazareth Colina-Romero, 18, were later arrested in El Paso, Texas, in connection to the Colorado crime. They are suspected of being members of the gang. 

    More recently, Aurora Police also arrested Jhonardy Jose Pacheco-Chirino, who goes by the nickname “Galleta,” translated “cookie,” in connection to a July 28 shooting at the Fitzsimons Place apartments. The New York Post described him as a “shot-caller” in the gang. But a spokesperson for Aurora said the city’s police department was not aware of his actual status in the gang. 

    “We are able to confirm Pacheco-Chirino, 22 … is a documented member of Tren de Aragua (TdA),” said Aurora city spokesperson Ryan Luby. “The department is not aware of his status within the gang. He is currently in the custody of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.”

    The Aurora Police Department recently joined the Colorado State Patrol and the Colorado Bureau of Investigation to form a regional group focused on Tren de Aragua.

    “This task force will assist agencies throughout the region with their ongoing investigations with the goal of enhancing communications, sharing intelligence and maximizing investigative resources,” Matthew Longshore, a public information officer for Aurora Police, wrote in a statement.

    While the Colorado GOP and an army of TikTokers have claimed Tren de Aragua has taken over Aurora, Aurora Mayor Mike Coffman has said that’s not true.

    “The problems associated with Venezuelan gang activity has been isolated to properties that are all under the same out-of-state ownership whose problems with code violations and criminal activity preceded the migrant crisis,” he wrote on social media. 

    Mike Coffman on Nov. 14, 2019. The Aurora mayor says the claims that Tren de Aragua has taken over the city are untrue.

    Meanwhile, a spokesperson for the Denver Police Department told Denverite that its officers are working with Denver apartment managers, residents and others to ensure they stay safe. The department is unaware of any apartments taken over by gangs, the spokesperson said. 

    “DPD is also committed to holding all criminals accountable, regardless of their immigration status,” the department spokesperson wrote. “To assist in these efforts, the community is encouraged to report suspicious activity by calling or texting 911 for emergencies or contacting Crime Stoppers anonymously. The Denver Police Department does not ask witnesses or victims of crime about immigration status, removing a potential barrier to reporting. Interpretation services are also available for people calling to report crimes.”

    What about Tren de Aragua and those Aurora apartments?

    CBZ Management, which runs several apartment buildings in Aurora, claims that Tren de Aragua has taken control of its properties, kicked out CBZ Management staff, and forced residents to pay gang members rent — allegations widely reported by the New York Post, Fox News and other outlets. 

    The owners of CBZ Management are facing legal actions from the City of Aurora that started before the landlord made claims about the alleged Tren de Aragua takeover. 

    CBZ management declined to speak on the record about the claims and the state of the apartment buildings. 

    Six little girls, two in matching navy dresses, smile towards a camera as they sit on a windowsill under a bush.
    Girls sit in the shade as their parents participate in a press conference at Aurora’s Edge at Lowry apartment complex to “set the record straight” on an alleged “gang takeover” of the property. Sept. 4, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Mayor Coffman described the owners as out-of-state “slumlords” in early August. And years of online reviews describe the company’s apartments as unclean, poorly maintained and hotbeds of crime.

    Aurora City Councilwoman Danielle Jurinsky has amplified the landlord’s message

    “A GANG HAS TAKEN OVER entire apartment complexes in Aurora,” she wrote on social media. 

    “The national news outlets are doing a great job of their reporting on the Tren de Aragua gang that is in the Denver Metro area,” she added. “I will continue to speak out until our border is closed and this gang is addressed! I hope the local media will now step up and help with the truth.”

    News outlets across the United States and even in Venezuela broadcast a video of armed men entering an apartment at one of the complexes. Journalists and politicians claim the video proves members of Tren de Aragua control The Edge at Lowry apartment complex.

    CBS News’ Tori Mason interviewed a former resident of The Edge at Lowry who said she recorded the video. Cindy Romero reported seeing an increase in crime over the past year and a half at the complex. She told the station she saw people with automatic weapons and witnessed shootouts, saying the police did little to help her.

    “The police would call me and say they weren’t coming unless it was a severe crime,” Romero told Mason. “When I called the police to report a shooting, one officer asked if I had considered moving. If I could have afforded to leave, I would have.”

    But some residents of the building, at a press conference on Tuesday, said the men in the video were not residents. It was a one-time event, they said. And while they were concerned about the crime, the video did not demonstrate anything about Tren de Aragua or other gangs controlling the building, they argued.

    What do Aurora officials say about the apartment buildings and Venezuelan gangs? 

    Coffman has denied that the apartments have been “taken over” by Tren de Aragua. But he has also said there is “Venezuelan gang activity” on site. 

    Aurora’s Interim Police Chief Heather Morris said officers have spent weeks at an apartment community at 12th and Dallas. Officers walked the grounds, trying to better understand what was actually happening, she said. 

    “We’ve been talking to residents here and learning from them about what’s been going on,” she said. “And there’s definitely a different picture. I’m not saying that there’s not gang members that  … live in this community. But what we’re learning out here is that gang members have not taken over this complex.” 

    Meanwhile, Coffman posted to Facebook that the City Attorney’s Office was planning more dramatic action at the apartment buildings in response to gang activity.

    The city office is “preparing court documents to request an emergency court order to clear the apartment buildings where Venezuelan gang activity has been occurring by declaring the properties a ‘Criminal Nuisance,’” he wrote.

    “This will require a municipal judge to issue the order with the goal of getting these properties back under the control of the property owners,” Coffman continued.

    The City of Aurora has already shut down one CBZ Management apartment, Fitzsimons Place on Nome Street, leaving more than 300 individuals to face homelessness, stay in city-funded motel rooms, or find other apartments. 

    Some residents were critical of the city’s heavy hand. Instead of sending city workers to help the residents, the only government employees to be found were the police and zoning code enforcers.

    Aurora Police officers march into the recently closed Fitzsimons Place apartments in Aurora to make sure people move out. Aug. 13, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    During that mass displacement, more than a dozen residents told Denverite that crime and gang activity were not major concerns at Fitzsimons Place. Denverite spent 16 hours at the community and did not see armed men or criminal activity. 

    While the city shut down that apartment community over habitability issues, it also was recently the site of a shootout this summer tied to the gang.

    What’s the scope of Tren de Aragua’s harm? 

    Walk through Aurora, and it’s clear: The gang has not taken over the city, even as some gang members have committed a handful of crimes. Blocks away from The Edge at Lowry, neighbors shop in local stores, mow their lawns, ride their e-bikes and carry on life as usual. 

    The victims of Tren de Aragua’s shootings and human trafficking crimes are largely Venezuelan immigrants themselves. 

    Coffman, Johnston and Morris have all encouraged victims of the gang to contact police and have reminded them that they are safe in doing so regardless of what documents they do or don’t have. 

    “There has been a lot of misleading information shared about what is happening in our city,” city spokesperson Luby said. “Aurora is a safe community. Media have conflated and considerably exaggerated incidents that are isolated to a handful of problem properties alone.”

    Mayor Mike Johnston told 9NEWS’ Kyle Clark that the presence is much less significant than that of American street gangs like the Bloods or the Crips. Both gangs have been tied to acts of violence in both cities for decades and continue to have a strong presence in the metro. 

    What are other state and local leaders saying about Venezuelan gangs?

    Gov. Jared Polis has offered state support to Aurora.

    “Colorado is a zero tolerance state for illegal activity, taking over buildings has no place in Colorado, and I am confident that the city of Aurora shares this basic value and will enforce the law if it is being violated there,” he wrote in a statement. “I urge them to do so quickly and in a thorough manner. 

    “Over the last month, I have been in regular contact with the City of Aurora and the Aurora Police Department and have offered any and all state assistance to support their efforts if requested,” he continued. “The state has been ready for weeks to back up any operation by the Aurora Police Department needed to make Aurora safer.”

    In response, the American Friends Service Committee, a Quaker organization that has advocated for immigrants for decades, rebuked the governor for his statement: 

    “We are disappointed to see you participate in disinformation and stereotyping,” the organization wrote the governor on Facebook. “In Colorado we value accurate and complete investigations and being provided facts. This post provides neither and doesn’t provide a starting point for real conversations about the tensions we see in community.”

    In the meantime, the situation has been a statewide and national focus for Republicans.

    “Colorado is under violent attack,” claimed the Colorado GOP, in a recent newsletter. 

    Legacy media, according to the statement, “is working harder to cover up the illegal immigrant crisis than it is to bring the truth to Colorado families. Venezuelan gangs have taken over Aurora; residents are living in fear as lawlessness and violence rock entire apartment buildings and communities.”

    The Colorado GOP also accused law enforcement of letting Tren de Aragua run rampant, and it shared a tweet from a person proposing the National Guard be called in.

    The party claimed Councilmember Jurinsky and conservatives have inspired liberals and conservatives alike to speak out “against what they call a very scary situation, where they are powerless against violent illegals at their doorsteps.” 

    Finally, the state GOP used the situation in Aurora to push people to vote Republican and to go far beyond just combating Tren de Aragua. The party encouraged its base to push for the removal of all undocumented immigrants from Colorado.

    “Encourage your city and county to become a non-sanctuary locality,” the party wrote. “If you see illegal migrants in your town, attend your city council meetings and tell your elected officials you want this to stop.”

    Even former President Donald Trump amplified the message on the Lex Fridman podcast. 

    “You see in Aurora, Colorado, a group of very tough young thugs from Venezuela taking over big areas, including buildings,” he said. “They’re taking over buildings. They have their big rifles, but they’re taking over buildings. We’re not going to let this happen. We’re not going to let them destroy our country.”

    Aurora officials and residents have, again, denied that the buildings were taken over.

    “We have verified and documented 10 TdA members in Aurora,” Aurora Police spokesperson Moylan wrote. “Six remain in custody.”

    Johnston says roughly 15 or 20 of the more than 40,000 new immigrants who arrived are committing crimes in Denver. The police are monitoring them with both covert and overt operations. And there is not a public safety crisis associated with the gang, Johnston says. 

    “We are very confident that this is not a crisis facing the City and County of Denver,” he said. “We are monitoring it closely like we monitor any public safety issue in the city. We do not have any situation where we have gangs that have overtaken apartment buildings or neighborhoods or anything else in Denver.”

    In fact, the only crime Johnston said he’s aware of associated with Tren de Aragua was the heist at the jewelry store. 

    Mike Johnston speaks to the press, photographed in side profile.
    Denver Mayor Mike Johnston on Monday, July 22, 2024. The Mayor says there is not a public safety crisis associated with the Tren de Aragua gang,
    Rebecca Slezak/Special to Denverite

    “We continue to see that the overwhelming majority of newcomers who arrived are working two to three jobs and do everything they can to take care of themselves and their family,” Johnston said. “And they came here to try to pursue the American dream. And so they are great additions to the community.”

    As Johnston sees it, the national media blitz over the Aurora apartments is just one more example of a story blowing up in the context of the national presidential election. 

    “In a time with a pretty high profile, pretty confrontational presidential election, there are a lot of folks that would like to make national stories and national crisis out of things that just aren’t,” Johnston said. “This is not a national crisis and not a local crisis. It’s an issue we’ll be mindful of and careful of, but we do not see any pervasive threat to the safety of Denverites.”

    What do community organizers and residents on the ground say? 

    Nate Kassa, an organizer with the East Colfax Community Collective, told Denverite he and his coworkers have spoken to dozens of residents at all of the CBZ apartments making headlines. Those residents denied the claim that the building had been taken over by Tren de Aragua or other gangs. 

    At a Tuesday press conference, dozens of people who lived there also shared the same message.

    A group of people hold signs; the closest reads "We are father and mother of a family."
    Residents of Aurora’s Edge at Lowry apartment complex, and their supporters, hold signs during a press conference to “set the record straight” on an alleged “gang takeover” of the property. Sept. 4, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    The media coverage and racist rhetoric have put residents in danger, Kassa said. 

    Denverite reviewed texts sent to renters that referred to the tenants as “animals.” 

    Multiple residents, Kassa said, have received death threats from strangers. 

    “I hope you know the Colorado veterans are building a militia with more fire power than you guys could ever imagine,” texted one stranger to a resident.

    Denverite toured Moises Didenot’s apartment at The Edge at Lowry, where he lives with his wife and his sixth-grade daughter.

    Moises Didenot gives a tour of his apartment at Aurora’s Edge at Lowry complex, which he said has been long neglected by his landlord, after a press conference to “set the record straight” on an alleged “gang takeover” of the property. Sept. 4, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    His stove hasn’t worked for two months, he said. His sink does not drain. Mold is growing in his bathtub. And gangs of mice, cockroaches and bedbugs infest his apartment. 

    He says the media has spread lies about who actually lives at The Edge at Lowry. 

    “They’re trying to put us all in one group, put us all in one bag,” said Didenot, flanked by dozens of residents frustrated by the media’s coverage of the apartments and the accusations that Tren de Aragua controls them. “They’re trying to say that here there are delinquents, that here there are criminals. Here there are moms, there are families, there are fathers. To me … the only criminal here is the owner of the building.” 

    Since they moved in, Didenot’s family has been on the verge of eviction. 

    “Every month they’re really going to tell me that they’re going to cancel my contract and kick me out when I don’t pay,” he said. “But when I ask them to fix the piping that’s blocked, the toilets that don’t flush, the kitchen that’s falling apart — very quickly, they disappear.”

    A man in a ball cap and shades yells into a microphone, as people holding signs around him raise their arms and shout, too.
    Moises Didenot holds up documents that show he’s been paying his rent at Aurora’s Edge at Lowry apartment complex, despite that his landlord has rarely worked to fix his place, during a press conference to “set the record straight” on an alleged “gang takeover” of the property. Sept. 4, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Jeraldine Mazo, a Colombian resident of The Edge at Lowry, said the national media’s claims that Venezuelan gangs have taken over the building have her worried. As she sees it, they’re fueled by racism against Venezuelans. 

    She said she’s been unable to find work because companies believe she’s from Venezuela. 

    “We are not causing problems,” Mazo said. “All we want is … a place for us to live, a place for our kids to live with our families.”

    Members of Housekeys Action Network Denver, a nonprofit that fights for housing security, have been at all of the apartments in question for weeks and say they have never feared any of the residents. 

    “Never once were we in fear for our lives, never once were we threatened, never once did we witness any sort of gang activities or even weapons — just vulnerable victims of an oppressive slumlord who would gladly reap millions from their payments and still defile their name,” the group wrote in a statement. 

    Jennifer Piper, of the American Friends Service Committee, has been working on immigration issues in the metro for more than two decades.

    “This election cycle has turned what should have just been a humanitarian issue into a crisis of stereotyping and xenophobia, really, for both parties,” she said. “It’s very concerning. I feel like we haven’t seen this level of terrible rhetoric, rhetoric from the federal government, since I started doing this work.”

    The real story, as she sees it, is that apartments in Aurora are allowed to deteriorate and people are forced to live in undignified places.  

    “All this stuff about Tren de Aragua is a great distraction from the systemic problems that exist around housing in the city of Aurora,” she said. 

    What’s next? 

    Mayor Coffman is pushing the City of Aurora to shut down all the apartments under CBZ Management associated with Venezuelan gang activities. 

    If that happens, countless families and individuals will face homelessness, Kassa said.  

    However, a spokesperson for the City of Aurora said on Tuesday that closing the buildings is not immediately on the table. 

    Meanwhile, the Aurora Police and the larger task force organized around the issue are continuing to research Tren de Aragua. 

    Tenants, Housekeys Action Network Denver, and the East Colfax Community Collective are asking CBZ Management to fulfill its responsibility to residents and ensure they have basic living standards or relocate tenants to other habitable units. 

    The group also wants Aurora to back off of Coffman’s plan to shut down the remaining apartments and instead enforce the zoning code against the management company.

    This story has been updated to include the perspective of Cindy Romero, a former resident of The Edge at Lowry. We have also added new information from the Aurora Police Department about the number of members of Tren de Aragua that officers have identified and complaints from residents who say their rent was stolen.

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  • Racist signs were spotted along Colfax. What happens next?

    Racist signs were spotted along Colfax. What happens next?

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    The metal signs carried a racist message, referring to Black people sitting “at the back of the bus,” behind “Kamala’s migrants.”

    A group of Venezuelan men wipe the window of a car parked at the intersection of Colorado Boulevard and Colfax Avenue. This week, an unknown person posted signs with racist anti-immigrant messages at the intersection’s bus stop.

    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Editor’s note: This story contains an image of a sign that readers may find offensive.

    At 5 a.m. Thursday morning, an RTD bus operator spotted anti-immigrant signs with a racist message bolted to bus stops near the intersection of Colfax Ave. and Colorado Blvd.

    The metal signs referred to Black people sitting “at the back of the bus,” behind “Kamala’s migrants.”

    Within hours, the transit agency and the police removed the signs and began an investigation. Chicago Transit Authority confirmed identical signs were removed in Chicago. Denver police say they are investigating the incident as a possible “bias-motivated” crime.

    In the case of Thursday’s signs, police are looking into potential security camera footage that could help find the person that put up the signs.

    “DPD is handling this case as a bias-motivated crime and are collecting evidence with the goal of holding the perpetrator accountable,” DPD told Denverite Thursday.

    RTD condemned the signs as “hateful and discriminatory,” as did many leaders in Denver.

    A self-described “political guerrilla artist”, Sabo, implied in posts online that he was responsible for the signs that were posted earlier in Chicago during the Democratic National Convention, and wrote a lengthy post about the Denver signs, too, though he didn’t “admit to putting anything up.”

    Elected officials were quick to react.

    Denver Councilmember Shontel Lewis heard about the signs early Thursday morning from a constituent. She said she plans to hear from the communities she represents about what they want to see in response to incidents like this.

    “Reach out to your elected officials and force them to do the jobs that you we all elected them to do,” Lewis said. 

    Leslie Herod, State Representative and former Colorado Black Democratic Legislative Caucus chair, talked about the importance of speaking out against hate. In a statement Thursday, she described her grandparents’ experience fighting segregation in Mississippi.

    “When we say, ‘We won’t go back,’ this incident is a stark reminder of why. We have more work to do, and we won’t stop until we create the more perfect union we all deserve,” she said.

    Evan Weissman, who founded the community nonprofit Warm Cookies of the Revolution and teaches college classes on nonviolence, said moments like these call for nonviolent action. 

    “I think in the longer term… what are we actually doing to make it so that this feels like a welcoming place for everyone?

    Signs linked to a self-described “political” guerilla artist carried a race-baiting, anti-immigrant message on Aug. 29, 2024.

    Many Denverites have taken action to welcome new immigrants in the city in the past two years.

    In both Denver and Aurora, grassroots groups, nonprofits and moms on Facebook have come together to serve the needs of newcomers when public systems fall short. Residents have raised money and dropped off donations for new immigrants, especially during peak arrival times.

    It’s happened worldwide as well. In the wake of an anti-immigrant riot in the U.K. earlier this month, counter-protesters responded by voicing support for immigrants and condemning racism.

    Who’s in charge of dealing with vandalism and unauthorized signs?

    If it’s on public property, 311 is the number to call to reach the city. If the vandalism involves RTD, riders can report it to the Transit Watch app or by calling 303-299-2911.

    You can also report a hateful incident to the District Attorney’s hate crimes hotline at 720-913-6458 and to Denver Police at the 911 emergency line or the non-emergency line at 720-913-2000.

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  • Renters in a condemned Aurora apartment beg for more time

    Renters in a condemned Aurora apartment beg for more time

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    1568 Nome St. has been condemned by the City of Aurora.

    Kyle Harris/Denverite

    The City of Aurora is shuttering an apartment building with more than 90 units at 1568 Nome St. The reason? Years of unsafe conditions that property owner CBZ Management has failed to address, according to the city.  

    All residents of 1568 Nome St. had six days to pack their bags and be gone. Aurora Police could arrest anyone still there after 7 a.m. on Tuesday.

    So on Monday afternoon, residents, many of them immigrants, scrambled.

    Some threw away their belongings where trash had piled up outside the property. Others hoped to rent storage units or borrow space in friends’ and strangers’ garages. Some just stood against a wall looking at everything they owned and wondered what was next. 

    Where would they stay after they left 1568 Nome St.? Most people Denverite spoke to had no plan, but they’re trying to figure it out.

    The City of Aurora says it’s doing what it must to keep residents safe. 

    “City management is obligated under the Aurora City Charter to enforce the city code and look out for the safety and welfare of all residents,” said Ryan Luby, a spokesperson for the City of Aurora. “1568 Nome St. is no longer suitable for human habitation. The building owners and managers made the decision to effectively abandon their paying tenants, and this is the unfortunate consequence. The risks of residents remaining in the building and being subjected to its rapidly deteriorating conditions are far too dire.”

    Aurora officials say they are working with community organizations to provide “tangible solutions for the building’s residents.”

    Aurora has found 85 rooms in 10 hotels and motels in the city where people can move, said Jessica Prosser, Aurora’s director of housing and community services. Eligible residents would be offered housing vouchers.

    Prosser said the landlord typically pays for such relocation costs. In this case, the company is refusing, so the city is footing the bill — for now. Aurora plans to recover the costs from CBZ management at a later date.

    A CBZ investor declined to speak on the record using his name with Denverite, so we declined to use his comments.

    Volunteers say that if Aurora wants them to effectively shelter and house the residents of 1568 Nome St., they need more time.

    Advocates are working hard to help residents in a crisis that some say has ‘blatant’ optics.

    On Monday afternoon, a handful of caseworkers and volunteers — some bilingual and some not — gathered outside the complex to help connect panicked residents with social service organizations, motel rooms and more permanent housing.

    Some were individuals lending a helping hand. Others came from nonprofits and activist groups, including the East Colfax Community Collective and Housekeys Action Network Denver. 

    V Reeves, an advocate with the HAND, was one of the people fielding multiple questions from families. 

    They have been a constant presence at homeless encampment closures and have seen firsthand how cities in the Denver Metro have handled both the homelessness and new immigrant crises. 

    “This has been especially heartbreaking and tragic to see,” Reeves said. “They’re not caring about optics, or even attempting to look like they care or attempting to act like they’re not racist. I feel like it’s very blatant this time. I think it’s a very clear sign that tenant rights don’t matter if you’re brown or if you’re from another country and if you’re a migrant here.”

    For many, there’s simply not enough time to figure out their next move.

    Organizers and residents told Aurora officials they are uncertain they can help pull off the move by Tuesday morning.

    Initially, organizers asked the city to keep the apartment building open for two additional months to give the residents time to make a plan. 

    Then, organizers dropped their demands to the full 15 days allowed for by the city’s charter. 

    “We highly welcome and encourage the coordination from the City of Aurora, but for people to access the resources that they’ve made available, we, the tenants and the community, are asking for a nine-day extension,” said Nate Kassa, an organizer with the East Colfax Community Collective at a Monday morning protest at the Aurora Municipal Center. 

    Andrea Fuenmayor, a mother of two, said she still has no place to go after she leaves.

    “The only support I need is a little more time,” she said.

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  • Denver voters will decide if qualified non-citizens can apply for police and fire jobs

    Denver voters will decide if qualified non-citizens can apply for police and fire jobs

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    The change could help Denver staff civil service roles like the Police Department. 

    With a mock structure fire burning above them, Denver Fire Department recruits pull a hose into the building during “Hell Night” at the Denver Fire Training Center, Oct. 7, 2023.

    Hart Van Denburg/CPR News

    Denver voters will decide in November if the city will remove its citizenship requirement for police and fire department jobs. 

    The change would allow non-citizens who meet certain work and residency requirements to apply for roles in those departments, bringing Denver into compliance with federal anti-discrimination laws. 

    City Council voted unanimously on Monday to pass the question on to voters this fall. 

    If passed, applicants would still need to meet a number of physical, mental, age and education requirements that apply to all police and fire recruits. Applications without U.S. citizenship would apply to people with valid work authorization, people with legal permanent residency and those with Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals status who arrived in the country as children.

    In 2016, the city settled a lawsuit with the U.S. Justice Department over citizenship requirements for the Sheriff Department, which violated the federal Immigration and Nationality Act. 

    This new bill aims to bring Denver’s Police and Fire Departments in line. 

    A 2023 state bill lifted a ban on certain non-citizens carrying firearms, a requirement for some of those jobs.

    Councilmember Jamie Torres is cosponsoring the bill with Council President Amanda Sandoval.

    “We absolutely are standing right in the face of employment discrimination, and I don’t want to see that in our charter, in any of our code, and for us to just look like we can ignore it until the Department of Justice comes knocking at our door,” Torres said. “I think it’s responsible for us to make sure that we lift that barrier and that issue proactively. And that I think is one thing, but the other is it’s the right thing to do.”

    Qualified applicants without citizenship can already serve in the Denver Sheriff Department and several other city roles. 

    Many other cities including Aurora already allow non-citizens to serve in police and fire departments. Denver’s Civil Service Commission, a few nonprofits that work with immigrants and leadership from both Fire and Police departments wrote letters in support of the change. 

    Torres emphasized that the proposal is not in response to the influx of new immigrants in Denver. That group of newcomers would not be eligible for these jobs until they received legal permanent residency or work authorization. 

    But the potential change does come as Denver struggles with staffing in civil service roles like the Police Department. 

    “I saw a lot of the misinformation headlines out there tying this to quote-unquote ‘illegal immigrants,’ which I hate, but it isn’t for undocumented residents,” she said. “I think people needed to be reminded that we still have rules and laws and vetting in place for any job, not just our safety jobs.”

    Denver voters will decide on Nov. 5.

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  • How one Denver school supported new immigrant students is at the center of a new documentary from CBS Colorado

    How one Denver school supported new immigrant students is at the center of a new documentary from CBS Colorado

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    McMeen Elementary knows first-hand what it’s like to absorb some of the thousands of new immigrants that came from Venezuela and other places to Denver this last school year. 

    The school is a magnet for immigrants — boasting students from 25 countries. 

    A new film, “McMeen in the Middle, Denver’s Migrant Crisis,” profiles the real-life challenges for the new students and their families and the burden felt by teachers, DPS administrators and the community as they tried to meet the needs of the newcomers.

    Denver Public Schools received about 4,700 students in the unprecedented school year.

    The film’s producer, Anna Alejo of CBS News Colorado, said while reporting on the arrival of new immigrants to Denver and the costs associated with the migration, McMeen Elementary in the Washington Virginia Vale neighborhood stood out. 

    “It was clear that [this] was an opportunity to witness up close how the arrival of so many new children every week was affecting classrooms and how the school … had a limited ability to respond,” Alejo said. 

    Teachers grapple with the stress of supporting new students

    Soledad Montecino, who herself immigrated from Chile to the United States about 15 years ago, is among the teachers profiled in the film. 

    She was attracted to the school because of its mission to serve immigrants and its dual language program, where students are taught in Spanish and English. This past school year, her first-grade class ballooned from 29 students at the start of school to 35 by the end of the year. 

    Throughout the film, Montecino talks about the highs and lows of the turbulent year and wonders how she’ll feel when she has time to reflect back on it. 

    “Maybe one day, I’m going to feel proud of [what I accomplished this year] or maybe I’m going to resent it, because this is putting a lot of stress on me,” Montecino says in the film. “And at the end of the day, I feel like ‘Why I didn’t do more?’”

    A bright spot in a difficult year was watching the community rally around the newcomers, Montecino said. Families brought in clothes and donated money to support field trips and other activities for the students. 

    Montecino said students came to first grade without knowing any letters or their sounds.

    “[Things] like holding a pencil or how to write down their names,” Montecino said. 
    “Everything was new.”

    The chance was especially taxing early in the school year when a new student arrived in her classroom every two or three weeks, she said. At the same time, the arrivals allowed her other students to be helpers, guiding the newcomers through the transition to a new classroom and a new country.

    Montecino noted it was surprising that many of the students talked about their journeys to the United States in positive terms, despite the extraordinary challenges of the multi-country trek. 

    During a unit on animals and their habitat, she said the newcomers talked about what they had witnessed. 

    “They mentioned that they saw monkeys, they saw snakes. Some of them were in a little boat and they saw alligators,” Montecino said. “For them, it was like a child going to Disneyland and telling you all of these details.”

    As kids go to school, parents struggle to find housing and work authorizations

    One of those students is first-grader Maikol Rosas.

    Her mother, Genesis Salloum, said parents like her tried to shelter their children so they wouldn’t notice the dead or injured as they made their way through difficult terrain, including the perilous and often-deadly Darién gap connecting South and Central America. 

    In the film, Salloum said they left Venezuela over a year ago because of political persecution. She said as they traveled through seven different countries, she told her children they were on a “walking trip.” 

    “Those parents and all of the adults around them did an amazing job,” said teacher Montecino, who taught Rosas. “Crossing the jungle and telling a story to the kiddos so they [could] have the sense that it’s an adventure and not something horrible because it was horrible.”

    Listen to the audio feature of this story from CPR

    Salloum said Maikol has had a difficult time adjusting to a new language, a new way of life and a new climate.

    She’s also faced significant hardships. Because many new immigrants don’t have work visas, they’ve had to contend with wage left. And, Salloum said, because one of Maikol’s siblings has a medical condition, her family has expensive medical bills to pay. 

    Alejo, the film’s producer, said she was struck by how determined Salloum was to find work despite the obstacles. 

    “She talked about how … when she knew there was a time limit on how long the families could stay in the shelter, she worked very hard every minute of the day to try to find work, to try to find an apartment they could afford,” Alejo said.

    Early on, Salloum said, she and her husband had to find work from people willing to hire them without work visas, but it still wasn’t enough to pay rent each month. 

    “It’s also important to note that given where they can afford to rent and where landlords are willing to offer them a place to stay, it’s not very safe,” Alejo said. “And that is also something that really concerns some of the educators at McMeen.”

    Ultimately, Salloum was able to get work authorization, housing and steady work. 

    But safety is still an issue. The family lives in a section of Denver near the school that has one of the highest incidents of gun violence.  

    “So it’s not easy for these families,” Alejo said. “They dream of finding a better place to live. They want to stay at McMeen because they love the school, but they would like to get their kids to a safer environment.”

    The school became a one-stop shop for a host of other needs as well. 

    Alejo said some of the young newcomers came to school hungry because their parents didn’t qualify for work permits in the U.S. and didn’t have a steady source of income. 

    During the school year, McMeen began sending students home with bags of groceries before weekends and school breaks, in addition to providing free breakfast and lunch on school days. 

    Many of the new students weren’t able to provide documentation of past vaccinations, so the school began vaccinating students. 

    Soledad Montecino is a first-grade teacher at McMeen Elementary.
    Courtesy of Anna Alejo

    Tooth decay was a problem since many of the children had received limited dental care in their native countries and had been on months-long trips, often on foot, through South and Central America without any oral care. 

    The school also brought in providers to test students’ vision and fit them with glasses. Since it doesn’t get cold in Venezuela, McMeen also began providing winter clothing to the children. 

    Alejo noted that on top of all of the student’s needs, McMeen and other schools that received the newcomers were constrained by funding since a lot of the children arrived after the state’s official October student count. 

    “The school had limited space, limited manpower and [large] class sizes and as you can imagine, it’s difficult to teach reading, writing and mathematics when you have that many first or second graders,” Alejo said. 

    Doing what’s best for students even in a tense political climate over immigration

    Given heightened concerns about immigration this election year, both Republicans and Democrats have questioned the ability of the country to absorb so many new immigrants, many in violation of US laws.

    Soledad Montecino said as an immigrant herself, she knows how difficult it is to come to a country where you don’t know the language and have to start from scratch.

    “We are here to work,” she said. “We just want the opportunity to live and work in a country where we feel safe. We don’t want anything for free.”  

    Alejo said the film set out to profile people — teachers, administrators, students and parents — at the neighborhood level who aren’t always heard. 

    “We don’t take sides as journalists,” Alejo said. “But … I hope the documentary offers a view of how migration affects people, affects communities, and the school.” 

    What’s next for schools?

    As for the upcoming school year, Alejo said enrollments are expected to stabilize. 

    Most of the new families plan to stay at McMeen, which means classrooms are preparing to have 35 students again this year. 

    Alejo said when CBS News reached out to Denver Public Schools about a plan to address crowded classrooms, officials said they would be in touch with principals at McMeen and other affected schools to see what they could do.

    Teacher Soledad Montecino said that one of the pluses of the last school year was that it provided her with the tools to be a better teacher next year.

    “I’m hoping that we can have more help, more resources, not just for the school, [but] for those families,” she said.

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    Andrea Dukakis

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  • Denver closes shelters for new immigrants. Some are still homeless

    Denver closes shelters for new immigrants. Some are still homeless

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    On a blistering afternoon in July, Amy Beck sits in her car with two other advocates working to bring new immigrant families inside and off the streets. 

    Beck’s parked in an industrial zone in Sun Valley near a warehouse shelter — one of two remaining city-run spaces in Denver specifically for newcomers without homes to stay the night. 

    Her phone’s plugged in. The AC’s blasting. An entire homeless encampment — tents and other necessities she can pop up in a pinch — waits in her trunk,  just in case somebody needs it. 

    The advocates are sweaty. They’re tired. Their work is never done.

    Beck was up late the night before trying to get a family of three — partners Henry Aguilar and Leivy Ortega, their son Josue Aguilar, and their service dog Donna — into another city-run shelter where a handful of immigrant families are staying. 

    But the shelter workers refused to allow the family to sleep there: The dog wasn’t welcome. 

    So Beck called city workers and advocates late into the night. That didn’t pan out either. Frustrated, she called the mayor’s cell phone. He didn’t answer, so she left a message. A few minutes later, her phone started ringing. People in the city were finally paying attention. 

    Even so, the family didn’t get a spot in the group shelter. They slept in their cramped car, backs aching through the night. 

    Now, Beck is making another attempt to bring the family indoors. They were supposed to arrive an hour ago, but they’re still making their way across town. 

    She’s about to make another call to city staff, trying to get answers to her questions. 

    “We want to get really clear on who is allowed in shelter and who’s not and exactly what the rules are,” she said.

    Over the past two years, Denver has supported more than 42,000 new immigrants who have arrived from the southern border.

    Some have been bussed in from Texas. Countless more have shown up from other cities across the country. 

    Some are individuals. Many are families. Most are looking for resources — housing, help with work authorization, food, medical care, and more. 

    For a while, Denver offered much of that.

    But the city, facing massive budget cuts, scaled back services dramatically. 

    Mayor Mike Johnston announced the city was transitioning from costly crisis mode to a more stable and affordable newcomer support program.  

    The city does still offer support for asylum seekers, help with work authorization and assistance finding shelter or leaving the city altogether, but advocates say it’s often not enough.

    Claudia Meza takes questions during the first day of classes in the Denver Asylum Seeker Program, at the Community College of Denver. June 13, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Each family Denver has helped has a different story. For Ortega and the Aguilars, staying with Donna, their dog, mattered. 

    They had brought her on their journey to the United States.

    They hauled her through their seven-day trek through the treacherous Darién Gap, a 60 mile stretch of roadless jungle, where they were hungry , dehydrated and the ever-present fear of deadly animals loomed. 

    The family cuddled Donna under a blanket as they rode on top of a train for seven days, walked endless miles, and eventually brought her into the United States. 

    They arrived in Texas and cradled her on the bus to New York City where the New York Times published photos of the family’s journey.

    Leivy Ortega and her son, Josue, stand outside the city’s 7th Avenue processing center for new immigrants in Sun Valley. July 2, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    They took Donna to Times Square, posed in front of the New York Times building, traveled again and braved Connecticut snow with her. 

    Along the way, Donna had become part of the family. Where they went, she went. And one night in a shelter wasn’t worth separating from her. 

    Still, the family wanted inside as soon as possible.

    Two days before, Denver shut down its last of seven hotel shelters where families had been staying in rooms, a closure process that has been in the works for several months. 

    “At our peak, we had seven hotel shelters going, and they were packed,” said Jon Ewing, a spokesperson for the city’s new immigrant response. “We’re talking a couple of families to a room. We’re talking four individuals to a room. We were renting out hotels that had suites so we would even have more room space. 

    “Essentially, we were at a point in January where we literally had the conversation where we said, ‘One more bus arrives today,’” he continued. “We did not know what to do.”

    Denver started shutting down the shelter hotels in the winter, but ultimately left some open so as not to throw families into the streets during freezing cold weather. Over the months, Denver has also closed those.

    More than 2,300 people participated in the city’s work authorization clinics, getting legal advice, and in some cases money, from the Rose Community Foundation, to pay for their expensive applications. 

    The city encouraged people to move to other cities, paying for bus tickets and airplanes. Nonprofits helped others secure apartments and space in homes with local residents. 

    Some families, however, have found longer-term shelter.

    At Mullen Home, a project of Catholic Charities, there are roughly 120 new immigrants, in families, staying there. 

    Now, the city has two short-term shelters for new immigrants: one in a gym and the other in a concrete warehouse. These spaces offer a place to get out for a few nights until people can connect with the larger shelter system. 

    As of Wednesday morning, just 16 people were staying in the two city-run shelters. 

    City officials say the demand for them is just not what it once was. 

    President Joe Biden’s recent executive order has radically slowed the number of new arrivals coming in through the southern border. 

    That means fewer people are coming to Denver from Texas. 

    But others, like Ortega and the Aguilars, are coming here from other cities that themselves have encouraged people to leave. 

    Others, who have been through the city’s new immigrant shelters and landed in apartments, are now facing eviction and another round of homelessness. They, too, want someplace to stay. 

    Many are piecing together their lives, one night at a time.

    A group of new immigrants, looking for help as they try to find housing and stability, walk to the city’s 7th Avenue processing center in Sun Valley. July 2, 2024.
    Kevin J. Beaty/Denverite

    Beck is on the phone when 11-year-old Josue, his parents Henry and Leivy, and Donna the dog finally arrive. 

    After another long night in the car, the family is ready to give the city shelter another try, hopefully this time with their dog.

    The advocates and the family chat for a few minutes and then walk into the shelter, a massive warehouse where they’re greeted by friendly, bilingual staff who hand out bottles of water.

    Makeshift desks are set up where people do intake of the residents. Roughly a dozen people sit around, charging their phones, waiting to find out what’s next, and whether they’ll be permitted to stay. 

    The building looks more fit for manufacturing than it does for shelter. Green mats are laid out for sleeping, a little cushion on the concrete floors. There are no showers to use, though portable toilets and handwashing stations are positioned outside the front door. An armed sheriff deputy and a security guard patrol the grim industrial space.

    The shelter is not designed to be comfortable or particularly humane. It’s a place where people can come inside, connect with a case worker and either find some sort of individual solution or move on to another city. 

    Most guests have just 72 hours to figure things out before staff and city officials make them move on. 

    The family waits for their information to be processed. They watch videos from their trip from Venezuela, chat and nap. An advocate hands out ice cream sandwiches and popsicles. The family devours them with glee. 

    Then they wait some more. Waiting and hoping maybe something better is coming. 

    Some new immigrants have entered the city’s already burdened general homeless shelter system. How many? Nobody knows.

    At group shelters run by the Denver Rescue Mission, the Salvation Army and Catholic Charities, the number of new immigrants staying in the facilities has not been documented.

    By law, Ewing said, the shelters are not permitted to ask about immigration status. 

    “We don’t track a person or family’s immigration status when they come to The Salvation Army for help and services,” said spokesperson Jennifer Forker. “The Salvation Army’s mission is to serve our neighbors in need. We meet human need without discrimination — as we have since 1865. We are committed to respond to the needs of our community in the best way possible with a ministry motivated by the love of God.”

    The Denver Rescue Mission and Catholic Charities declined to comment on the number of newcomers in their systems.  

    What is known: No city-run long-term sheltering options are left for new immigrants, so people who haven’t left, found apartments or are living outside are most certainly in the general system. 

    Eventually, the Aguilars and Ortega learn, once again, that they cannot stay at the shelter because of the dog. 

    Beck asks city staff to intervene. Eventually, officials help the family arrange to spend three nights in a hotel. 

    The family receives a phone number to connect with the city’s broader, private homeless services network.

    Through that, they can get in line with victims of domestic violence and others looking for longer-term shelter through the city’s nonprofit and religious homeless services system.

    They’re grateful for the help, for a bed to sleep in, for a few days of stability.

    Then they realize food isn’t part of the city’s plans. Yes, they’ll be inside. Now they have to worry about dinner. 

    Beck has 50 pounds of chicken thawing back at her house. She offers to cook some of it along with rice and bring dinner to the families. 

    Ortega grins and dances, thrilled her family will eat. 

    Around 6 p.m., Beck returns home, cooks the food and eventually goes to meet the family at the hotel. She drops off the food and helps them settle in. 

    By 11 p.m., Beck is finally back at her house. Not that she has much time to rest. Already, she’s working to help yet another new immigrant living in a car.

    “They have lost their community because the hotel closed,” she said. “They don’t know what to do next or where to park. I’m working to get them inside tomorrow.” 

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  • 5 credit card habits that earn points faster – MoneySense

    5 credit card habits that earn points faster – MoneySense

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    1. Unlock the earning potential of your everyday spending

    Everyone has expenses. The trick is to figure out how to earn rewards on the purchases you’re already making. Your best bet is to pick a card that offers boosted earn rates in the categories you spend the most in. For many Canadians, the top spending categories are groceries and gas, so paying with a card like the National Bank World Elite Mastercard can reap a lot of points.

    Let’s say your family spends around $1,000 per month on groceries and about $250 on gas. If you paid for these purchases with the National Bank World Elite Mastercard, you could earn up to 5,500 points per month—that’s 66,000 points per year just in those two categories. With 66,000 points, you could redeem for tech merchandise (like a smartwatch or tablet) or pay down your National Bank of Canada mortgage, for example.

    Here’s how it works: The amount of points earned on grocery and restaurant purchases depends on the total gross monthly amount charged to the credit card account, regardless of the purchase category. You will earn five points for every dollar in eligible grocery and restaurant purchases until a total of $2,500 in gross monthly purchases is charged to the account. After that, you’ll earn two points per dollar in eligible grocery and restaurant purchases. (The total gross monthly amount is calculated based on your monthly billing period.)

    Apply for the National Bank World Elite Mastercard between May 13 and August 15, 2024, and you could earn up to 40,000 bonus rewards points in the first year. Minimum purchase and insurance product required. See applicable terms and conditions.

    sponsored

    National Bank World Elite Mastercard

    • Annual fee: $150
    • Interest rates: 20.99% on purchases, 22.49% balance transfers and cash advances
    • Earn rate: Up to 5 points per $1 on grocery and restaurant purchases; 2 points per $1 on gas, EV charges, recurring bill payments and travel booked through À La Carte Rewards; and 1 point per $1 on all other purchases.
    • Welcome offer: In the first year, you can earn up to 40,000 rewards points. Must apply by August 15, 2024. Minimum purchase and insurance product required. Learn more about applicable terms and conditions.
    • Annual income requirement: Personal income of $80,000 or household income of $150,000

    2. Make the most of your optional spending

    There’s more to bills than groceries and gas, of course, so choose a card that rewards more of your other purchases. When you use your National Bank World Elite Mastercard to pay your restaurant bill, you could earn up to five points per dollar. Plus, with a base rate of one point per dollar spent on your card in other categories, your rewards will rack up quickly.

    3. Subscribe to rewards points

    If you’re like most Canadians, you’ve got a bunch of bills that show up each and every month, including services like your phone plan and subscriptions to streaming services. Get something back for your monthly bills by setting up automatic payments with your National Bank World Elite Mastercard. You’ll get two points per dollar for recurring payments, and you’ll never have to worry about missing a payment.

    4. Get the family involved

    When you add a cardholder to your account, all their rewards points add up along with yours in the same account, so you reach your rewards goals faster. This can be a terrific option for spouses, for example. Each person will have their own card with their own PIN, but all transactions are charged to the same account. With the National Bank World Elite Mastercard, the annual fee for each additional card is only $50 per year. 

    5. Earn more on travel

    Using a credit card is a convenient and secure way to pay for travel—and it can also let you earn rewards points. With the National Bank World Elite Mastercard, you’ll get two points per dollar spent on any travel you book through the À la carte Travel portal. Plus, every year you’ll get a travel credit of up to $150 to reimburse eligible expenses charged to your card, including flight upgrades, seat selection, airport parking, extra checked bags and access to airport lounges. And, with the included travel insurance on this card, you’ll be all set for your next journey. (Insurance coverage is limited to specific amounts. Please read the full insurance details.)

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    Keph Senett

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  • How to use your credit card responsibly – MoneySense

    How to use your credit card responsibly – MoneySense

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    What is a credit score?

    A credit score is a three-digit number, usually between 300 and 900, that banks and other lenders use to determine how likely you are to pay back your loans. The higher the number, the more credit-worthy you are to the banks.

    Your score is based on information in your Canadian credit history, such as whether you pay for your phone bill and utilities on time and in full each month. The problem is, for newcomers and others without a Canadian credit history, lenders don’t have any information. This makes it hard for people to get credit.

    Your first credit card in Canada

    If you’re young, or a newcomer, or you haven’t used credit in Canada before, you’ll need to start simply. Credit cards themselves are forms of credit, so the first step is to get an entry-level credit card and prove your credit-worthiness by paying your bills on time. Then you can work your way up.

    Entry-level credit cards usually have fewer perks than more premium cards, but they also typically have lower income requirements and a lower annual fee—in some cases, $0.

    National Bank’s mycredit Mastercard is a great example. There’s no annual minimum income requirement to apply for this card and no annual fee, making it very accessible. And, while the mycredit Mastercard doesn’t come with a full suite of included benefits, it does allow you to earn 1% cash back on recurring bill payments and restaurant spends, and 0.5% back on everything else.

    If you want more features and rewards, National Bank’s Platinum Mastercard is a good option that also has no minimum income requirement. National Bank’s World Elite Mastercard has an annual fee of $150 and comes with more perks—including an annual travel expense refund up to $150.

    4 tips for credit card use

    You already know you should use your credit card responsibly, but what, exactly, does that mean?

    • Stick to your budget
      Most entry-level credit cards come with modest credit limits. Still, it’s important you don’t spend more than you can pay off, no matter your limit. This is sometimes tricky for new credit cardholders, but budgeting is an essential part of your financial health.
    • Pay your card balance in full
      Best practice is to pay off your credit card, in full and on time, every month. Interest rates on credit cards are very high, so debt can balloon quickly if you carry a balance. Stick to your budget and don’t overspend.
    • Pay the minimum amount
      If, for any reason, you can’t pay a bill in full, make sure you pay at least the minimum amount, which appears on your bill. Credit card companies report your payment history to the credit bureaus, and even one missed payment will lower your score. You can avoid that by making the minimum payment (or more) by the due date.
    • Pay your bill on time
      Timeliness is as important as making minimum payments. It shows the credit bureaus that you can meet your financial obligations. If you need help remembering your due date, consider setting up an automatic payment through your online banking. 

    When it comes to credit cards, you should work towards paying in full, on time, every month. Every payment helps you build your credit score buy showing you are responsible with credit, and over time, you can become eligible for upgraded financial products, with more features and perks.

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    Keph Senett

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  • A credit card that deserves to be your everyday card – MoneySense

    A credit card that deserves to be your everyday card – MoneySense

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    This hard-working credit card offers generous earn rates of up to five points per dollar spent on restaurants and groceries, which is a significant spending category for most Canadians. The amount of points earned on these purchases depends on the total gross monthly amount charged to the credit card, regardless of the purchase category. You will earn five points for every dollar in eligible grocery and restaurant purchases until a total of $2,500 in gross monthly purchases is charged to the account. After that, you will earn two points per dollar in eligible grocery and restaurant purchases. (The total gross monthly amount is calculated based on your monthly billing period.)

    Another big expense—gas or EV charging—earns two points per dollar spent, as do recurring bill payments, along with any travel booked through National Bank’s À la carte Travel service. All other purchases earn a base rate of one point per dollar, so nothing goes unrewarded.

    Apply for the National Bank World Elite Mastercard between May 13 and August 15, 2024, and you could earn up to 40,000 bonus rewards points in the first year. Minimum purchase and insurance product required. Learn more about applicable terms and conditions.

    sponsored

    National Bank World Elite Mastercard

    • Annual fee: $150
    • Interest rates: 20.99% on purchases, 22.49% balance transfers and cash advances
    • Earn rate: Up to 5 points per $1 on grocery and restaurant purchases; 2 points per $1 on gas, EV charges, recurring bill payments and travel booked through À La Carte Rewards; and 1 point per $1 on all other purchases.
    • Welcome offer: In the first year, you can earn up to 40,000 rewards points. Must apply by August 15, 2024. Minimum purchase and insurance product required. Learn more about applicable terms and conditions.
    • Annual income requirement: Personal income of $80,000 or household income of $150,000

    Redeeming your rewards points

    Redemptions with the National Bank World Elite Mastercard are easy. You can use your points to shop for whichever rewards best suit you. Visit the online boutique and choose from merchandise, gift cards or travel, or invest your points in your National Bank of Canada TFSA and/or RRSP. You can also apply points to your credit card balance or National Bank of Canada mortgage. It’s quick, easy and all in one place.

    When it comes to perks, the National Bank World Elite Mastercard has the bases covered. Travellers will love the included travel and car rental insurance, and unlimited access to the National Bank Lounge at Montréal-Trudeau Airport for international flights. Plus, there’s an annual travel credit of up to $150 that you can apply to eligible expenses including seat selection, seat upgrades, airport parking, extra checked bags and airport lounge access.

    Other benefits include mobile device insurance and extended manufacturer’s warranty, so you’ll be covered for longer on virtually anything you buy with the card. (See all terms and conditions.)

    The right credit card offers convenience, security and benefits you can use. Consider the National Bank World Elite Mastercard as your everyday card.

    This article is sponsored.

    This is a paid post that is informative but also may feature a client’s product or service. These posts are written, edited and produced by MoneySense with assigned freelancers and approved by the client.

    More about credit cards:

    ® Mastercard and World Elite are registered trademarks, and the circles design is a trademark of Mastercard International Incorporated. Authorized user: National Bank.
    ® National Bank and À la carte rewards are registered trademarks of National Bank of Canada. 

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    Keph Senett

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